Statesmen in the arena: The policy and politics of the ancient games

The intent of this work is to illuminate the many ways in which policy and politics influenced the games of Ancient Greece and Rome, and to demonstrate their importance in understanding the persistence of the games beyond their religiously driven origins. Utilizing numerous ancient sources, this thesis seeks to fill an academic gapamongst the contemporary studies of the ancient sporting world. While many of such works have perceived the games through the lens of the spectator and athlete, this work will take a different approach; focusing on the games from the perspective of the statesman and administrator. The sporting contests of the ancient world were not always the elaborate and populated spectacles of which we are most familiar. Spawned from early religious practices in festivities, funeral rights, and public holidays, their origins were much more humble. Gradually nevertheless, the administrators of these early games began to utilize the popularity and power of the games for other purposes. In the construction of stadiums, the vast markets that surrounded the events, and the assemblage of citizens, the games became as much tools of public planning, economic development, and public relations as they did spectacle. Furthermore, politicians of each civilizations respective peaks were able to effectively contrive the games for personal political benefits. As such, the following thesis seeks to highlight many of the relationships and long term historical trends that tie the games of the Hellenes and the Populus Romanus to the world of politics and policy. In doing so a new perspective on the games is presented, and an explanation for their continuation outside the realm of entertainment is highlighted.

STATESMEN IN THE ARENA: THE POLICY AND POLITICS OF THE ANCIENT GAMES by Zachary Max Whalen A Senior Honors Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of The University of Utah In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Honors Degree in Bachelor of the Arts In The Department of History Approved: ______________________________ W. Lindsay Adams Thesis Faculty Supervisor _____________________________ Isabel Moreira Chair, Department of History _______________________________ Matthew Basso Honors Faculty Advisor _____________________________ Sylvia D. Torti, PhD Dean, Honors College April 2016 Copyright © 2016 All Rights Reserved Z a c h a r y W h a l e n | ii ABSTRACT The intent of this work is to illuminate the many ways in which policy and politics influenced the games of Ancient Greece and Rome, and to demonstrate their importance in understanding the persistence of the games beyond their religiously driven origins. Utilizing numerous ancient sources, this thesis seeks to fill an academic gap amongst the contemporary studies of the ancient sporting world. While many of such works have perceived the games through the lens of the spectator and athlete, this work will take a different approach; focusing on the games from the perspective of the statesman and administrator. The sporting contests of the ancient world were not always the elaborate and populated spectacles of which we are most familiar. Spawned from early religious practices in festivities, funeral rights, and public holidays, their origins were much more humble. Gradually nevertheless, the administrators of these early games began to utilize the popularity and power of the games for other purposes. In the construction of stadiums, the vast markets that surrounded the events, and the assemblage of citizens, the games became as much tools of public planning, economic development, and public relations as they did spectacle. Furthermore, politicians of each civilizations respective peaks were able to effectively contrive the games for personal political benefits. As such, the following thesis seeks to highlight many of the relationships and long term historical trends that tie the games of the Hellenes and the Populus Romanus to the world of politics and policy. In doing so a new perspective on the games is presented, and an explanation for their continuation outside the realm of entertainment is highlighted. S t a t e s m e n i n t h e A r e n a | iii TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT ii INTRODUCTION: STADIUMS OF STEEL AND MARBLE 1 RELIGION, STATE, AND THE ORIGIN OF THE GAMES 4 THE POLICY AND ADMINISTRATION OF THE GAMES 16 POLITICS AND THE GAMES 28 CONCLUSIONS: SHIFTING PERSPECTIVES 44 BIBLIOGRAPHY 47 Statesmen in the Arena |1 Introduction: Stadiums of Steel and Marble Standing upon the sands of the Colosseum, beneath the auspices of Mount Olympus, or amongst the outlooks of the Circus Maximus, a contemporary sports enthusiast cannot help but feel a sense of fraternity with the athletic fanatics of the Classical world. Amongst marble facades and training grounds, the gladiators, charioteers, and Olympians of old received fame and glory for their athletic deeds; in many ways echoing the same praise and glory which accompanies the sporting heroes of today. Whether in arenas of riveted steel or marbled stone, such individuals were able to capture the crowd, removing fanatics from the worries of everyday life and placing them alongside their heroes in the arenas. This sense of fraternity between athlete and spectator are not the least of the connections which find a common thread in sporting topics of old and new. Contemporary and historical spectators alike would have found noted similarities in the many activities in which they engaged at a given venue. Laughing and cheering with comrades, attendees old and new could have taken advantage or the plentiful concessions and goods that would have lined the many shops just outside the theatrics of physical display. Individuals might have taken a break from their festivities to take advantage of such venues, and quiet their thirst or hunger. Then, having jumped at the opportunity for panem et vinum (or perhaps fresh seafood if a fanatic resided in the proper venue) the roar of the crowd would have undoubtedly beckoned fans back to their seats in the arena proper. There, dressed in their teams identifying colors, individuals vied over risky bets on favored teams or individuals, and rejoined the joyous tumult of the crowd. In all of these activities, sports fans classical and contemporary are connected by a common historical thread. Whether an enthusiast of the sharp crack of a baseball bat or Zachary Whalen |2 the ringing clang of swords, fanatics and their athletes of both periods share a remarkable number of similarities in their sporting behaviors. As a result of such commonalities, many a classicist and historian has attempted to perceive the games from the lens of the spectator and athlete. An apt comparison given many of the similarities listed above. Such analyses have provided interesting contrast to our own modern love of sports, and help contemporary society to relate to and learn from the ancient societies of Rome and Greece. In accounts of the life of a gladiator or the diaspora of a Greek sporting fan, we are able to absorb a great deal about the cultures and societies of the Latin and Ancient Greek speaking peoples. Yet, while undeniably relevant and important areas of study for the field of classics, such analyses have tended to miss out on a critical frame of perception whereby we might better understand the games. Namely, the lens of the politician and administrator. For behind every naumachia and pentathlon was a vast staff of administrators and organizers, working to pull of the grandeur of such events together. For every tethrippon around the Hippodrome at Olympus or bestiarius in the pit of the Flavian Amphitheatre, there stood a statesmen or politician there for personal benefit. Indeed, what perhaps separates modern games from the contests of the Mediterranean world are these elements of politics and policy. Something which many classicists in their works on the games of Ancient Rome and Greece have failed to capture. As an undergraduate honors thesis, this work is therefore intended to shift away from the popular perspective by which we typically perceive the ancient sporting world. Or, at the very least, to give contemporary antiquarians a new insight into the games. In conducting the research for this work, one encounters a startling practice amongst Statesmen in the Arena |3 modern classicists who have written on the world of Greek and Roman contests from the eyes of the commoner. While many authors have, in varying degrees, recognized the inherent political nature of the games, one encounters little comprehensive work done on the subject. Some classicists, such as Alison Futrell in The Roman Games, Nigel Spivey in The Ancient Olympics, or Donald Kyle in Athletics in Ancient Athens have dedicated entire chapters solely tackling the role which politics and policy played in the Ancient Games. Others have either left such battles to their footnotes or have simply mentioned their importance in passing. The problem with such an exercise is that it has restricted modern classicists and those interested in the games from seeing their political foundations and usage as forms of policy. Both of which prove integral in explaining the continued expansion and utilization of public sporting events in the Ancient worlds of Rome and Greece. Thus, through examinations of the games religious and state driven origins, analyses of the Greek and Roman games as policy, as well as the manipulation of the games as a weapon of politics, the intent here is to offer an alternate perspective of the ancient sporting world; a view from the eyes of the statesman. Ancient authors and source work have had much to say on the subjects of sports and politics. Ancient historians in their accounts, classical statesmen in their musings, and antiquated poets in their verses, all have contributed to a discussion of the role of politics and policy in the ancient games. This work will strive to bring this historical conversation to the forefront of the study of classical sports. Such a perspective will prove highly beneficial in comprehending the lasting activities and purpose of much of the ancient sporting world; and also in better separating the business driven models of the Zachary Whalen |4 contemporary sporting world from their religiously and politically driven historical counterparts. As ambitious as this project is, a few notes should perhaps be made on the nature of this work. As an undergraduate, the focus and passion of the majority of my studies has lain in the Roman world. As such, this document will tend to focus more upon the descendants of Aeneas and Romulus than it will upon the Hellenes and their admirers. However, I have strived to include relevant evidence and discussions where they augmented this work’s conclusions. Additionally, it ones hope that authors better equipped with the curriculum of the ancient world might continue this work, using their own historical knowledge and expertise to supplement the discussion where they see fit. With a proper grasp of the statesmen’s role within the arena, historical discussions of ancient sports grow that much richer within the classical academic world. Current studies of the games have highlighted many of the similarities the sporting arenas shared within the modern arena. One hopes to enlighten several of their key differences, highlighting the policy and politics ingrained into the games, and demonstrating the fundamental role they played in their conduct. Religion, State, and the Origin of the Games In order to arrive at these conclusions, one should turn not to the realm of ancient sports or politics, but instead Greek and Roman religion. For it would be in activities centered on faith and belief where the games would first find their footings, rather than the politics and entertainment value which would later drive them. Individuals engrained with modern conceptions of the separation of church and state would undoubtedly look upon the intertwined nature of the two in the ancient world in shock. In both the poleis of Statesmen in the Arena |5 the Hellenes, and amongst the Senatus Populusque Romanus, religious observation and ritual conduct was a chief responsibility of the officials of the state. 