A History of Rich County

The Snow Lies Too Low On The Mountains Here For Utah

"The Snow Lies Too Low on the Mountains Here for Utah" BEAR LAKE VALLEY O n l y six months after John C. Fremont witnessed the Bear Flag Revolt in California, another group of overlanders left western Illinois on a cross-country trek destined to have far-reaching effects on the Great Basin and future Rich County. Fremont's report would play a pivotal role in the Mormon decision to settle within the Great Basin. Some of the Mormons who fled Hancock County, Illinois, in search of sanctuary for their new religion would ultimately settle the area around Bear Lake: first, at the northern end, in what is now Idaho, and later at the southern end near Laketown in what is now Utah. The history of Mormon settlement in Rich County and Utah in general could be said to have begun in upstate New York in 1830 with the organization of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. Declaring himself the recipient of visitations, revelations, and visions, Joseph Smith, Jr., the church's founder, is believed by his followers to have translated from gold plates the Book of Mormon, a record of the ancient inhabitants of the Americas. In addition to the Book of Mormon, Smith also later published his own revelations as the Book of Commandments and from these two works, in addition to the Bible, developed the theological framework of Mormonism. The fledgling church grew and prospered, benefiting from a number of notable conversions, including that of Brigham Young. But from the outset the Mormon church faced opposition-not only over theological matters but also over Mormon social organization. Because of the church's politics and practices, the Mormons were successively driven from Ohio to Missouri to Illinois.' It was at Carthage, Hancock County, Illinois, on the morning of 27 June 1844 that opposition to the Mormons and their prophet Joseph Smith culminated in the murders of Joseph and his brother H y r ~ mT.h~is tragic event set the stage for the great Mormon exodus from Illinois to the Salt Lake Valley. Preparations for the westward exodus began within the year. Brigham Young, the new Mormon leader, planned a tentative departure date for April 1846, but continued persecution and threats of violence prompted him to move the date forward to February. Furthermore, Illinois governor Thomas Ford made clear his inabil-ity, or his unwillingness, to protect the Mormons in Hancock County and encouraged Brigham Young to move his followers wests3 It is possible that Joseph Smith himself had plans to relocate his followers to the Rocky Mountains.* But whether or not such a plan was actually being considered before Smith's death, Brigham Young and other church leaders began to seriously study the possibilities shortly after their return to Nauvoo in August 1844. John C. Fremont's report of his 1843 expedition was carefully scrutinized, and sections of it were read aloud at a meeting of the Quorum of Twelve apostle^.^ Fremont had commented favorably on the area around Bear Lake as well as on other areas of the Bear River Valley. Though he waxed poetic about the Great Salt Lake, he was less than enthusiastic about the area around it, noting the alkaline and sandy soil." If Fremont's opinion about the Great Salt Lake Valley was some-what less than flattering, it paled in comparison to that of Lansford W. Hastings. In 1845 Hastings published his Emigrants' Guide to Oregon and California, the content of which soon became well known to the Mormons. Hastings, like Fremont, noted the "more than ordinary fertility" of the Bear River Valley but claimed the land around Salt Lake was "entirely sterile and unproductive, as [was] all that portion of the country contiguous to that lake."' The most pos-itive news about the Great Salt Lake Valley came from an encounter at Winter Quarters, Nebraska, with the Catholic priest Jean Pierre De Smet. De Smet painted a substantially more rosy picture of the area; but his description concerned itself more with that area north of the Great Salt Lake, particularly Cache Valle~.~ Although the Mormons did not venture west blindly with no destination in mind, it is not certain that Brigham Young had his mind set upon the Great Salt Lake Valley when the first wagons left Winter Quarters in April 1847. More likely the decision had been made to seek out and settle the more well-reported area of the Bear River Valley. Conceivably, the destination included the Great Salt Lake Valley, the Weber River Basin, Cache Valley, and Bear Lake Valley. Also under consideration was Utah Lake Valley to the south of the Great Salt Lake, but this was later ruled out because of potential Indian problems. This was only one of the important considerations in arriving at a decision; others included fertility of the soil, climate, and altitude of the area. Answers to these questions simply could not be made prior to the departure of the Mormons. They were gradually decided upon and answered while en route to the Great Basin. By 10 July the first caravan of Mormons into the Great Basin had committed to a route leading them away from both Bear Lake Valley and Cache Valley. With questions regarding soil fertility, Indian hos-tility, altitude, and climate having evidently been answered to their satisfaction, the Mormons struck southwest from Fort Bridger, fol-lowing roughly the trail blazed by Lansford Hastings and the ill-fated Donner-Reed party of a year earlier.9 Ultimately, the decision to settle in the Great Salt Lake Valley rather than in Cache Valley or Bear Lake Valley probably had to do with the practicality of agriculture. Both Fremont and Hastings mentioned the possible pursuit of agriculture below the 42nd parallel, but above the 42nd parallel agriculture was considered risky.'' Additionally, along the trail the Mormons encoun-tered an outbreak of sickness which some thought to be caused by high altitude and sudden temperature changes-hot days and cold nights." The Latter-day Saints were certainly aware of the cold cli- mate, for on 11 July they awoke to a quarter of an inch of ice in their water buckets.12 Furthermore, the mountains still sported a covering of snow, and this may have caused them to seek the lowest possible elevation within the confines of the Great Basin, the valley of the Salt Lake. Nonetheless, the decision to settle in Salt Lake Valley proved to be a good one, for although other areas of the Great Basin and Bear River Valley were probably superior in terms of the relative amount of arable land and potential irrigation water, the longer frost-free growing season in the Salt Lake Valley at least gave the Mormons a fighting chance to succeed agriculturally in the arid West. Bear Lake Valley remained a favored site along with Cache Valley to the north of Salt Lake and Utah Valley to the south. The Salt Lake settlement formed a base of operations for expansion into these other areas as circumstances permitted and as population demands required. Brigham Young fully intended to expand Mormon settlement throughout the Great Basin as is evidenced by his purchase of trapper Miles Goodyear's operation at the mouth of the Weber River in 1847" and his offer in November 1848 to purchase the operation of Pegleg Smith in the Bear Lake Valley." The high, cold environment in the Bear Lake Valley persuaded Young to settle farther south, but he carried on a line of communi-cation with Pegleg