1 Founded in the time of the kings that had preceded both civilizations, it had long been the duty of the rex or basileus to ensure that due diligence was given in respect to the worship of the pantheons of each culture. Livy, for instance, tells us that it was Numa Pompilius, a Sabine and the second King of Rome, who “attended very many priestly duties himself”. 2 While Aristotle, in his Atheneion Politeia speaks of the responsibilities absorbed by the Archon Basileus from the ancient monarchies; the first of which is the “responsibility for the mysteries.” 3 From a very early period then, both civilizations intertwined aspects of faith and belief with the conduct of policy and statesmanship. It would be here, at the intersect of such responsibilities, that the Ancient Games of Rome and Greece would find their origins. Before arriving upon this intersect, it is perhaps integral then to first understand the games spiritually driven origins. For it would be the importance of religious activities which would first empower statesmen in their conduct of the games. Therefore by examining the role of religion in Greek and Roman societies as well as their impacts on the politics and administrations of each civilizations; a pattern of political empowerment should be made evident. A trend which heightened the political import of the games, and would begin to evolve them into resources of politics and policy. 1. Hansen, M. H. Polis: An Introduction to the Ancient Greek City-State; (New York, 2006) p. 118. “Ever since the ground-breaking book of Fustel de Coulanges, La cite antique, of 1864, many ancient historians have declared that religion was the most important aspect of the society of the ancient Greek Polis”. Mahoney, A. Roman Sports and Spectacles: A Sourcebook (Massachusetts, 2001) p. xii. “Public officials would be responsible for organizing and funding the spectacle as part of the religious celebration.” 2 Livy 1.20.1. “ipse plurima sacra obibat” 3 Aristotle, Atheneion Politeia, 57 Zachary Whalen |6 Ancient religion permeated most aspects of the classical world, first in Greece and later in Rome. For the Hellenes of the Mediterranean, facets of religious worship would have surrounded all features of daily life. In their households, their travels, and societal activities, the Greeks were bounded by religious observances and duties. Chief in these activities was an importance in paying respect to all of the twelve gods of Olympus. For each of these many gods held their own attributes and functions, but came together in a system of observance for the Greeks. 4 In prospects of travel, a Hellen would have expected to pay respects to Poseidon or Hermes, lest they fare the same fate which foolish Odysseus had when he blinded Polyphemus. 5 Prior to a hunt, a person might sacrifice a goat or rabbit in order to secure Artemis’s blessings. For the Greeks, and all practitioners of their religion, core to these practices was an insurance that the Gods remained out of human affairs. By appeasing the gods through sacrifice and rituals, one assured their continued passivity and favor. 6 Proper practice and observance was therefore integral to a continuation of affairs as normal, and as such proved immeasurable amongst the Greek peoples and in the activities of the state. Yet it was not only this traditional pantheon which encompassed religious observance in the Greek world. Added to this higher panoply of gods were a number of cults and personal practices which developed during the classical period. Semi-mortal individuals such as Asclepius, son of Apollo, heroes such as Achilles and Heracles, or even jovial Dionysus found their way into the religious observance of the Jones, L. “Ancient Greek Religion,” Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, Vol. 145, No. 4 (December, 2001), p.457 5 Homer, The Odyssey, 9. A Hellene need only remind themselves of the tales of Homer’s heroes to be acquainted with what the gods might do in their wroth. Odysseus spent decades of his life at sea thanks to the wrath of Hera and Poseidon. 6 Homer, The Iliad, 1 Consider the division between the Gods over the Trojans and the Greeks. 4 Statesmen in the Arena |7 Hellenic peoples through various cults. 7 Evident in all these religious practices is a protrusion of religion into all of Greek culture. Such a prevalence of the various aspects and duplicity of the societal religion speaks to its importance for the Greeks. In Ancient Rome, similar patterns would have been observable. Many of the religious practices and customs of the Greeks were adopted by the Romans through cultural and economic influences. Like the Greeks, central to early Roman religious practices were a pantheon of Gods, the chief of which were the Capitoline triad of Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva. Yet also present were a number of early cults and personal practices similar to those witnessed amongst the Hellenes, such as cults of Castor and Pollux, practices of ancestor worship, and more. Indeed one would have not been able to walk into any Roman villa without witnessing some form of religious activities. Between the imagines of the family’s noted ancestors as well as a shrine for its household penates and lar; there existed a clear permeation of societal religion in Roman life. In short, Romans found religious observance in all aspects of their lives. Like Greek travelers before them, “it [was] the usual practice of [a Roman] wayfarer with a religious disposition, when they [came] upon a sacred grove or holy place by the roadside, to utter a prayer, to offer an apple, and pause for a moment from their journeying.” 8 At the foundation of both cultures, activities of faith were at the core of almost all personal and communal activities, big or small. Considering these pervasive and encompassing religious foundations, the permeation of religion into aspects of the Greek and Roman states begins to become more 7 8 Farnell, L. R. Greek Hero Cults and Ideas of Immortality; (Massachusetts, 2006) p. 95, 280. Apuleius , Florida, 1.1 Zachary Whalen |8 comprehendible to a modern audience. With its incorporation at the heart of Greek and Roman culture, one should expect to see these relationships reflected in the activities of each state rather than their absence. An expected result which would have held up to inspection in the many offices and positions of each societies political regimes. From their monarchial origins down to their democratic and oligarchical heights, the poleis of Ancient Greece were filled with many of such offices and administrative bodies which dealt daily with the organization and practice of state religious customs. An example which has previously been mentioned, the Archon Basileus of Athens was one of such offices. A vestige of regnal responsibilities, the Athenian office was tasked with leading the religious practices of the state as well as heading the supreme religious courts of the polis. 9 The Archon Basileus was a fundamental office for the Athenians, dealing almost exclusively with religious practices, and it would persist long after the oligarchical constructs of early Athens into the polis’s democratic era. During this period, religious duties would begin to proliferate, falling upon the new institutions of Solon such as the Boule. At the outset of each day of business in Athens, the Boule would recite a prayer before turning to religious matters pressing the state. 10 Such matters could have been as simple as the execution of Athenian festival, or as complex as the mutilation of Hermae and the trial of Alcibiades. 11 It was only with the resolution of these matters that the governing body would turn to secular issues. In this manner the Boule, like the Archon Basileus, demonstrates a theme of religious incorporation into aspects of the ancient Greek state of Athens. Aristotle, Atheneion Politeia, 57 Mikalson, Jon D. Ancient Greek Religion (Massachusetts, 2009) p. 210. 11 Thuc, 6.28.2 9 10 Statesmen in the Arena |9 But the religious bodies and offices of the Attic peninsula were by no means exclusive in their adoption and infusion of religious practices into the Greek polis. Sparta, the conservative oligarchical powerhouse of the Peloponnese, was also composed of religiously obligated offices and political bodies. Its two kings, drawn from the Agid and Eurypontid houses, exercised supreme authority in religious manners during the archaic age. A tradition, which continued through the Lycurigan reforms of the 9th century BCE. 12 In the advisory body of the Gerousia were vested the powers to hear religious crimes committed against the peoples and state. Demonstrating the Lacedaemonian’s role not only in the observance of religion, but its formal protection of its practices. Be it in the Gerousia of Sparta, the Archon Basileus of Athens, or the Oracle at Delphi, religious offices and political bodies were embedded in all of the city-states of classical Greece. Representing the demands of the state to preserve many religious beliefs and practices of the cultures they represented. The same phenomenon can be perceived within the Roman Republic and Kingdom of old. From the day of its foundation by the sons of Mars, religious ties and institutions played a vital role in the administration of the city of Rome. When Rome yet remained a monarchy, it was King Numa Pompilius who would first turn his attention to the appointment of priests by the state. 13 With the religious powers bestowed upon him as Rex, Numa created the three flamines maiores of Jupiter, Mars, and Quirinus, along with a collegium pontificum and the office of Pontifex Maximus. It was the responsibility of these new offices to work in coordination with the King in ensuring the continuation of Plutarch, Life of Lycurgus, Livy 1.20; Livy depicts Numa as an individual who is not afraid to use the wrath or will of the gods to instill compliance in his peoples. On numerous occasions it seems that Numa would utilize the “fear of heaven” to pressure the Roman peoples into following his religious reforms. 12 13 Z a c h a r y W h a l e n | 10 the religious customs of the state. For instance, the conduct of the auguries or the reading of the auspices. These offices would persist down through the regal era into the Republic, retaining their important functionality in affairs of the state. Caesar, for instance, would be willing to wage his political career on the office of Pontifex Maximus “which was an object of great ambition”. 14 In the collegium pontificum, the religious platforms of the regnal era persisted, but with the overthrow of the monarchy, more religious powers were also diverted into other offices. For instance the aediles whose plebian and patrician office holders were responsible for the dies festi and venationes of the state (eventually these included the ludi). 15 Cicero, upon holding the office of aedile remarked on the continued importance of “the position in which the nation’s will [had] placed [him]. With the utmost diligence and solemnity” he swore to celebrate the festivals of “Ceres, Liber, and Libera… in the most worthy and devout fashion”. 16 Thus, many of the most important of political offices for the Romans were undeniably tied to the practice and conduct of religious customs for the Romans. As Cicero stated in his De Legibus, “all nature is governed by the force… of the immortal gods.” 17 Law and government for the Romans was, as Cicero puts it, merely “the mind of god who compels or deters all things by reason. Plutarch, Life of Caesar, 7.1-4. On the day of the election, Caesar’s mother is noted to have followed her son to the door in tears, fearing for her son. Caesar is said to have remarked that he would either return to her as “pontifex maximus or an exile.” 15 Christensen, P. and Kyle, D. G., p. 382. The ludi originated as a “vow to a divinity made by a magistrate to present games on the state’s behalf, or by a general in return for victory”. Originally composed of only the ludi romani celebrating Jupiter, their numbers quickly swelled during times of military conflict. The Punic Wars in particular resulted in a number of ludi such as the apollinares, plebeii, megalenses, and cereales. 16 Cicero, In Verrem, 2.5.36 17 Cicero, De Legibus, 1.21. 14 S t a t e s m e n i n t h e A r e n a | 11 Religion was not only at the heart of many of the administration duties of Greece and Rome, but also governed many a states’ actions as political bodies. The citizens of Sparta, for instance, were hesitant to attack Xerxes and the Persians as a result of an unfavorable omen by the Oracle at Delphi. 18 The Sicilian Expedition, the largest military excursion of the Athenian Empire, would be deterred by the vandalism of Hermae across the city streets the night prior to the expedition. 19 The Romans, superstitious individuals, were of the tendency to conduct business based on the flight patterns of birds. 20 Thus the state not only governed religion, but religious omens and practices were known to have governed the operations of the state. Military actions, public meetings, and diplomatic treaties were all conducted with the hope of favor from the gods. Further demonstrating the ingraining of religious values in the conduct of Roman and Greek policy. Thus, in all of these observances, the fundamental role which religion played in classical society and governance can be witnessed. Unlike contemporary demands for the separation of the institutions of religion and state, the Greeks and Romans of old saw no problems with the cooptation of the two. Indeed, one could remark that it became a matter of civic duty, and less an obligation of belief, to practice the ancient religious customs. For the classical societies of old, the will of the gods and the success of the state walked hand in hand. It would be at this intersect where the sporting events of old would find their foundations. In festivities orchestrated to give thanks to the gods assistance in state matters, or in the state organized celebrations praising the pantheons of old; the Herodotus, The Histories, 7.220.3-4; Who wouldn’t be warry when faced with being “destroyed by the barbarians” or achieving the death of the Persian King? 19 Thuc. 6.27-30 20 Cicero, De Divinatione, 1.39 18 Z a c h a r y W h a l e n | 12 games of Olympia, the races of the Circus Maximus, and the bloody displays of the harena would find their footing. 21 These crossroads in mind, the origins of classical sports can begin to be seen as orchestrations of the state via religion. The conventional date of the first Olympiad has generally been assigned to the year 776 BCE. 22 Yet the foundations for the highest of Greek sporting festivals had to of had origins prior to this definitive date. 23 The Roman Varro, writing in the first century BCE, stated that before this first recorded Olympiad was the “age of fable”; the contests following 776 BCE would merely be “events… contained in truthful chronicles.” 24 Looking at the historical foundations for the Olympics then, it is hard to separate myth from history. Greek mythology speaks of Pelops, an ancient king of the Peloponnese; whom having been torn apart by his father was sewn back together by the gods and instilled with divine abilities. With these powers, it is said that Pelops raced a chariot for the hand of King Oenomaus’s daughter. During the competition, the semi-mortal Pelops would defeat the basileus who lost his life in the contest. In honor of his fallen father-in-law, and as a thanks to the gods which had instilled him with his charioteering abilities, Pelops organized a funeral race below Mount Olympia and thus the first Olympic Games were held. 25 So says myth, but what of the historical evidence? There is some historical evidence for the mythos of Pelops. Christensen, P. Kyle, D. G. Companion to Sport and Spectacle in Greek and Roman Antiquity; (Massachusetts, 2013). In chapters 20 and 40, Kyle and Christensen’s compendium provide a comprehensive detailing of the roles which religion played in the development of the games. 22 Swaddling, J. The Ancient Olympic Games; (Texas, 1980). Swaddling contends that the first official games of 776 BCE were the result of the advice of the Delphic Oracle on how “to bring an end to the civil wars and pestilence which were gradually destroying the land of Greece.” 23 Spivey, H. H. The Ancient Olympics: A History; (New York, 2004) p. 206 24 Ibid. As Spivey says, “the Olympic athletic festival cannot have simply spring into being in 776. What came before?” 25 Diod. 4.73.1-6 21 S t a t e s m e n i n t h e A r e n a | 13 Pausanias in his guide to Greece, notes the barrow at Olympia marking the tomb of Pelops. 26 Pindar, in his Olympian Odes, salutes the Pelopion, a structure on the ancient Olympic grounds, as the tomb of Pelops. 27 However, are such claims evidence for Pelops existence, or merely cultural mythos prescribed on the events? Contemporary scholars have pointed to evidence of fertility festivals, which might have been accompanied by games, as the source of the Olympiad. 28 Others have contested the games as originating out of funerary rights for ancient heroes, similar to those described in Book 23 of the Iliad. 29 Regardless of their ancient origins, inherent in all explanations for the outset of the Olympics (and the Greek games in general) is a sense of religious duty. 30 Looking towards mythos, archeological evidence, and ancient accounts, all signs seem to point towards religious observance and obligation being fundamental to the early games practices. Just as religion was intrinsic to the foundation of the Greek games, the same can also be said of the early contests of the Romans. Tertullian tells us that some of the earliest of gladiatorial contests were thought to have been rituals in response to the death of prominent individuals. 31 “A practice [the Romans] were given by the Etruscans”, combatants would have contested one another in a form of elite entertainment designed to Pausanias, Descriptions of Greece, 5.12.1-2 Pindar, Olympian, 1.94. Indeed Pindar wrote a great deal of odes on most of the activities and surroundings of the Panhellenic games. 28 Spivey, H. H. p. 222. F.M. Cornford contested that the entire Olympic festival was founded upon cults of vegetation and fertility. Elements of the Pelops myth, chiefly his dismemberment and reassemblage, do fit a pattern of resurrection and renewal founded in many of such festivals; think Demeter. 29 Ibid. William Ridgeway, a Professor of Archaeology at Cambridge, purported this explanation to the foundation of the Olympic Games. 30 Kyle, D. G. Athletics in Ancient Athens; (Netherlands, 1987) p. 10-14. Kyle offers an excellent commentary on some of the religious foundations of the games. 31 Tertullian, De Spectaculis 12 26 27 Z a c h a r y W h a l e n | 14 pacify the spirits of the dead, to flatter them with special attention, and to give them a share of the energy being expended in completion. 32 Unlike the spectacles of grandeur which would characterize the contest of the later republic and imperial period, these events were of a much smaller scale. With familial members and invited guests being the only members in attendance. It would not be until the close of the fourth century, that contests of blood and violence such as these would begin to be popularized. 33 Chariot races were another matter. What could be considered the greater pastime of the ancient Romans, circenses can be accounted for in religious festivals as early as the mythic foundation of the city itself. Livy speaks of Romulus making “ready solemn games in honor of the equestrian Neptune, which he called Consualia.” 34 Marcus Furius Camillus, upon the conquest of the city of Veii in the fourth century, dedicated a number of spoils to the triad on the Capitoline, and was said to have held “great games in their honor”. 35 While ludi were not considered strict feriae, their utilization by these early figures heightened religious celebrations and dies festi. With the successes of the 4th century, however they quickly became a mainstay in the annual festivities of the state. Every year, celebrations in honor of Jupiter Optimus Maximus, the Mater Magna, and other various deities would receive processions of gifts and sacrifices, accompanied by dona of chariots and horses. Still absent would be the popularized gladiatorial contests of the Republic, though these too would eventually make their way into the panoply of religious celebration. Thus, examining the foundations for the Roman sporting world, religious Nicolaus of Damascus, Athletics 4.153. Plass, P. The Game of Death in Ancient Rome: Arena Sport and Political Suicide (Wisconsin, 1995) p.17 33 Livy 9.40.17 34 Livy 1.9.6 35 Plutarch, Life of Camillus, 5.1; Livy 1.5.24 32 S t a t e s m e n i n t h e A r e n a | 15 customs of the state and Roman society become apparently intertwined with their early conduct. Like their Greek neighbors, the Romans saw the ancient games not as sources of pure entertainment, but religious spectacles designed to gain the favor of the gods. Relatively quickly however, designations of religious festivity conducted by the state began to take a different tone in both the Greek and Roman worlds. Returning to the celebrations of Neptune by Romulus in Livy’s Ad Urbe Condita, from one of the earliest semi-historical accounts of Roman games we can begin to see religious festivities and ludi being utilized for the purposes of the state. With the Romans having grown strong amongst their neighbors on the Italian peninsula, the early city of Romulus was nevertheless faced with a crisis of longevity. “Through the absence of women there was no hope of offspring, and [to complicate manners] there was no right of intermarriage with their neighbors. Thus Romulus sent envoys amongst the surrounding nations to ask for alliance and the right of intermarriage on behalf of his new community.” 36 Fearing the rising power, Rome’s immediate neighbors declined the Romans offer of intermarriage, frustrating the King to devise other plans of repopulation. The previously mentioned games “in honor of Equestrian Neptune” which he conducted, were designed not only for religious celebration, but for sinister ulterior motives. 37 For “when the hour for the games had come, and their [neighbors] eyes and minds were alike riveted on the spectacle before them, the pre-concerted signal was given and the Roman youth dashed in all directions to carry of the maidens who were present.” 38 Thus, through the celebrations of Neptune, Romulus orchestrated a deplorable act of the state, and turned the games of old Livy 1.9.1 Livy 1.9.6 38 Livy 1.9.10 36 37 Z a c h a r y W h a l e n | 16 into a tool of policy. What had been a source of religious celebration, became a weapon of statecraft and politics designed to perpetuate the Roman existence. While semihistorical in nature, the account of the rape of the Sabine women in Livy is important then in foreshadowing what would grow to become a distinctive characteristic of the religious games of old; the integral role of the statesman. In noting the religious origins of the games, particularly as an important intersect between the pervasive religious beliefs of ancient society and the conduct of the state, elements of statecraft and policy can begin to be observed amongst the pastimes of old. Through the religious practices of the Greeks and Romans we have seen how faith and observance played in fundamental role in these societies. Just as through state offices and actions, we have seen the role which the state would play in the organization and practice of these societal beliefs. The ancient games of Greece and Rome would occupy a central role at the intersect of these two phenomena. A position which, over the course of several centuries, would grow to become dominated by ambitious and active figures of the state. The Policy and Administration of the Games By the height of their respective cultures, the former religiously driven festivities of the states of Greece and Rome would begin to shift away from their faith based functions of the past. The classical governments continued to conduct many of the ludi, dies festi, and Panhellenic games under the auspices of religion, but at their core the games intent was shifting. With the rising fortunes of the Greek and Roman worlds, more and more the governments of ancient Greece and Rome began to capitalize on the games in a new fashion; one which would take noted effect on the broader publics they served. Examining the economic development potential of the games, elements of public S t a t e s m e n i n t h e A r e n a | 17 planning and communal revitalization, and the public relation activities present in the ancient sports conduct, integral elements of policy and administrative practices begin to reveal themselves from within the religious practices of old. These elements give a new light to the games, assisting to explain their expansion and popularity amongst the Classical societies of the Mediterranean. Additionally, such perspectives provide a viewpoint not traditionally perceived in contemporary literature on the subjects of Greek and Roman sports. Rather than observing the games through the lens of the spectator or competitor, examinations of said elements give a new lens from which we might comprehend the games; the eyes of a public official To set the foundations for this frame of reference, our discussion turns to the vast vendors and markets that would have populated the Panhellenic games of Greece. Specifically, those residing at the Olympic festivities outside of Elis. At the height of the festivities at Olympus, tens of thousands of Greeks (and later Romans) would have wandered the grounds to take witness in the games many athletic activities. However events in wrestling, foot races, and charioteering represented only a portion of the many entertainments that would have been made available to the crowds. For just north of the Olympic sanctuary, a panegyreis was taking place. 