Smith, and Mormons were infrequent visitors to the area.15 After Pegleg's abandonment of his post in 1850, Brigham Young appears to have placed Bear Lake Valley on hold. As virtually all of the non-Mormon emigrants passing through the area after 1849 were more interested in gold or Oregon than in establishing farms locally, Young possibly felt little urgency in proceeding with the immediate settlement of an area which he already knew would require extraordinary effort because of the high altitude and severe winters. Additionally, he knew the Bear Lake region to be the domain of Chief Washakie's Shoshoni people. Mormons were already expe-riencing Indian problems in Cache Valley, and he certainly did not want to compound the situation.16 Furthermore, after 1857 the Saints were preoccupied with the approach of the U.S. army troops. Most of Utah's citizens looked to the Mormon church for lead-ership in both religious and political matters. Brigham Young had Chief Washakie of the Shoshoni. Washakie's people frequented the areas of Bear Lake and Bear River valleys. (Special Collections and Archives, Utah State University, Logan.) been appointed governor of the territory in 1850, but the other gov-ernment officials-particularly the judiciary, land agents, and Indian agents-were federal appointees whom the Mormons considered ccoutsiders,'' and corrupt outsiders at that. Tales told of Mormon bel-ligerence and ccwillfuld isregard of federal authority" soon reached ears in Washington, D.C." Recently elected President James Buchanan dispatched a large escort force, under Brigadier General William S. Harney, to Utah on 18 July 1857 to install a newly appointed territorial governor, Alfred Cumming. News of the march, orders for which were issued in May, probably reached Brigham Young prior to 24 July when three riders interrupted a Pioneer Day celebration to theatrically announce the approaching invasion. Among the Mormon faithful the threat of military invasion by United States troops quickly escalated into preparations for a holy war.'' Charles C. Rich, who would soon be involved in the settlement of Bear Lake Valley, having recently returned to Salt Lake City from the settlement at San Bernardino, California, because of the impend-ing conflict with the United States Army, wrote to his friend Addison Pratt concerning the situation: "We have come to the conclusion that we dont want them and that we wont have them. . . .We will have the Kingdom of God or nothing."19 Brigham Young and those local leaders in charge of operations in the other settlements immediately began devising plans to thwart the government's invasion of Zion. An important part of Young's plan was to use guerrilla warfare against the federal army. The first effort was to burn Fort Bridger; then attack and burn army supply trains and run off the government's cattle.'"n the event these activ-ities proved unsuccessful, Young devised a plan to evacuate the set-tlements, move south, and put to the torch a decade of the Latter-day Saints' accomplishments by burning Salt Lake City. Although Mormon guerilla activities combined with early win-ter blizzards to successfully halt the march of the army which was unable to enter Salt Lake City before the onslaught of winter, the call for evacuation south nonetheless came in March 1858. The army, now under the command of Colonel Albert Sydney Johnston, waited out the winter near the remains of Fort Bridger.'' While the army waited and the Mormons evacuated, Brigham Young and newly appointed territorial governor Alfred Cumming were able to work out a degree of compromise with the help of an intermediary, Colonel Thomas Kane. Young relinquished control of the government to Cumming in exchange for the agreement that the army would be kept separate from the Mormons. Coincident to the compromise, President James Buchanan issued a full pardon to Brigham Young and the Mormon people for any act of rebellion. When Johnston's Army entered Salt Lake on 26 June, the troops found the city deserted.22T he army marched thirty miles southwest of Salt Lake City to a previously agreed-upon location in Cedar Valley. Here they established Camp Floyd, later changed in name to Camp Crittenden. Army troops would remain at that loca-tion, apart from main Mormon settlements, until the outbreak of the Civil War some three years later. The Utah War made clear the uneasy relationship between the Mormons and the federal government. This uneasiness continued for at least the next thirty years. The Utah War also further impressed Brigham Young with the necessity of controlling other areas within the Great Basin. As early as 1857 he had sent scouting parties into the areas around Salt Lake City to determine possible routes into the val-ley which the army might take. An observation party of eleven men under the command of Marcellus Monroe left Ogden on 18 August 1857. Their main purpose was to watch for soldiers, but Monroe also scouted timber and water resources and made contact with various bands of Indians between Cache Valley and Bear Lake Valley. The party endeavored to enlist the support of the Indians should an open conflict develop between the army and the Mormons. Monroe reported on 18 August: Visited one Indian camp-chief s name Sagua-had a smoke with them and gave them some tobacco, all felt well. Bro. Jas. Brown [the interpreter] gave them the necessary instructions, they see it with a good spirit-they knew nothing of any importance about the soldiers. After traveling through the southern part of Cache Valley, the party turned east to Little Bear River and ascended the canyon of the main fork. Traveling northeast through the mountains, Monroe reported: We changed our course to N.E. and traveled through a beau-tiful Country, low range of mountains, with groves of pine quak-ing- asp-grass and water very plentiful. in a plain Indian trail-[crossed] three low divides-Travelled about 30 miles and encamped in sight of Bear River Lake. After again encountering an Indian band and repeating the ritual of smoking and giving them tobacco, the party crossed over a ridge entered Bear River Lake Valley-This valley is on the S.E. side of this Lake-some 6 or 8 miles in diameter-sev-era1 small streams running thro' it, good grass and some timber consisting of alder and cottonwood - This is one of the prettiest Lakes I ever saw-it has a beautiful sandy beach and groves of tim-ber around its margin in places. Followed an Indian trail around the lake in a northerly course-saw a mountain of sand stone-suitable for grinding stones. This lake, as near as we can ascertain, is from 5 to 8 miles wide 30 to 40 long. . . The water in this lake is strongly impregnated with soda-followed the lake some five miles . . . turned in the Kanyon leading out [across] Bear River-we found some good meadow land-cedar in abundance and no end to currents in this region-saw bear signs-crossed a ridge into another Kanyon-meadow land plenty-saw about 20 antelope-boys out after them." Leaving Bear Lake Valley, the party struck the Bear River and traveled upstream before turning southwest and leaving Bear River Valley over the divide near present-day Wanship. The party then fol-lowed the Weber River down the canyon. They made no contact with the army; the information they gathered concerning Bear Lake and Bear River valleys would be useful, however, in the years to come. A short while later, another party left Cache Valley to explore the Bear Lake region. An anonymous writer to the Deseret News noted how a group under the direction of Bishop William Maughan left Wellsville and traveled north into the Bear Lake Valley via Cub River (which ostensibly received its name because of an incident involving Maughan's group and a bear), and down the same canyon used by the first settlers to the area six years later. Maughan's party was most likely sent in order to determine possible roads in and out of Bear Lake Valley, for after descending the summit between Meadowville and Logan Canyon, they reported that "A road . . . connecting Cache and Bear Lake valleys is absolutely out of the question."" The settlement of Bear Lake Valley became a matter of renewed urgency after Congress passed the Homestead Act on 20 May 1862. This act opened up the possibility that any settler could conceivably patent land within Bear Lake Valley and other areas in close proxim-ity to Salt Lake City. In 1861 and 1862 two Mormon exploring par-ties journeyed into Bear Lake Valley. Utah Territorial Militia Colonel James H. Martineau, a member of the party, recorded how he was one of an exploring party into Bear Lake Valley, crossing the mountains at the head of Blacksmith's Fork River. In some places our trail lay along precipices, barely wide enough for a horse to pass along, and where a single false step would send one to certain death, but we had no accident. On our return by the source of the Little Bear River, we discovered a large deposit of iron ore, assaying 70 percent. Three days after our return, I started with a strong company on another tour of exploration into Bear Lake Valley, by way of Cub River, and made a thorough examination of its facili-ties for settlement, etc. I was historian and topographer, and made report to President Young that the Valley was suitable for settle-ment, it being generally supposed non-inhabitable by reason of its altitude - nearly 7000 feet above sea level. We returned by way of Soda Springs and had much difficulty and danger in swimming our horses across Bear River and other swollen, raging torrents fed by the melting snows.25 It is clear that Martineau's party explored at the request of Brigham Young and, given the number of routes used to enter and exit Bear Lake Valley, it is also clear that they too were looking for the best route for settlement. It is unknown if the Martineau Expedition also investigated the area of present-day Strawberry Canyon which was the route later used by Charles C. Rich to enter the valley; how-ever, a year earlier on 17 July, Martineau, in company with G. L. Farrell and Israel J. Clark, under the command of Colonel Thomas E. Ricks, had explored "the country lying east of Cache Valley." It is assumed they entered Bear Lake Valley via Logan Canyon, for upon leaving Cache Valley, they "crossed the main range of the Wasatch mountains, explored the Bear Lake country and mountainous region east of that valley, returning by way of Soda Springs. . . ."26 After passage of the Homestead Act, some fear developed in Mormon circles that Bear Lake Valley might be lost to non-Mormon settlers. Some non-Mormons within the territory, in order to counter the Mormon political majority, openly encouraged non-Mormon settlers. Colonel Patrick Connor, who had been dispatched to Salt Lake Valley to establish Fort Douglas after the outbreak of the Civil War, adopted a strategy of inviting "hither a large Gentile and loyal population sufficient by peaceful means and through the ballot-box to overwhelm the Mormons by mere force of numbers."27 Although Connor openly opposed Mormon political dominance, he probably did more to make possible the expanse of Mormon settlement in Cache Valley and Bear Lake Valley than any other single individual. Connor and his California Volunteers not only were sent to Salt Lake to monitor the Mormons but also to guard against Indian hostili-ties. 28 At least two settlers and one Indian died in a skirmish at Smithfield during the summer of 1860. Indian threats, both perceived and real, were common in virtually all Cache Valley settlements from Franklin in the north to Wellsville in the south." James Martineau estimated that in June 1861 "about 3000 Indians entered the valley . . . with the avowed intention of exterminating the settler^."^' By 1862 the hostile situation in Cache Valley had become acute. The rapid encroachment by Mormon settlers upon Indian lands altered the delicate ecological balance of the valley, thereby jeopar-dizing the Indians' livelihood." This certainly was not unique to Mormon settlers in northern Utah; the same drama had been play-ing itself out since the founding of Jamestown, Virginia, in 1607 and would continue through the nineteenth century. As wild game dis-appeared and as more and more of the land came under the plow, Indians often retaliated by stealing cattle and horses. Their resistance to white intrusion is understandable; as Newell Hart has written, for them "not to have resisted an invasion would have been unnatural on their part." As the "bones of their . . . ancestors . . . were entombed in [these] lands . . . their historic choice was to either keep the home-land or deposit their massacred bones alongside those of their fore-bear~."~~ Unfortunately for the Indians in northern Utah, the Shoshonis indeed laid "their massacred bones alongside those of their fore-bears." On 2 1 January 1863 Colonel Connor began mustering his troops for a march northward from Salt Lake City to Cache Valley. The march was staggered to mislead the Indians of the smallness of the force being sent against them; on 24 January another 220 cavalry troops left Salt Lake City under Connor's personal command.33 On 29 January Connor's troops engaged the Indians at their winter camp on Beaver Creek (renamed Battle Creek) near the Bear River, south-west of present-day Preston, Idaho. The Battle of Bear River ranks as one of the worst Indian massacres in the history of the western United States, with some accounts placing the number of Indians killed-many of them women and children-as high as four hun-dred. 34 The horror of the episode was not lost on Cache Valley settlers, but the massacre at Bear River was probably down-played by the settlers in the aftermath because of the advantages it opened up for them.j5 Nonetheless, through his "near annihilation of the Northwestern Shoshones," wrote Newel1 Hart, Colonel Connor, who was promoted to the rank of general for his exploits at Battle Creek, inadvertently opened up a "big land boon for the Mormon settlers, though it was certainly not his intention to so favor them."36 Utah Indian Superintendent James D. Doty reported that the massacre "struck fear into the hearts of savages hundreds of miles away from the battle field."" And the lessening of Indian tensions no doubt played a part in Brigham Young's decision to call together an historic meeting in Logan the summer following the massacre. Charles C. Rich was called to Salt Lake City from his Centerville home to accompany church president Young. Evidently Young did not reveal the purpose of the meeting until they were at the home of Ezra Taft Benson in Logan. Now what I am about to say you will do well to keep to yourselves [he told those present]. We have in our minds to settle Bear River Lake Valley; I for one would like to have a settlement there. As yet I have said nothing to anyone except Brother Benson. Now if you will keep this