39 Vendors, hailing from the scattered islands of the Aegean, to the heart of Thessaly, to magna graecia, had set up booths to sell the mighty plethora of their latest wares. As such, Panhellenic festivities gave individuals access to many of the commodities that might have not been available on a daily basis. Crowds could purchase authentic jewels from Egyptian Hellene’s stands. Perrottet, T. The Naked Olympics: The True Story of the Ancient Games; (New York, 2004) p. 7375; Perrottet gives an excellent account of the many economic opportunities that would have been made present by the sporting events of Greece, including some of the samplings mentioned above. 39 Z a c h a r y W h a l e n | 18 Some venues the presented the finest foods and oils the various vineyards of Greece had made available. Even the more carnal of pleasures were readily made present for those wishing to indulge themselves. 40 For an obol, spectators could find refreshments among the many wine vendors that populated the markets; selling red wines from Lemnos and whites from the Epirus. Food such as chickpeas with beets, sliced sausages, salted pork, and fresh figs accompanied such refreshments, giving attendees the opportunity to catch a meal while browsing the various wares for sale. When the shops began to leave something to be desired, the crowds might have turned towards the many temples and artistic gatherings that would have filled the ground. There orators proclaimed their latest tales, the most devout of worshipers would their way through the stuccoed halls of Zeus, and painters and sculptors alike displayed their works. 41 In terms of economic opportunity then, one could see the pecuniary bounty the games presented for fanatic masses and businessmen alike. For the townsfolk of Ellis, and indeed many of the various Mediterranean peoples in attendance, the games presented an opportunity to trade and conduct business with all sorts of fine tradesmen and women. Because of these transactions, a claim could be made that the athletic competitions of Greece offered many of the greatest opportunities of economic development within the Mediterranean world. A contemporary city administrator often seeks to attract a renowned business or event to bolster a municipal economy through 40 Perrottet, p. 76-79; A sex market was another integral part of any Greek festival. Promiscuity was encouraged by moralists on the ground that it would strengthen monogamy during the rest of the year. 41 Lucian, Herodotus, 1-4; It was on the Olympic grounds which Herodotus would first proclaim is magnum opus. “He recited his histories and so mesmerized those present that his books were called after the Muses, since they were also nine in number.” Indeed, one might make the claim that it was because of the venue at Olympia that Herodotus’s Histories became as popular as they would. S t a t e s m e n i n t h e A r e n a | 19 financial exchanges and job opportunities. Such opportunities would have likely been as cognizant to the ancient administrators of the Panhellenic towns and cities. Citizens of host cities such as Ellis, Delphi, and Corinth could utilize the vast crowds to pander their own wares and services, and draw revenues to help fund the games. To frame it in a perspective of microeconomics, demand was undeniably high and many locals (and to an extent many foreigners) could have capitalized upon such an economic environment. Examining the costs of such games, the economic opportunities were likely needed for the host cities as a source of revenue. Archeological digs have been fortunate to discovery upon inscriptions at Delphi detailing the costs which the local government would have had to incur for its own Pythian games. The inscriptions reveal a staggering cost behind the festivities. 42 Within their accounts are a number of contractual agreements between the towns and various individuals. One details a billing to repair the various practice fields and stadiums that occupied the venue. In another, a man is tasked with the restoration of the various shrines that crowded such events. In all these listings, a picture is presented of what the games conduct might have cost local ordinances. 43 A municipality could expect to pay several hundred drachma in order to get the present facilities in working order, never mind the various other expenses that were to be expected with the games day to day conduct. 44 For the various economic opportunities they brought however, the return on investment for such costs were undoubtedly worth it, Miller, S. Arete (California, 1991) p. 63-65 Ibid. p. 79-83. Miller provides a list of the prizes that could be expected for victors in local contests outside the crown games at Olympus, Pythia, Nemea, and Isthmia. Equating them into contemporary totals, the cost of rewards, monetary and otherwise, would have totaled into tens of thousands of dollars. 44 Perrottet, p. 45 42 43 Z a c h a r y W h a l e n | 20 and enabled a period of economic and public development for towns such as Elis or Delphi which administered the games. Such opportunities for development and growth were also present in the games and circuses of Rome. Markets would have undoubtedly lined the streets and palisades on the days of ludi. As such, contests of the blood and sand, might have been as fortuitous to the gladiatorial legends as to a savvy businessman. But rather than focus on similarities between the markets of Rome and their Greek counterparts, the venue of Colossus in particular perhaps provides an even more interesting perspective into the intertwining of policy in the ancient sporting world. For the Colosseum represents one of the more spectacular accomplishments in public planning history has ever provided. Following the great fires of 64 CE, during which Nero would colloquially ‘play his fiddle’, the last Emperor of the Julio-Claudian dynasty had planned to build a vast new imperial palace. 45 From the ruins of an impoverished center of the city, characterized by “the ugliness of the old building and the narrow, crooked streets,” the Emperor set out to take advantage of the tragedies wake. 46 The domus aurea, as the Romans would have known it, promised to represent all of the wealth and splendor typically associated with the maniacal emperor. Estimated at around 100 acres to 300 acres in size, the villa featured extravagant halls painted with gold, thus giving the complex its name. Stuccoed ceilings, painted walls, and other displays of luxuriousness accompanied the great halls in impressive displays of Imperial power. 47 Nero even went to the lengths to have a 45 Tacitus, Annales, 38-39. Ancient historians debate whether or not the devastating fires of 64 were in fact contrived by the maniacal Emperor. Tacitus claims that Nero was “at the time staying in Antium”. Cassius Dio gives the account of Nero famously playing his lyre, while Suetonius argues that the fire was caused by an insane whim. 46 Suetonius, Nero, 38 47 Suetonius, Nero, 31 S t a t e s m e n i n t h e A r e n a | 21 manmade lake constructed amongst the marshy flatlands in the area so that the villa truly felt like rus in urbe. However, beyond a statue of Colossus, the Emperors Vespasian, Titus, and Domitian would ensure that the remnants of the extravagant palace of Nero would cease to exist within the core of the city. Turning away from the entitled developments of the corrupt Emperor and the chaos which followed his demise, the new Flavian Emperors sought to distance themselves from the Julio-Claudian Dynasty and reclaim the cite of the great fires of Rome for the Roman peoples. So it was that exclusive displays of power and wealth would be replaced by one of the greatest public venues of the Roman world: the Colosseum. Situated just northeast of the Palatine where the Emperors of old ruled the vast expanses of Rome and her Empire, the Colosseum was architectural marvel. As a result, Flavian Amphitheatre provides an excellent example of the feats of public planning and development capable of being produced by Roman engineers and administrators. Funded with the spoils of the Flavians conquests of Judea, the Amphitheatre was composed all of the architectural wonders and innovations of the Roman state. A citizen desiring to spend a day at the games would have arrived in fashionable time to the arena to take place in the day’s events. Having taken advantage of one of the eighty points of entry, a citizen might then wind their way through the four corridors that composed the interior of the building, navigating the halls in order to find their seats. 48 If a spectator was of higher economic and political standard, they would make their way to the front rows to sit but a few meters above the blood soaked sands. Otherwise, an individual would have found their way into Hopkins, K. and Beard, M. The Colosseum (Massachusetts, 2005) P.128; The Flavian Amphitheatre had four main entrances by which it might facilitate traffic in and out of the arena, though these would have likely been used by performers and the Emperors party rather than the general public. 48 Z a c h a r y W h a l e n | 22 thousands of rows that composed the general seating area. 49 Lavatories and drinking fountains would have lined the halls, giving attendees the opportunity to relieve themselves of natural ails. 50Above the columns of concrete and sand dressed in classical architecture, a vast velarium provided fanatics shade from the sun’s heat. All such amenities were built to serve the tens of thousands of individuals in attendance, and would have required numerous engineers and public work officials to keep in working order. Alongside the amenities designed to provide comfort to the crowds in attendance, the Colosseum held equally marvelous feats beneath the blood-absorbing sands and pillars of stone above. For beneath the arena lie a vast complex of chambers and mechanisms designed to provide the spectacle and splendor for a day’s activities. In the dark oil lit chambers below, slaves and game-makers utilized the dozens of trapdoors and lifts to release beasts, or stage scenery for the contestants above. 