matter to yourselves nobody will know anything about it, but otherwise it will be telegraphed to old Abe Lincoln by Mormon Apostle Charles C. Rich, leader of the first Bear Lake settlements. (Special Collections, Utah State University, Logan.) some of these [Army] officers, and then it will be made a reserva-tion of immediately to prevent us getting it.38 Brigham Young had his mind made up not only concerning the necessity of settling Bear Lake Valley but also whom he would call to lead the expedition. Reportedly, Brigham Young opened the informal meeting by telling Rich how "Brother Benson thought you would like to go there. I never had a feeling about it, but Brother Benson and me had a talk on the subject and he thought you would be pleased to go." Rich, who had only recently returned from California, was not over-joyed at the prospect. He replied: "So far as pulling up stakes and moving my entire family, I would rather not do it." Undaunted by Rich's initial refusal, Young turned his eyes away from Rich and used what was probably one of his favorite,ploys for convincing uncoop-erative colonizers. "I will tell you what I would do," he said. "I would rather have my family altogether." Rich tried once more. "Mine are all together now," he said. The Logan meeting adjourned with Young clearly of the opinion that there was unanimity among those present. "We have said yes, that we will settle that valley; that is sufficient. . . . We calculate to be kings of these mountains. Now let us go ahead and occupy them." '9 Historian Leonard J. Arrington notes that even though Rich was opposed to the calling, he "knew he would soon have the unpleasant task of uprooting his families once more." Charles C. Rich already had been an active participant in both missionary and colonization efforts, having returned from the church's European Mission just one year prior to his "assignment" to settle Bear Lake Valley. In the 1850s he also had made a valiant effort to settle San Bernardino Valley, California. The same devotion which prompted Rich to sell his California holdings and move back to Utah when the Latter-day Saints were called to return to defend the Utah holdings during the Utah War also mandated that he accept Brigham Young's call to settle Bear Lake Valley. Although the massacre at Bear River had virtually eliminated Indian hostility in Cache Valley, the land around Bear Lake was still the territory of Chief Washakie's people. The relationship between Brigham Young and Washakie was one of mutual respect. Not wish- ing to jeopardize this friendship or create an Indian uprising in Bear Lake Valley which might give General Connor an opportunity to intervene and disrupt Mormon plans to colonize the area, Rich approached Washakie. Details of this historic meeting are sketchy and exist only in the oral tradition. It is not entirely clear whether Rich negotiated the terms with Washakie prior to leaving Cache Valley for Bear Lake Valley or whether the "treaty" was later finalized at Bear Lake." According to most sources, Washakie was perfectly willing to allow Mormon settlers into the Bear Lake Valley." One wonders, however, if Washakie would have been as receptive to the proposal before the massacre at Bear River. A practical man, Washakie realized the potential dangers and the ultimate futility of resisting white settlement; as a friend of Brigham Young, he also realized that he stood a better chance of negotiating with the Mormons than he would with the likes of General Patrick E. Connor. Therefore, Washakie permitted the Mormons to settle within the valley, but he retained that portion of the Valley at the south end of Bear Lake for the exclusive use of his people. Charles C. Rich and the first group of settlers arrived in the Bear Lake Valley on 18 September 1863, taking four days to travel from present-day Franklin, Idaho, north to the Bear River and then east approximately to the confluence of Mink Creek and the Bear River. From Mink Creek the company headed east through a natural pass later known as Emigration Canyon." The company decided to settle the west side of the valley because of the availability of water and tim-ber. 43 Rich reported back to Brigham Young, giving a "favorable description of the country[,] water [,I soil, temperature [,I grass and timber."44A dditional families soon joined the settlement. Among the first group of settlers to arrive in the spring of 1864 was Frederick T. Perris, a friend of Rich who also had left the colony at San Bernardino. Perris surveyed the initial townsite at the west end of the valley which, though the spelling would be corrupted, was named in his honor.45 St. Charles (and later Rich County) was named in honor of Charles C. Rich. Other communities also were established and sur-veyed, including Fish Haven, Bloomington, Liberty, Montpelier, Ovid, and Bennington. The surveying of these communities was directed by Charles's son, Joseph C. Rich. By fall 1864 nearly seven hundred Mormons had immigrated into the valley." In the spring of 1864 Brigham Young guided a group of immigrants into the Bear Lake Valley. Heber C. Kimball, George A. Smith and John Taylor accompanied this party. Solomon F. Kimball, a son of Heber C. Kimball, later described difficulties encountered by the group: On Monday morning, May 16, 1864, at 8:30 o'clock, this little company drove out of Salt Lake City on its journey. It consisted of six light vehicles and a baggage wagon . . . They reached Franklin, Idaho, on the afternoon of the third day. . . . There were no houses between Franklin and Paris, Idaho, consequently the program was to drive directly through to Paris in one day if possible. Taking the same route as had the first settlers the year before, the company turned east to Mink Creek and "reached the foot of the big mountain which divides Cache Valley from Bear Lake Valley." At this juncture, their journey turned interesting. The mountain was so steep that all were compelled to walk except Apostle Smith who was so heavy that it would have been danger-ous for him to undertake it, as he weighed not less than three-hun-dred pounds. The mounted men soon had extra horses harnessed and hitched to singletrees, and President Young and others, who were too heavy to help themselves, took hold of these singletrees with both hands and were helped up the mountain in this way. Coming to the aid of the company, Charles C. Rich and other settlers started up the opposite side of the pass with several ox-teams. Hooking several yokes to Smith's wagon, they hauled it up the moun-tain, but before he reached the summit his wagon was so badly broken that he was compelled to abandon it. Everybody had a good laugh . . . , it being the second vehicle broken down under his weight that day. With careful management under the supervision of President Young and council, the brethren managed to get him onto the largest saddle horse that could be found and another start was made.4' After crossing the summit, the company became mired in mud, and Kimball remarked that "to see that presidential procession wad-dling through the deep mud was enough to make any living thing smile." The mud was three feet deep in places, miring the wagons to their hubs and the horses to their sides. Most had to abandon their wagons and walk. Just as the road appeared to improve, a horseman from the rear "brought word that Brother George A. Smith's horse had given out, and that they were