51 Tunnels funneled in the lowest of slaves and the proudest warriors from the Ludus Magnus. Beasts from Africa and the Orient would have been caged, awaiting to pounce in their agitation. While the dark, dank, and packed corridors palled in comparison to the comforts being provided to the crowds above, they proved an equally impressive administrative feat. Perhaps as astonishing as these amenities and feats of entertainment was the ability of the state to maintain their functionality over the centuries. Indeed the ability for the administrators of Rome to upkeep such a facility is perhaps as remarkable as its initial construction. With all of its moving parts and complexities, one might expect the stone Or if a slave, they could have moved into the wooden rafters at the top of the arena. Ibid. p. 128 51 Ibid. p. 137 49 50 S t a t e s m e n i n t h e A r e n a | 23 structure to face considerable wear and tear after many decades of extensive use. But the Emperors and policymakers of Rome ensured that the Flavian Amphitheatre received continual renewal and repairs over its many centuries of use. Inscriptions pulled from Rome detail just a few of the many facelifts and remodels the Colosseum received in the later part of the Roman Empire, ensuring its continual use. “Good health to our lords Theodosius and Placidus Valentinianus Augusti Rufius Caecina Felix Lapadius, distinguished man, urban prefect, replaced the sand in the amphitheater as well as the podium and rear posts, and also repaired the risers for seats.” 52 Continued maintenance even allowed the survival of the most notable of the Roman arenas through natural disasters, surviving an earthquake sometime in the late 4th or early 6th century. “Decius Marius Venatius Basilius, distinguished man, urban prefect, patrician, ordinary consul, at his own expense restored the arena and podium, knocked to ruins in a dreadful earthquake.” 53 In short, the Flavian Amphitheatre provides one of the better examples of the public works and planning projects which the games brought to the Roman citizenry. From the consuming flames of 64 CE and Nero’s displays of opulence arose the most iconic of Roman venues. The public institution, while not the largest of the Roman works which would dominate the Imperial period, showcases many of the administrative and policy accomplishments gladiatorial events might bring to a community. Out of the tragedies of 64 CE, the Emperors and administrators were able to change the face of the center of Rome. Rather than allowing the region to succumb to the winding streets and apartment blocks which had characterized the district prior, the Flavians revitalized the 52 53 Mahoney, p. 90. Ibid. Z a c h a r y W h a l e n | 24 heart of the Roman capital, and in doing so forever changed the faced ancient sports. The Colosseum therefore represents a case example of how Roman administrators might have used sporting venues to revitalize a cityscape. 54 Other amphitheaters spread throughout the Empires major cities could have offered similar amenities, and would have provided communal landmarks for the communities they occupied. What is even more remarkable when examining the Flavian amphitheater is that it was actually amongst the smaller of the sporting venues of Rome. In spite of the Colosseum being presented as the greatest of venues in the Roman sporting worlds, it was the chariot and stands of the circus maximus where Rome would see it’s largest of crowds. The circus, like the Flavian Amphitheatre, also represents a significant achievement in public planning and facilities by the administrators of the Roman state. Though instead of considering complexities, the venue underscores the scale of the Roman sporting venues. It was on the fields of the Circus Maximus, where supposedly Romulus and Remus faced one another in a fraternal contention over the city. 55 Just as it would be upon the space between the Aventine and Palatine where many of the earliest of the ludi associated with dies festi would first be held. Livy tells us that the first Etruscan King of Rome Priscus Tarquinius first “marked out for the circus now called Maximus”, building seating for the entertainments that had been traditionally held on the grounds. 56 From these simple beginnings, the sporting grounds between the Capitoline and Aventine hills would slowly be developed into the largest sporting venue of the ancient world. At Pliny the Younger, Letters to Trajan, 10.39, 40. Pliny was given the task of supervising the construction of a number of public works throughout the empire. Many of which were for sports and spectacles and were funded by entire towns and communities. 55 Livy 1.6.4; Romulus took the Palatine for his augural quarter, Remus the Aventine. 56 Livy 1.35.8-10 54 S t a t e s m e n i n t h e A r e n a | 25 its height, the great chariot venue of the Roman Empire was capable of seating a quarter million individuals. 57 Tumults of spectators crowded the venue from the starting gates down to the dangerous meta where the chariots would make their turns. 58 There they cheered the sporting ‘teams’ of the Reds, Whites, Greens, and Blues while proudly displaying their team’s colors. In short, it was here that the Roman games drew their largest energetic crowds and sporting activities. Tracing the historical development of the Circus Maximus, from simple racing ground to the model for all circuses in the ancient world, again demonstrates the developmental power of the games. Like the more violent and less popular bloody contests occurring at the Colosseum, chariot racing provided Romans administrators a chance at local development and building projects. Revitalizing cityscapes and providing greater opportunities for publicly sponsored activities. Because of these developments, the games also provided another opportunity for public administrators. Given the vast number of attendees that could be expected at any sporting event, it was often the policy of statesmen to utilize such venues for public relations. 59 For the game-makers and Emperors of Rome, the munera in particular were a chance to celebrate the accomplishments, recent and historical, of the state. On the sands of the arena many a politician or administrator could conduct administrative opportunities as much as a gladiator might have with his or her weaponry. Historical re-enactments provided the state with opportunities to celebrate past accomplishments and build the Tacitus, Annales, 13.54; This number has come under contention by contemporary scholars. Many estimates have placed the true seating capacity at 150,000 to even 250,000(!) individuals. For comparison, the average American baseball stadium is capable of holding around 50,000 individuals. 58 Humphrey, J. Roman Circuses: Arenas for Chariot Racing (California, 1986) p. 171; By the Imperial Era the starting gates of the circus maximus had been supplemented with spring loaded gates, likely utilizing the same technology which power Roman artillery. 59 Again consider the quarter million individuals that might have been present at a circus or the 50,000 attendees at the colosseum. 57 Z a c h a r y W h a l e n | 26 political culture of the Roman people. 60 On a given day, with the assistance of the engineering marvels of the arena, a citizen might have been able to witness Caesar’s victory over the fierce Vercingetorix, or the punishment of brave Mucius Scaevola who gave his right hand to fire in defiance of the Clusium King. 61 Opportunities to detail historical accomplishments and magnificence of the state, helped to shape public attitudes about state actions. One could expect historical re-enactments to coincide with major military accomplishments to bolster the states victory. Or, perhaps a preemptive showing of a historical enemy to help instill a fervor amongst the people against their current adversaries. The energy at such celebrations might have held the same effect a state of the union address could accomplish today. Indeed, to perhaps demonstrate the passion of the games, the Roman statesman Seneca remarked that all who stayed home from the days celebrations would have been able to hear the mindless roars of the crowd echoing across the hills of Rome. 62 In addition to the state promulgating its own message through festivities and displays of state power, the games were also a method by which the public might communicate with the state. There was a certain sense of freedom amongst the audience of the games. Because of the setting in which they resided, many individuals took advantage of their close proximity to Emperor and his staff to articulate a number of their own needs and desires. 63 Indeed for many theaters of entertainment often granted 60 Suetonius, Caligula, 18-20; Caligula in particular had a thirst for providing his audiences with unique and creative events. They included the staging of contests on built bridges in imitation of Xerxes, sieges of mock towns, and more. 61 Martial, Epigrams, 8.30, 10.25. 62 Plass, P. The Game of Death in Ancient Rome: Arena Sport and Political Suicide (Wisconsin, 1995) p. 30 63 Futrell, A. The Roman Games: Historical Sources in Translation (Massachusetts, 2006) P. 38 S t a t e s m e n i n t h e A r e n a | 27 citizenry with the opportunity to demonstrate approval or disapproval for the princeps himself. Such freedom is recognized by ancient authors as theatralis licentia, and whether they approved of it or not the Emperors often took a tolerance of the audience’s demands at such events. The Emperor Titus for instance “had a rule to never dismiss any petitioner without leaving him some hope that his request would be favorably considered… he took such pains to humor his subjects that, on one occasion, before a gladiatorial show he promised to forgo his own preferences and let the audience choose what they like best; and kept his work by refusing no request encouraging everyone to tell him what each wanted.” 64 Even in the Republican period, Cicero remarks a similar relationship occurring between the crowds and administrators. “For in three places the opinions and sympathies of the Roman people concerning public matters can be demonstrated; in a public meeting, at the elections, and in the communal attendance at games and gladiatorial shows.” 65 Thus in many regards, the games acted as much a town hall meeting as a spectacle of sport. They were opportunities for public information to be dispelled to the masses and for the masses to log their complaints to the ruling bodies. 66 Beyond their religious origins then, the games took the shape of state policy and statecraft at the height of the classical era. In Greek markets around the towns of Ellis and other Panhellenic festivals, they served as opportunities for economic development and growth. In the public venues such as the colosseum and circus maximus, the games served as opportunities for public planning and renewal; sparking vast communal Suetonius, Titus, 8.2 Cicero, For Sestius, 106 66 Yavetz, Z. Plebs and Princeps; (Great Britain; 1969) p. 9-12. Indeed, the arena and circuses of Imperial Rome were some of the last places that masses might assembly peacefully without fear of Imperial crackdown. Emperors from Augustus to Tiberius to Nero all attempted to quell public insurrection and riots in fear of insurrection. 64 65 Z a c h a r y W h a l e n | 28 changes in the heart of the cities in which they were built. Beyond their collective footprint, the also games served as public forums; territories where citizens might express their concerns and desires to the state. While at their core there remained an intersect of state responsibilities and religion traditions, at their respective heights the purpose of the games had, in many regards, shifted. At the outset of their creation, the games of Greece and Rome had been utilized by politicians to praise the gods, and ask for their blessing in affairs of the state. By each their peaks, games were as much tools of development, planning, and public relations as they were religious festivals. They served as an instrument for social and cultural innovation with the Ancient cities they occupied, and their continued celebration therein added countless policy and administrative benefits for the statesmen of the era. Politics and the Games Yet, for many a politician, the games functioned as a very different tool. Frequently in the worlds of Greece and Rome, the policy benefits of the games came secondarily to personal fortune. For beyond their capacity in invoking public policy and communal innovation, the Ancient Games also served as an important political resource for the politicians of the eras and the climates they occupied. Alongside the construction of grand public venues, or the development of economic opportunities, the games functioned as campaign advertisements, as sources for political enhancement, and the reinforcement of executive authority. Indeed many a lowly politician or infamous statesman’s political career once hinged on the sports of Greece or Rome. If the goal of this work is to understand the political and policy driven nature of the ancient sporting world then, we will need to perceive the games from the eyes of these ambitious S t a t e s m e n i n t h e A r e n a | 29 politicians; striving to make a name for themselves with disregard for cost. There exists countless examples of such statesmen utilizing the games of Greece and Rome for their own personal benefit, enormously so in fact. For the sake of organization, such activities can be traced by their respective region and chronology. First examining the Greek games’ ability to foster or extinguish political careers, this section then turns to the Roman Republics utilization of the games as a broad source of political advertisement and campaigning. Finally, this section will track the evolution of the games from the turn of the century; tracing their evolution from sources of political publicity into restricted weapons of the Imperial cult. In each of these examinations, the ingrained elements of politics within the games should become evident and build on a perception of the games as more than a vehicle for popular entertainment and spectacle. Instead, whether in Greece or Rome, the following accountings present a picture of the games as one of the greatest of political tools in the Ancient World. Panhellenic Politics Under the tyrannical rule of Pisistratus, son of Hippocrates, the people of 6th century Athens banished a famous charioteer by the name of Cimon from their city. 67 Historical accountings detail little reason for the sportsman’s exile, but given that Cimon Coalemos (the idiot) was said to have been a man of little reputation, disorderly, and riotous, one can imagine the circumstances which might have led to his removal. 68 Whatever the conditions surrounding his exile might have been, Herodotus tells us in his Herodotus 6.103.1 Plutarch, Life of Cimon; 4.3. Coalemos’ grandson Cimon, son of Miltiades, was said to have embodied many of the same characteristics as his grandfather. 67 68 Z a c h a r y W h a l e n | 30 histories that eventually Coalemos was able to work his way back into Athenian society. “While in exile he happened to take the Olympic prize in the four-horse chariot [race]” accomplishing the same feat at the next Olympic games. 69 But rather than being proclaimed victor himself he “permitted Pisistratus to be proclaimed victor, and by resigning the victory to him he came back from exile to his own property under truce.” 70 Through his accomplishments in Athletics, Cimon Coalemos worked his way back into Athenian society, and undoubtedly saved the political careers of his progeny; Miltiades and Cimon. 71 The fame and success of Coalemos would prove to be short lived however. After a third successive victory in charioteering at Olympia, the father of Miltiades would be murdered by the sons of Pisistratus. Ambushed “at night near the town hall”, Coalemos’ athletic success proved too great a threat to his political opponents. 72 A threat which would be validated in the successes of his progeny. The account of Cimon Coalemos’ banishment and subsequent salvation highlights an early political relationship between Greek Athletics and the poleis. In victory, the games promised fame and fortune. Through successive conquests, Coalemos was not only able to fight his way out of exile, but also gain a prominent position within Athenian society. His sons and grandsons would benefit from his success, as would all who fell under his household. But the games also generated political risks. For if not because of his continued success, Coalemos might not have been attacked by the concerned sons of the infamous tyrant. Cimon Coalemos would not be the first individual, nor certainly the Herodotus, 6.103.2 Ibid. 71 Indeed were it not for the charioteering abilities of Coalemos, it might not have been Miltiades who had commanded the Athenian troops at Marathon. 72 Herodotus, 6.103.3 69 70 S t a t e s m e n i n t h e A r e n a | 31 last, to stake a claim on political fortune through victory at the Panhellenic games, but his tale is one of interest. From an early period in Greek history Coalemos demonstrated the political power the games held in the ancient Greek world. Whether the Olympic, the Pythian, Nemean, or Isthmian games; Panhellenic sporting contests held the promise of fame and fortune; both of which translated to political capital. While Coalemos might not have intended to fall into a position of political import due to his victories at the Olympic games, there can be no doubt that Alcibiades sought the path to political fortune when he entered seven charioteers into the games of 416 BCE. Born into a prominent family, Alcibiades nevertheless sought to distinguish himself from his counterparts from an early age. Prior to the beginning of his ‘public life’, Alcibiades was said to have been a capable orator, a fierce fighter, and a popular figure amongst the Athenian mobs. 73 Yet for many Athenians it would be the ambitious figure’s actions in the Olympiad of 416 which would set him apart from the other politicians of the age. For “[n]o one else ever entered seven [chariots] at the Olympic games—neither commoner nor king—but he alone. And his coming off first, second, and fourth victor transcends in the splendor of its renown all that ambition can aspire to in this field.” 74 Through the charioteers he sponsored in 416 BCE, Alcibiades was able to win great acclaim amongst the masses as well as the ruling elites. While it cannot be said that it was the sole contributor to the noted statesman’s success, the affair certainly set him apart from other great men of the era. An ode by Euripides perhaps best captures the aura that accompanied Alcibiades into his political fortune following his victories at Olympia. "Thee will I sing, O child of Cleinias; 73 74 Plutarch, Life of Alcibiades, 10 Plutarch, Life of Alcibiades, 11 Z a c h a r y W h a l e n | 32 A fair thing is victory, but fairest is what no other Hellene has achieved, To run first, and second, and third in the contest of racing-chariots, And to come off unwearied, and, wreathed with the olive of Zeus, To furnish theme for herald's proclamation." 75 For individuals like Alcibiades, the games afforded the opportunity to make a name for themselves, or bolster their position within Greek Society. The glory that accompanied success at the Panhellenic games extended from athletes to their sponsors. Citizens of the many poleis sang and wrote great praises for their cities victors, evidenced in Euripides’s account. Victors were crowned with garlands of olive, pine, laurel, and celery. They received physical rewards in the form of olive oil and wine, and could have expected many more economic rewards. 76 It is not difficult to imagine how such praise would have been attractive for an ambitious career politicians. Or, how a relative upstart might have thought to use the games of the body as an avenue into the game of politics. An excellent opportunity for social and political mobility, the Panhellenic games served many additional political purposes outside this utility. For established politicians, events such as the Crown Games provided a forum to all of Greece. 77 A location by which important executive decisions or political moves might be broadcasted to the Hellenic world. Take for instance the actions of Alexander the Great. The young basileus of Macedon, having just returned from his journeys along the Indus River, had proclaimed at the venues of Olympia that “all exiles should return to their cities, except those who had been charged with sacrilege or murder.” 78 While not physically present at Ibid. Note that Euripides lists Alcibiades as having taken first, second, and third whereas Plutarch denotes his victories to first, second, and fourth. 76 Spivey, N. The Ancient Olympics: A History (New York, 2004) p. 125-128 77 The Crown Games consisted of the Olympic, Isthmian, Nemean, and Pythian games. So called because of the crowns of olive, pine, celery, and laurel which were bestowed upon the victors. 78 Diod. 17.109.1-2 75 S t a t e s m e n i n t h e A r e n a | 33 the site of the games, the young conqueror of the Persians understood the power the Olympic grounds held as a public forum. Beginning to attempt to consolidate his newly formed empire (and his own divinity), the ruler of the known world used the vast attendance of the games to court favor with his Greek subjects; turning enemies into allies, and solidifying his reign. It was not a new strategy which the young king employed, nor was it the first time that a descendant of Perdiccas had used the venues of Olympia for a political statement. 79 Herodotus and Justin both write that the young Alexander I Philhellene, when challenged on his Greek heritage, was able to both assuage the Elean Judges of his peoples Greek heritage and tie for first in one of the Olympic foot races at the competition; thereby cementing his proclamations. 80 Alexander III’s father, Phillip, had constructed a great temple on the grounds of Olympus itself; the Philippeion. The building commemorated Philip’s victory over the Greeks at Chaeronea in 338, but also served as an important reminder for all Greeks in attendance at the games; a demonstration of the power of the Argead dynasty. In the utilization of the Olympic grounds by the Macedonians kings of old, we again see the games as a source for political revival (in the case of Alexander Philhellene), but also as a site for political proclamations and propaganda. The greatest of sporting events were, in this regard, as much a site for entertainment as they were a political forum. Traditions in utilizing Panhellenic events as political opportunities, designed to disseminate political doctrine to all of Greece and bolster personal acclaim, would persist Adams, W. L. “The Games of Alexander,” in Alexander’s Empire: Formulation to Decay; (California, 2007) p. 125-138. Adams notes the extensive utilization of the games by Alexander in his conquests in solidifying his own rule, spreading Greek culture, and providing rest and recovery for his own troops. Sourcing Arrian, he notes that the young Emperor held games in 335, 333, 332, 331, 330, 326, and 324 throughout his conquests mainly in the styles of Olympus. 80 Herodotus 5.22.1-2; Justin 7.2.14 79 Z a c h a r y W h a l e n | 34 into the Roman period. It would be at the Isthmian games of 196 BCE where Flaminius would unknowingly create a political uproar after promising the Greeks libertas from the Macedonians. 81 In the games of 67 CE, the Emperor Nero would make a similar proclamation in a campaign to improve his popularity amongst the members of the Empire. 82 In fact, using the Olympics as a venue for political proclamations was not the only emulation the unstable Emperor would attempt. Trying to capture some of the popularity which had accompanied Alcibiades and Coalemos, the Emperor ‘won’ a tenhorse chariot race alongside several other poetic competitions. 83 Thus, as can be witnessed in the actions and accounts of the lives of Flaminius and Nero, the utilization of Panhellenic games for the purposes of politics would persist long after the incorporation of the Greek poleis into the Roman world. In short then, the games of Greece served as political opportunities as much as they did athletics. For centuries, politicians and statesmen such as Alcibiades, Alexander, Nero, and more would use the forums of Olympus, Nemea, Isthmia, and Pythia to fulfill personal political ambitions, and advance their own careers. A trend which did not remain exclusive to the world of the Hellenes. Campaigns and Gladiators Examining the ways in which Roman games acted as a form of campaign engineering during the era of the Roman Republic, it is clear that later actions of Romans using Greek games for political purposes most likely came as a second nature for Roman Plutarch, Life of Flaminius, 10.3 Philostratus II, Life of Apollonius, 5.7 83 Suetonius, Nero, 24; The Emperor Nero, writes Suetonius, “received the crown” in spite of being “thrown from the car and put back in it”. 