obliged to build a scaffold in order to get him onto another one." Once they reached the bottom of the canyon, the company rested and fed their horses before continuing on, not reaching Paris until 3 o'clock in the morning.'" Brigham Young's presence, nonetheless, brought a jubilant feel-ing to the community. In his address before the congregation outside of Charles C. Rich's log cabin, Young emphasized cooperation and reiterated that Rich was leader of the colony. The church president also called attention to the probable geographic location of the Bear Lake communities: "As to whether we are in Utah Territory or Idaho Territory, I think we are now in Idaho," announced Young. And then with a gesture towards the surrounding hills he added, "the snow lies too low on the mountains here for Utah.""'Young's casual statement about the climate and geography reinforced the Saints' uneasy feel-ing about agricultural development north of the forty-second paral-lel. Following President Young's address, similar messages of hope, faith, and courage were added in turn by George A. Smith, John Taylor, and Heber C. Kimball. Ever on the lookout for soldiers and other unwelcome white "interlopers," Kimball had written his son in November of the previous year: We are making a settlement in Bear Lake Valley; some one hun-dred families will be there this fall. Brother Charles C. Rich is the leader of the company; it is one of the best places in the moun-tains- we want to keep out the Devils if possible; they have troops all about as laying snares and traps. Never mind. God rules, and he will take care of his pe~ple.~" Only white Mormon settlers were visible to Kimball the follow-ing spring. In addition, Rich's first correspondence to Salt Lake City made no mention of any military troops or other white sett1ers.l' The following year, Rich did find the Soda Springs area bustling with both military troops and freighters preparing to depart for the Montana mines.52T he major problem of the Bear Lake settlement was not hav-ing unwanted settlers but convincing enough settlers to come and colonize the area. The Saints were blessed the first year with an unusually mild winter which allowed them the luxury of hauling logs from the nearby foothills to construct approximately thirty crude dwellings. Some of the initial settlers left during the first year, but the deceptively mild first winter convinced the majority to stay, perhaps giving them a false impression of the severity of the climate. However, the second winter in the Bear Lake Valley convinced them of the realities and the potential problems of farming at high alti-tudes north of the forty-second parallel. The summer of 1864 foreshadowed an early winter. An early summer frost froze virtually all of the vines, corn, and vegetables. A second frost in the fall destroyed the wheat crop before full maturity. By January, three and a half feet of snow blanketed the valley floor." In virtual isolation, cut off from both Salt Lake City and Cache Valley, the settlers made due with the scant provisions on hand. The previ-ous year, Rich had managed to secure provisions through the Cache Valley tithing office, but during the winter of 1864-65, communica-tion with the world outside the Bear Lake communities was virtually impos~ibleF.~ra~n klin Young left the colony between storms in November to mill grain in Cache Valley. The return trip took sixteen days and required that a party be dispatched from Bear Lake to res-cue Young and his meager cargo. By January the snows stopped Charles C. Rich from fulfilling his obligation at the territorial assem-bly; even in April, Rich's attendance at general conference in Salt Lake City required him to snowshoe the forty miles from Paris to Franklin.55 The winter of 1864-65 served notice to the Latter-day Saints that the settlement of the Bear Lake Valley would not be an easy matter. Understandably there was a great deal of dissatisfaction throughout the various settlements as the immigrants fought to survive. By spring a number of the settlers petitioned to be relieved of their call-ing. Rich responded to his dissatisfied partners by addressing them on matters of responsibility. His comments serve as a true memorial to the Mormon ideal of being "called" to settle. Brethren-in the fall of 1863 President Young called me into his office and said, "Brother Rich, I want you to go up to Bear Lake Valley and see if it can opened for settlement; and if it can, I want that you should take a company there and settle it." That was all I needed. It was a call. I came up here, with a few brethren; we looked over the valley; and, although the altitude was high, the snows heavy, and the frosts severe, there was plenty of water for irrigation purposes and plenty of fish in the lake and streams. So, with a company, I came here and settled with my family. There have been many hardships. That I admit . . . and these we have shared together. But if you want to go somewhere else, that is your right, and I do not want to deprive you of it. If you are of a mind to leave here, my blessing will go with you. But I must stay here, even if I stay alone. President Young called me here, and here I will remain till he releases me and gives me leave to Rich's plea for community spirit and maintaining a respect for one's calling did not fall on deaf ears. Many responded as Rich might have expected by staying with the settlement. Still, others packed their few belongings and headed for the warmer climate of Cache Valley. Historian A. J. Simmonds noted that many of the initial settlers to Weston, Idaho, came from the dissatisfied ranks of Bear Lake settlers." In her study of the Bear Lake settlement at Bennington, Charlotte M. Wright mentioned the disaffection of Evan M. Greene: Over the rough winter, seven of the family's cows froze to death, along with one of their horses. Evan's son Admanzah died, as did Rhoda [his daughter] and her new baby. In the spring, the family asked permission of Charles C. Rich to leave. In this case, Rich granted it, and the stricken family moved to Cache Valley.58 The "called" colony was an important part of Mormon settle-ment within the Intermountain West. Although not all settlements were called, the Bear Lake colony was an indisputable example of a "called" colony.59B ear Lake Valley did not enjoy widespread popular-ity. During the few early successful agricultural years, families moved in. Families moved out when severe winters or grasshoppers began plaguing the area. Statistics reveal that in 1863 and 1864 when the call went out, only eighteen percent of the Bear Lake Valley immigrants came from Cache Valley; the remaining eighty-two percent emigrated from other Utah cornmunitie~T.