81 82 S t a t e s m e n i n t h e A r e n a | 35 statesmen. However, much like their progression from religious vestiges into a forms of statecraft, the circuses and gladiatorial contests of Rome were not always sources of political advertisement. As was witnessed in the games religious foundations, gladiatorial practices in particular had very humble origins as funerary rights. 84 Likely imported from either Etruscans, Campanians, or perhaps their barbaric nemesis, the games of old lacked the spark and flamboyance that would have been prevalent in the panem et circenses period. 85 Nicolaus of Damascus in his Athletica tells us that “the Romans staged spectacles of fighting gladiators… not merely at their festivals and in their theatres, but also at their banquets.” 86 But, while there existed a widespread appreciation for the bloody pastime in the early Republic, it remained a subdued practice amongst the patricians and wealthier classes of Rome; incapable of being utilized for broader political advertisement. However, if we chart the evolution of the games, from these humble origins to their opulent heights, we should be able to chart the engraining of politics into their conduct. As the games of swords and wheels grew increasingly popular, so too did the games of political manipulation. The earliest of circenses were similarly subdued to their gladiatorial counterparts. Romulus’s actions against the Sabine women, conducted, as we have seen, through a lure of the games in Neptune’s honor, presuppose an appreciation for chariot races amongst the Roman people even prior ad urbe condita. Tertullian states in his de spectaculis that Tertullian, De Spectaculis, 12 Welch, K. The Roman Amphitheatre: From its Origins to the Colosseum (Cambridge, 2007) p. 17; Kyle, D. G. Spectacles of Death in Ancient Rome (London, 1998) p. 82; Futrell, A. p. 4-7; There is a large disagreement amongst historians old and contemporary as to where the Romans derived their practices of gladiatorial combat. Nicolaus of Damascus cites the Etruscans in his Athletica (IV.153) as the source of their derivation. Livy cites (9.40.17) the Campanians as being the first practitioners of the bloody sport. 86 Nicolaus of Damascus, Athletics, 4.153 84 85 Z a c h a r y W h a l e n | 36 Romulus “dedicated the Equiria to Mars” after the events involving the Sabines, shifting the games away from their previous observance with respect to Neptune. 87 While still largely popular, these early games paled in comparison to those which would be conducted on the circus maximus in the imperial era. Such contests likely took place on the campus martius just outside the pomerium according to Ovid; and would likely have involved smaller teams of horses or even horseback riding. 88 The draw of the crowds would have been undeniable to the early Romans, both for religious reasons as well as those of entertainment, but again they would pale in comparison to the spectacle which would envelop the games in the later Republic; nor would they have been regarded as political weapons. It would only be with the military and political successes of the Republic, that the sporting events of Ancient Rome would being to evolve into such institutions. Following the successes of the state in the Punic Wars, its victories against the diadochoi of Alexander, and the incorporation of Greece into its domain; vast spoils of war began to find their way into the Roman capital and into the pockets of her statesmen. With such resources at hand, the traditional practices, festivities, and ludi of the Roman people began to expand in their opulence. An example of the rising cost of such activities can be seen in an account of Scipio Africanus by Polybius. “On the occasion of their father’s funeral Fabius desired to give a gladiatorial show, but because of the immense cost of such entertainments, he was unable to meet the expense, whereupon Scipio provided half the amount out of his own resources. The total cost of such as show amount to no less than thirty talents if it is done on a generous scale.” 89 Tertullian, De Spectaculis, 5.5; exinde ludi Consualia dicti, qui initio Neptunum honorabant. eundem enim et Consum vocant. dehinc Ecurria ab equis Marti Romulus dixit; quamquam et Consualia Romulo defendunt, quod ea Conso dicaverit deo 88 Ovid, Fasti, 2.860 89 Polybius 31.28.5-6 87 S t a t e s m e n i n t h e A r e n a | 37 What had begun as simple funerary rights for the deceased, or forms of popular entertainment following a banquet at a notable individuals villa, were beginning to grow in spectacle. While Scipio’s actions should stand as an outlier (Polybius certainly suggests as much) it is compelling to note the rising cost of the games by the second century. Just as intriguing is a note which Polybius makes with regards to the event. Scipio’s donation of games and wealth “became widely known, and he now gave an even more conspicuous proof of his generosity.” 90 The games gave Scipio as much an opportunity to demonstrate his own personal wealth and success to the Roman elite, as they provided a chance to prove his generosity towards his fellow Romans; in short demonstrating his political worth. Julius Caesar would take this model set by the Republican figures of the second and third centuries to new heights, and in turn perhaps provide the ultimate model for how the games could have been utilized as a source of political strategy. 91 It would be in the time of Caesar that Rome would begin to transition into the splendor and sporting magnificence of the Imperial period, and in turn see a significant shift as the games truly became a tool of political campaigning. Nephew of the famous Gaius Marius, Caesar became the head of his family at the young age of 16 following the death of his father in 85 BCE. 92 With the dictator Sulla in power, it would be a long and winding road for the young Caesar to reclaim his family’s recent prominence within the Roman political system. Making a name for himself in the military during his youth, Caesar would return Polybius 31.28.4 Futrell, p. 11. By the late Republic, gladiatorial matches had become public entertainment like the ordinary holiday games, votive games, and the triumphs, a powerful political tool for attracting voters and enhancing one’s reputation as a public benefactor. 92 Suetonius, Julius, 1 90 91 Z a c h a r y W h a l e n | 38 to Rome following the death of Sulla and claim the first of the many public offices of his career. 93 Upon his return, Caesar quickly moved up the cursus honorum obtaining first a position as a military tribune, then a position as quaestor in 69 BCE. It would be his entrance into the aedileship however, where Caesar would begin to capitalize on the power of the games to bolster his political ambition. Along with his fellow Aedile Marcus Bibulus, Caesar would conduct a number of venationes and ludi, consistent with the religious responsibilities placed upon the office of aedile. Caesar however, went above and beyond his obligations as aedile, giving celebrations both “with his colleague and on his own. The result of which was that “Caesar alone took all the credit even for what they spent in common.” 94 From an early period in office then, it would seem as if Caesar tried to make a name for himself through the games. Giving the citizens of Rome more than they might have been entitled to in order to press his popularity. We can see other examples of Caesar’s expansive use of the games in the reactions of his political rivals. For Caesar, attempting to entertain a gladiatorial display the likes of which had never before been witnessed, gathered together “a huge band (of combatants)… assembled from all quarters”. 95 But rather than draw the admiration or jealousy of his contemporaries, Caesar instead inspired fear amongst the politicians of Rome whom were “so terrified… that a bill was passed limiting the number of gladiators which anyone was to be allowed to keep in the city.” 96 Such activities evidently bankrupted the young politician, whom Plutarch quotes as being “profuse in his Suetonius, Julius, 2; Caesar’s awarding of the civic crown by Marcus Thermus following the storming of Mytilene certainly assisted in the young figures ambitious goals. As would the death of a wary Sulla in 78 BCE. 94 Suetonius, Julius, 10 95 Ibid. 96 Suetonius, Julius, 10 93 S t a t e s m e n i n t h e A r e n a | 39 expenses… even prior to any public employment”. 97 But such expenses produced what “was of the greatest value at an inconsiderable rate… [For] by these means he put the people in such a humor that every man of them was seeking out new offices and new honors with which to requite him.” 98 Caesar’s strategy of utilizing the games to bolster his own political position ultimately payed out. Within a few years of his aedileship, Caesar held the highest of religious offices in the Pontifex Maximus and would continue on towards the highest of Roman offices. While his endeavors had not been the most cost effective of strategies in an attempt to gain political prominence, Caesar had nonetheless gained the confidence and love of the Roman peoples. 99 The games for the prominent statesman were much more than a religious duty or form of social entertainment, they were the greatest of political opportunities at public outreach, and building a populist support for his campaigns in office. Indeed, one might question where Caesar might have ended up had he not undertaken the extreme authorship he had during his time as aedile. Fortunately, ancient source work has documented a failure of utilizing the games political advantages as much as they have tracked other individual’s successes. For some politicians in the Late Republic, a lack of attentiveness to the games hampered many an ambitious campaign. Cicero, in correspondence with Lucius Licinius Murena, remarks on such a phenomenon. Plutarch, Life of Caesar, 5 Ibid. 99 Futrell, p. 16; Futrell makes a strong point in the cost effectiveness of utilizing the games for campaigning. The games were inherently risky for candidates, and could have bankrupted Caesar as much as they built his image as a man of the people. Ultimately, for most candidates, the games were more a display of wealth rather than worth. Fortunately for Caesar, he held both attributes in his favor. 97 98 Z a c h a r y W h a l e n | 40 Murena was fully equipped in his handling of the games, but a rival of Cicero’s contemporary was not. Discussing their contemporaries’ failure to obtain the office of praetor, Cicero remarks that he believes it was a result of “his not having put on games”. 100 The comment, though a minor note in their overall discussion, marks the importance of the games beyond an extraneous activity. When looking at Caesar’s accomplishments it might seem that the future dictator simply used the games as an alternative path to his political success. But Cicero’s comments would indicate otherwise. For the orator, the games were seemingly essential to any career in politics. A lack of their use could derail an entire campaign. Besides seeing their essentialness to the Roman political campaign processes, Cicero also saw the inherent danger in the power of the games. Between Caesar’s rapid ascension to power, and a growing threat in Cataline, Cicero made a number of legal proposals in 63 BCE in an attempt to curb what the politician considered rising forms of ambitus within the state. 101 In his lex tullia, Cicero limited the timeframes during which officeholders might hold shows of gladiatorial contests or otherwise. The “law expressly forbids any one to exhibit shows of gladiators within two years of his standing, or being about to stand for an office, unless he does so in compliance with a will on a day appointed in the will.” 102 Such reforms were not the only reforms touted by Cicero in an attempt to curb corruption. But, they again speak to the power the games held in the minds of Romans politicians as well as in action. For politicians like Cicero gladiatorial contests, chariot racing, and other sporting events were more than opportunities at Cicero, Pro Murena, 37-39 T. “Ambitus in the Roman Republic,” RIDA 41: p. 427- 428 102 Cicero, In Vatinius, 37 100 101Wallinga, S t a t e s m e n i n t h e A r e n a | 41 political recruitment. In the passion and vibrancy of the stands, the games represented a chance to corrupt the minds of the crowd, and unfairly influence electoral outcome. A Tool of the Emperor This politically threatening nature described by Cicero, along with the games power of political enhancement exemplified with Caesar, would carry over into the Imperial era of the Roman State. With the consolidation of the Republic’s territories under Octavian, the Rome entered an era of peace and stability which it had not witnessed in decades. In addition to the military pacification of the many territories encompassing the Republic, the new Imperatores of Rome began to consolidate their own political powers through the vestiges of the old Republic. 