~he~s e statistics imply that Cache Valley settlers were less inclined to relocate to Bear Lake Valley and more inclined to relocate within the newly formed communities in Cache Valley. Families from older Utah communities where arable land was more at a premium were more willing to relocate in Bear Lake Valley. Still it appears that often an actual "call" was necessary to provide the motivation. A higher percentage of those settlers who immigrated to Bear Lake Valley after the initial call came from Cache Valley. This might suggest that the arable lands which opened up following the massacre at Bear River were quickly taken up by the excess population already living in Cache Valle~.F~u' rthermore, those families who moved into the Bear Lake region from Cache Valley tended to have been only short-term residents in the Logan area before moving on. Thirty-one percent of this later group of settlers came from other communities within the territory. They tended to be second-generation settlers: either children at the time of the Mormon exodus from Nauvoo, chil-dren of early arrivals in Salt Lake Valley, or individuals born in Utah. Many of these second-generation Utahns initially settled south or north of Salt Lake City where the familiar scenario of scarce land and irrigation water was being played out. In the years following 1865, there also was a high number of for-eign- born immigrants to Bear Lake Valley. Many of these individu-als and families, prior to the completion of the transcontinental railroad, came across the Mormon Trail with one of the wagon train companies, pausing only long enough to regroup in Salt Lake City before heading north to the Bear Lake Valley. The Perpetual Emigration Fund, initiated during the 1850s to help aid the foreign poor in their trip to Utah, was expanded after 1860 when Joseph W. Young successfully crossed from Salt Lake City to Florence, Nebraska, with an ox-train and managed to return to Salt Lake City in only one season. He later preached an effective ser-mon, calling attention to the fact that oxen could make the trip both Early map of Bear Lake Valley prior to the settlement of Round Valley, ca. 1864. The writing at the southwestern tip of Bear Lake makes reference to the "low, rolling" hills being covered with "bunch grasses." (Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints Archives, Salt Lake City.) ways and return in as good a shape as if they were purchased in the east and driven only one way. It thereafter became the procedure for each colony within the territory to provide wagons, supplies, provi-sions, and ox-teams which would rendezvous in Salt Lake City some-time in April for the trip east.62B etween the years 1861 and 1868, the last year of the operation, 20,426 European emigrants were brought into the t e r r i t ~ r yT. ~he~s e people, along with emigrants from the states, all needed homes and livelihoods. With the increased pressure on land in the older settlements, some of them were either sent or moved north into the Bear Lake colonies. Those who immigrated into the Bear Lake valley came by one of several routes: by way of Emigration Canyon via Soda Springs, directly from Franklin, or via Ogden to Huntsville over the Wasatch Range and down into Round Valley. None of the routes was looked upon as being particularly good. The Franklin Road was too steep, the old Emigration Road and Soda Springs route too long, and the Huntsville route barely more than a trail. Joseph C. Rich, who had initially surveyed and constructed the Huntsville route, wrote in 1868: Having just made the trip from Salt Lake City to Bear Lake Valley, I consider myself posted in regard to the manner of reaching this point; and, for the benefit and guidance of future pilgrims bound for this locality, I will give a little history of the trip and how it can be performed on the most round-about route.64 The territorial assembly appropriated $500 for the construction of the road in 1866. Additionally, $450 was appropriated to reimburse Charles C. Rich for the construction of a bridge crossing Blacksmith Fork River.65 In 1865 Brigham Young had made clear his desire to have the road constructed. Writing to Rich, Young applied some good-natured arm-twisting: "We will be quite willing to visit Bear Lake Valley whenever I can hear that the new road up from Ogden Kanyon is completed, but not before, so that if the Saints want a visit from us, they must go to work and fix the road." 66 This outlay was to no avail, however, for the winter of 1868 brought heavy snows and landslides, leaving the road impassable. During the summer of 1869, when Brigham Young again visited Bear Lake Valley, the unreliability of the Huntsville route prompted his suggestion that a road be built through Logan Cany~n.B~y' fall of the same year, the road was well underway, the construction being carried out cooperatively between the settlers of Cache County on one side of the mountain and those of Rich County on the other. The Deseret Evening News reported: The enterprising inhabitants of Cache and Rich counties have nearly completed a most commendable undertaking in the way of building up this northern portion of the territory. I allude to the new road which is now being made to connect the above named counties by a nearer and much easier route than that betwixt Franklin and Bear Lake. This new road will run through Logan Kanyon. When it is completed, which, it is expected will be within three weeks from now, it will only be a comfortable day's drive, about forty miles, from Logan to St. Charles, Rich County. This is not, however, the only advantage to be derived from the opening of this new road for the Kanyon abounds with timber of the very first quality. In view of these advantages, Bro. Hezekiah Thatcher, with his usual enterprise, has already sent for a steam sawmill, which will be put in operation as soon as practicable. The author of the piece, pen-named Monsterio, appended a post-script to his letter implying that the Cache Valley settlers would be obligated to take the road as far as Rick's Spring: Since writing the above I have learned that Bishop Peter Maughan intends, in a few days, to go up the Kanyon to personally superin-tend the making of the road, and had made a call upon all the Bishops of Cache Valley with all their forces to assist him, that the road may be completed in a few days to Rick's big spring, where they expect the citizens of Bear Lake to meet them." The type of effort being made by Peter Maughan in Cache Valley was likewise being made by Charles C. Rich in Bear Lake. Citing cor-respondence between Rich and Brigham Young, Leonard J. Arrington writes that "Rich told Young that he would call for mass participation in the road construction and then they would apportion the work out 'to the different settlements, according to their strength and place a captain over each company.'"69 Almost constant effort was required to keep the Logan-to-St. Charles route open. Yet it was much shorter than any other option and was destined to become the major route between Bear Lake and other Utah settlements. In 1880 the Logan Canyon road was altered on the Bear Lake side to descend into Garden City rather than tra-versing the ridge north into St. Charle~.~' Reliable transportation routes were of paramount importance to the continued success of the Bear Lake settlements. Every able-bodied man was expected to contribute time or money towards the upkeep not only of the roads in and out of the valley but also of the roads within the valley it~elf.T~h' e territory of Utah contributed funds for the upkeep of roads within the Bear Lake Valley until it was deter-mined that the majority of the settlements were really in Idaho. It was actually no secret that most of the Bear Lake settlements were in Idaho. As mentioned, even Brigham Young had alluded to the fact in 1864. Members of the territorial assembly must also have known the settlements' location, for an act passed in 1866 reads: All that portion of the Territory bounded south by Summit and Morgan Counties, west by Cache County, north by latitude forty-two degrees north, and east by the summit of the divide between the waters of Bear River and the tributaries of the Green River is hereby made and named Richland County, with the County Seat at St. Charle~.'~ The exact geographical location of the forty-second parallel was unknown. That boundary would not be determined absolutely until a federal survey was completed in 1872 under Daniel G. Major.73S o the Bear Lake settlers took advantage of the lack of a definitive sur-vey by refusing to be part of Idaho until such proof was furnished. Even after their incorporation into Idaho Territory's Oneida County, and later into Bear Lake County (in 1875), Mormon settlers contin-ued to look south to Salt Lake City rather than north to Boise City for all but governmental appropriations. Ecclesiastically, the Latter-day Saints of northern Bear Lake Valley would be grouped with the Saints of southern Bear Lake Valley, and, ultimately, Bear Lake Stake would extend as far south as Evanston, Wyoming. 1. See Joseph Smith, Jr., History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, with an introduction and notes by B. H. Roberts, 7 vols.(Salt Lake City: Deseret Book Co.,1966); hereafter referred to as Smith, CH. 2. Ernest H. Taves, Trouble Enough: Joseph Smith and the Book of Mormon (Buffalo: Prometheus Books, 1984), 208-9. See also Smith, CH, 6:56 1-63 1. 3. Smith, CH, 7:398. 4. See, Smith, CH, 7:547. See also Leonard J. Arrington, Great Basin Kingdom: An Economic History of the Latter-day Saints, 1830-1900 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1958) and Richard H. Jackson, "Myth and Reality: Environmental Perception of the Mormons, 1840-1865: An Historical Geosophy (Ph.D. dissertation, Clark University, Worcester, Mass, 1970), 60,90-93. Brigham Young also mentioned the needless death of the prophet when he stated: "If Joseph Smith, jun., the Prophet, had fol-lowed the Spirit of revelation in him he never would have gone to Carthage . . . Joseph intended to go West. . ." Cited in, Stanley P. Hirshson, The Lion of the Lord: a Biography of Brigham Young, (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1969), 79. 5. Arrington, Great Basin Kingdom, 4 1. 6. Jackson, Myth and Reality, 72. 7. Lansford W. Hastings, The Emigrants' Guide to Oregon and California (Princeton: University Press, 1932), 78. 8. Hiram M. Chittendon and Alfred T. Richardson, eds., Life, Letters and Travels of Father Pierre-Jean De Smet, S. J., 1801-1 873, 4 vols. (Cleveland: Arthur H. Clark Co., 1905), 4: 1404-05. 9. The Mormons encountered several knowledgeable individuals along the trail, including guide and trapper Moses "Black" Harris and Jim Bridger. Both gave accounts of the areas around present-day northern Utah which may have influenced the Mormons' decision to opt against the higher ele-vations of Bear Lake and Cache valleys. Bridger's descriptions of the area seem somewhat imprecise as recorded by William Clayton. See George D. Smith, ed., An Intimate Chronicle: The Journals of William Clayton (Salt Lake City: Signature Books, 1991), 349. Howard Egan, who also commented on Bridger's description, was less kind in his assessment of the trapper: "From his appearance and conversation, I should not take him to be a man of truth," wrote Egan. "In his description of Bear River Valley and the sur-rounding country, which was very good, he crossed himself a number of times. He said that Harris knew nothing about that part of the country. He says there is plenty of timber there; that he had made sugar for the last twenty years where Harris said there was no timber of any kind." See Rich, Land of the Sky-Blue Water, 15. 10. Jackson, Myth and Reality, 78-83. 11. Leonard J. Arrington, Brigham Young: American Moses (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1985), 141. 12. Smith, An Intimate Chronicle, 355. 13. Ibid., 355. 14. Rich, Land of the Sky-Blue Water, 15. 15. Sardis W. Templeton, The Lame Captain: The Life and Adventures of Pegleg Smith (Los Angeles, Westernlore Press, 1965), 182-95. 16. Edward W. Tullidge, Tullidge's Histories, Northern Utah and Southern Idaho, 2 vols.( Salt Lake City: Tullidge, 1890), 2:74. 17. Clifford L. Stott, Search for Sanctuary: Brigham Young and the White Mountain Expedition (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1984), 22. 18. Ibid., 25, 26. 19. Charles C. Rich to Addison Pratt, 7 October 1857. Cited in Leonard J. Arrington, Charles C. Rich (Provo: Brigham Young University Press, 1974), 218-19. 20. See J. Cecil Alter, Jim Bridger, rev. ed. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1962), 273-81. According to Alter, the Mormons may pos-sibly have purchased Ft. Bridger twice from Bridger's partner, Louis Vasquez, apparently without the knowledge of Bridger. 2 1. Stott, Search for Sanctuary, 34. 22. Alter, Jim Bridger, 272. 23. "Report of the Party of Observation, consisting of eleven men under the command of M. Monroe, started from Ogden City, Aug. [18]57. Records of the Utah Territorial Militias, microfilm, Division of Special Collections and Archives, Utah State University, Logan, Utah. 24. Deseret News, 23 June 1869. 25. Edward W. Tullidge, Tullidge's Histories (Salt Lake City: Juvenile Instructor Press, 1889), Supp Biographical Appendix, 74-75. 26. Ibid., 363. 27. Arrington, Charles C. Rich, 248. 28. Ibid., 247. 29. Tullidge, Tullidge's Histories, Supp Appendix, 74. See also Brigham D. Madsen, The Shoshoni Frontier and the Bear River Massacre (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1985), 171-74. 30. Tullidge, Tullidge's Histories, Supp Appendix, 74. Newel1 Hart places the number more reasonably at 1000. See Newell Hart, The Bear River Massacre (Preston, ID: Cache Valley Newsletter Publishing Co., 1983), 25. 3 1. Madsen, Shoshoni Frontier, 12-1 3. 32. Hart, Bear River Massacre, 1. 33. Madsen, Shoshoni Frontier, 180. 34. Hart, Bear River Massacre, 183-84. Between 250 and 300 is more accurate. 35. See transcriptions of letters and firsthand accounts of settlers in Hart, Bear River Massacre, 129-38. See also typescript of firsthand accounts of the massacre culled from the Journal History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, manuscript, Department of Special Collections and Archives, Merrill Library, Utah State University, Logan, Utah (hereafter referred to as JH). 36. Hart, Bear River Massacre, 185. Only recently has the Battle of Bear River come to be known as the Bear River Massacre. As the battle occurred during a time when the eastern half of the United States was preoccupied with fighting the Civil War, it received only scant publicity. 37. Ibid., 2. 38. The 23 August 1863 meeting is discussed in Arrington, Charles C. Rich, 249. 39. Arrington, Charles C. Rich, 249. 