103 One of such traditions that began to be woven into the imperial cult was the use of public games as an enhancement of political achievement. The ludi began to be commemorated in the name of the Emperor and his family, and were inflated in grandeur. 104 Augustus, in his res gestae, details these evolutions and expansions in the practice and conduct of the games. Three times I gave shows of gladiators under my name and five times under the name of my sons and grandsons; in these shows about 10,000 men fought. Twice I furnished under my name spectacles of athletes gathered from everywhere, and three times under my grandson's name. I celebrated games under my name four times, and furthermore in the place of other magistrates twenty-three times. As master of the college I celebrated the secular games for the college of the Fifteen, with my colleague Marcus Agrippa, when Gaius Furnius and Gaius Silanus were consuls (17 B.C.E.). Consul for the thirteenth time (2 B.C.E.), I celebrated the first games of Mas, which after that time thereafter in following years, by a senate decree and a law, the consuls were to celebrate. Twenty-six times, under my name or that of my sons and grandsons, I gave the people hunts of African beasts in the circus, in the open, or in the amphitheater; in them about 3,500 beasts were killed. I gave the people a spectacle of a naval battle, in the place across the Tiber where the grove of the Caesars is 103 104 Particularly Augustus with the tribunica potestas, princeps senatus, and maius imperium. Futrell, A. p. 29 Z a c h a r y W h a l e n | 42 now, with the ground excavated in length 1,800 feet, in width 1,200, in which thirty beaked ships, biremes or triremes, but many smaller, fought among themselves; in these ships about 3,000 men fought in addition to the rowers. 105 In all the magnificence of these activities, there seems to be a conscious emulation by the Emperor of his adoptive father. The games would have bolstered the popularity of the Emperor in the eyes of the Roman people, and heightened the power of the JulioClaudian dynasty. The descendants of the Julio-Claudian and Flavian dynasties would continue the model set by Caesar and Augustus. The Emperor Claudius “gave many gladiatorial shows and in many places… there was no form of entertainment which he was more familiar and free.” 106 Domitian “frequently gave magnificent, sumptuous spectacles, not only in the amphitheater but also in the circus, where in addition to the annual races for two and four horse chariots he put on a double battle, with both cavalry and foot soldiers.” 107 Beyond Caesar and Augustus then, the games would retain their magnificence in the imperial lineage. In this regard, the games served as an important tool in building and maintaining the political popularity and support for the Imperial household. Much in the same regard to which they had built the political foundations for many a campaign in the Late Republic. But, as Cicero contended in the Late Republic, the games still represented a political threat for the new executives of the state as much as they did an opportunity. As such, Emperors also attempted to limit the ability for other individuals to capitalize on the political benefits of the games, and firmly place the responsibility of their conduct under Augustus, Res Gestae, 22-23 Suetonius, Claudius, 21 107 Suetonius, Domitian, 4 105 106 S t a t e s m e n i n t h e A r e n a | 43 the office of the Emperor. Augustus himself began the trend early in his tenure, cutting back on how much games could serve as career builders for budding politicians. 108 To the praetors he “committed the charge of all the festivals” and forbade “any one of them to spend more than another from his own means on these festivals, or to give a gladiatorial combat unless the senate decreed it, or, in fact, more often than twice in each year or with more than one hundred and twenty men.” 109 In doing so, Augustus limited political contenders to his own position, and began to cement the power of the games under the office of the Emperor. Outside of himself, there would have remained few individuals with the ability to conduct the games which had populated the Late Republic. Even then those that could, due to limited funding and opportunities, would have failed to replicate the scale of the games conducted under the office of the Emperor. These limitations would be further restricted by future emperors. 110 In the middle of the first century CE, Claudius promulgated an even tighter restriction upon the games by the Imperial office. “Claudius ordered the praetors not to give the customary gladiatorial exhibitions and also commanded that if anyone else gave them in any place whatsoever, it should at least not be recorded or reported that they were being given for the emperor’s preservation.” 111 Finally in 57 CE Nero, grand-nephew of Claudius, would take the last step in a long tradition of inhibiting the games conduct. In an edict to the Roman people, the last Julio-Claudian Emperor would forbid “any magistrate or procurator in the government of a province to exhibit a show of gladiators, or of wild Futrell, A. p. 30 Dio Cassius 54.2 110 Yavetz, Z. p. 9-37. Think again of the power the games would have held in not only tightening the control of the emperor and building the Imperial cult, but also in quelling the riotous crowds and uprisings. 111 Dio Cassius 60.5 108 109 Z a c h a r y W h a l e n | 44 beasts, or indeed any other public entertainment.” 112 By the late first century CE, the games were firmly entrenched in the auspices of imperial power. No longer were they utilized as tools of political campaigning for a broader political public, but were now the greatest of popularity tools for the Imperial household. Cultivating the power and strength of the imperator and ensuring his continued support by the people of Rome. Whether the Isthmian games in Greece, the Ceriales in Rome, or an Imperial spectacle, the sports of Greece and Rome were tinged with the stains of ancient politics. In all elements of their conduct, we can find elements political ambition and individual utilization by many an ambitious statesmen. Given the large amount of evidence available in supporting this trend, it is hard not to conceptualize the sporting worlds of Greece and Rome as nothing other than platforms for politicians. For many, the games remained a source of popular entertainment, a jovial activity by which an individual might spend an afternoon or holiday. But for a select few, the arête of the contending athletes was but a distraction from the real contests of the arena. The grunts of wrestlers, the clanging of brandished steel, and the whir of turning chariots were but background noise on a political stage of the greatest magnitude. Conclusions: Shifting Perspectives So often amongst the various literatures on the games, we are presented with the perspective of the spectator in the sporting worlds of Rome and Greece. Classicists excel at providing a historical lens by which the modern fanatic might examine the daily activities of an attendee at the Ancient Olympiad, or a perspective on the preparations of the Samnite gladiator preparing for his contest in the Flavian Amphitheatre. Yet when 112 Tacitus, Annales, 13.31 S t a t e s m e n i n t h e A r e n a | 45 looking at the religious foundations of the games, the policy elements ingrained in their eventual height, and their contentious political history, an often untouched upon perspective of the games can be seen: the perspective of the politician and administrator. These views, having hopefully been made evident in the passages preceding, reveal important elements in our comprehension of the games of Greece and Rome. Games to these individuals proved to be sources of policy; methods of enacting reform and accomplishing political goals. A far-cry from the athletic spectacles occurring on the fields of contest. For any modern disciple of the games then, there should exist a thorough understanding of these ingrained elements, as they are essential in our overall understanding of the games. This is not to say that contemporary enthusiasts of the games have not perceived the elements of policy and politics in the realm of ancient sports. On the contrary, most authors have recognized in one way or another such underlying trends. However, in consistency with the purpose of this work, little work has been done focusing on the topics of administration and politics from the perspective of the games. The goal of this work has been to make such emphases, and demonstrate the importance of this perspective in the games. For by understanding the role of politics and policy in the games, we can better understand their continued conduct outside the religious origins which first spawned such traditions. Indeed part of the reason the games found continued success beyond their holy originations was because of their usefulness as a tool for many statesmen. The games might have continued to have been conducted without the influence of the many Greek and Roman administrators that played a role in their management. But the personal and administrative benefits the games provided such Z a c h a r y W h a l e n | 46 individuals undoubtedly bolstered their flourishment throughout the ancient world. Without the involvement of Roman statesmen, gladiatorial contests might have remained exclusive to the funeral festivities of the elite. Without the pressures of economic and public development opportunities, the Olympic festivals could have remained a small celebration just below the cliffs of mount Olympus. If not for the demands of maintaining an Imperial cult, chariot racing might have remained exclusive to the dies festi. Politicians and Administrators did not create the world of ancient sports, nor were they entirely vital to its continued existence. They merely made the games into what modern Classicists now perceive them to be. Returning to the steel laden halls of the modern sporting venue, there seems to now exist a schism separating our previous comparisons. The contemporary sports of inflated balls, wooden bats, and goal posts do not hold the same familiarity which they once had with the wheels, steel, and oiled leathers of history. The cause of this separation has come from a body of politics and policy, an understanding of which has made relevant details that could not be witnessed from the stands or fields of the arena. For while modern fans might be able commiserate with their historical brethren on a love for the game, the administrators of each set of games would have found it more difficult. Though many might still worship sport with a certain fanaticism, the economic and entertainment demands of the modern games have undoubtedly separated away from the religious and political drives that characterized the old. In many fashions this is perhaps for the best. One can only imagine the temperament resulting from a combination of modern sports and politics. Yet in observing all the spectacle and power the games held for the Romans and Greek, one cannot help but wonder at the possibility. S t a t e s m e n i n t h e A r e n a | 47 Bibliography Ancient Sources Apuleius, Florida in Apuleius: Rhetorical Works; Translated by Hilton, S. J. Oxford University Press; Oxford, New York; 2001. Aristotle, Atheneion Politeia; Translated by Rhodes, P. J.; Penguin Books Ltd.; Middlesex, England; 1984. 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