40. It is not clear whether any actual documentation exists regarding the agreement between Rich and Washakie. Previous writers on the history of the region, Russell R. Rich and Leonard J. Arrington, disagree whether the meeting took place after the first company arrived at Bear Lake or before the company left Cache Valley. Arrington, who had access to the personal correspondence of both Brigham Young and Charles C. Rich, which corre-spondence is contained in the LDS Church Archives and is restricted to most researchers, cites his source of information as a letter to Brigham Young from Charles C. Rich dated 18 September 1863. As Washakie was a not infrequent visitor to Cache Valley and was possibly visiting the settle-ments to obtain a feeling for his people's safety following the incident at Bear River, it is likely that Rich may have encountered him there. On the other hand, with more than 200 of his fellows having been recently slaugh-tered in Cache Valley, it was perhaps the last place he would have wanted to be. See Arrington, Charles C. Rich, 250. Russell R. Rich, whose research was done in the 1940s and 1950s, also had access to some unique documents in church archives which are now unavailable to most researchers. Rich cites and prints a letter from Charles C. Rich's son Joseph C. Rich as his main source of information about the event. Joseph was particularly close to his father and may have been more closely involved in the day-to-day operations of the Bear Lake settlements than was Charles. Rich's letter, taken from Andrew Jenson's manuscript his-tory of Bear Lake Stake is herein printed: "When father was called upon to settle this valley, he held a council with Washakie and his Indians, in 1863, in this valley, and obtained their consent to settle this valley, which was claimed by them as their summer hunting and fishing ground, the Indians at that time not being on reservations. On father's part, he agreed that when the settlers raised crops, they would give the Indians such provisions as they were able to, when they should visit the settlements and they, in return, would not molest the settlers nor steal their animals." See Rich, Land of the Sky-Blue Water, 62. 41. Rich, Land of the Sky-Blue Water, 62. 42. JH, 18 September 1863. 43. Arrington, Charles C. Rich, 252. 44. JH, 18 September 1863. 45. Arrington, Charles C. Rich, 255. 46. Ibid., 255. 47. Solomon F. Kimball, "President Brigham Young's First Trip to Bear Lake Valley," Improvement Era 10 (February 1907): 296-300. See also JH, 19 May 1864. 48. Kimball, "Brigham Young's First Trip," 298. 49. Ibid. 50. JH, 8 November 1863. 5 1. Arrington, Charles C. Rich, 252. 52. Ibid., 255. 53. Rich, Land of the Sky-Blue Water, 44. 54. Leonard J. Arrington, "The Mormon Tithing House: A Frontier Business Institution," The Business History Review, March 1954, 28:48. 55. Journal of Thomas Sleight, 28 March 1865, typescript, Department of Special Collections and Archives, Utah State University, Logan, Utah. 56. Arrington, Charles C. Rich, 264. 57. In Lars Fredrickson, History of Weston, Idaho (Logan: Utah State University, 1972), 2. 58. Charlotte M. Wright, "Bear Lake Blizzard: A History of Family and Community Conflict in Bennington, Idaho, 1864-191 5" (M.S. thesis, Utah State University, 1986), 2. 59. Much scholarly effort has been devoted to the Mormon plan of settlement in the Intermountain West. The traditional viewpoint has been that individuals were "called" to settle various locations at different times and that the settlement of the area was a well-planned and ordered phenomenon. While allowing that called or "corporate" communities were part of the settlement of the Intermountain West, Charles M. Hatch also notes how "Migration to the corporate communities has come to symbolize the willing-ness of Mormons to sacrifice private aspirations while joining with fellow Saints and church leaders in building the Kingdom of God. It is natural for historians to characterize this symbol as reality for Mormon people. Yet the resulting stereotype obscures the role of free choice in its failure to distin-guish the corporate needs of the church from the private needs of individu-als and families." See Charles M. Hatch, "Creating Ethnicity in the Hydraulic Village of the Mormon West" (M.S. thesis, Utah State University, 1991) 22. A. J. Simmonds also has objected to "the calm assumption that Brigham Young was in charge of everything that went on in all of the Mormon colonies in the Great Basin. It seems that every other biographi-cal sketch that I pick up indicate[s] the subject of the biography was sent by Brigham Young to settle whatever town it was. That just can't be the truth. Brigham Young didn't sit like some traffic cop at the intersection of State and South Temple and direct people where to go. See A. J. Simmonds, "Looking Back," Herald Journal, 27 December 1992. 60. Statistics are taken from a comparison of biographies contained in Edith Parker Haddock and Dorothy Hardy Matthews, comp., Bear Lake Pioneers (Salt Lake City: DUP, Bear Lake County, Idaho, 1968). 61. The population of Cache Valley grew considerably during the early 1860s. Basing his population figures on the muster roles of the Cache Valley Brigade of the Nauvoo Legion, A. J. Simmonds postulates that the popula-tion of Cache Valley increased 97 percent between 1861 and 1865. "An indi-cation of just how restricted Cache settlement was in the 1860s is that no new irrigation canal was constructed in Cache Valley between 1860 and 1864. While there was probably some enlargement of existing systems dur-ing those years, the numerical increase in the valley during that time placed enormous pressure on the arable land that had been brought under culti-vation in 1859 and 1860." See A. J. Simmonds, "Looking Back," Herald Journal, 17 January 1993. 62. Gustive 0. Larson, Prelude to the Kingdom, Mormon Desert Conquest: A Chapter in American Cooperative Experience (Francestown, NH: M. Jones Co., 1947), 216-17. 63. Ibid., 227. 64. JH, 7 May 1868. Rich continues with his travelogue, noting with some humor the great difficulty undertaken to reach the Bear Lake settle-ments: The distance from Salt Lake City to Paris, Rich County, on the Huntsville road, is about 125 miles, this valley lying a little east of north from your city. Travel north about thirty-five miles to the mouth of Weber Canyon, where you can purchase, for one dollar, a ticket signed " J. C. Little", which ticket, with the assistance of a good team, strong wagon and sound constitution, will take you through Weber Canyon. A great amount of work has been done on this road, and were it not for a few hundred thousand full grown boulders that still adorn the track, you might feel some reverence for your ticket, notwithstanding the loss of your greenback. The last eight miles has been in an easterly direction. At Mountain Green settlement the road bears north east seven miles over a low chain of hills that divide Weber and Ogden Valleys. I passed over snowdrifts and in fording the south tributary of Ogden River found it high, even to run over the wagon box. At Huntsville, sixty miles distant from the south settlement in Bear Lake the road to Rich County was reported to be impassable for teams, in consequence of snow and a land slide up the canyon that had slid a portion of the road into the river, completely daming[sic] it up; and some enterprising individuals had taken advantage of this freak of nature, and were erecting a saw mill at the dam. Not being able to make the trip on this route, the only alternative is to strike west twelve miles, down Ogden Canyon, at the mouth of which a kind-hearted man charges you only a dollar and a half for the dam-ages. The road down this Canyon has not been fixed this spring, and was pretty rough, though generally, it is in splendid condition. The gatekeeper says the scenery in the canyon is worth the price of travel, and from his honest looks I would not judge him capable of misrep-resentation. 65. JH, 21 Feb. 1868. 66. Arrington, Charles C. Rich, 274. 67. JH, 20 June 1869. 68. JH, 17 October 1869. 69. Arrington, Charles C. Rich, 274. 70. Ibid., 274. 7 1. Ibid., 274. 72. JH, 10 January 1866,2. 73. Arrington, Charles C. Rich, 272.