From the Old testament to the Paris Opera: Saint-Saëns's Samson Et Dalila and nineteenth-century french orientalism

Despite its successful premiere in Weimar in 1877, Saint-Saëns's Samson et Dalila met resistance as the composer attempted to stage the biblical story in France. When the work finally premiered in Paris in 1890, the opera directors exclaimed, "If we only knew!" In this thesis, I explore the aspects of the opera that led to its eventual success, as well as how it reflects the composer's cultural ideologies. The opera participates in the Orientalist discourse of the late nineteenth century, which can be heard and seen most obviously in the music and characterizations of the Philistines. Additionally, the opera features a femme fatale, a female archetype that increased in popularity in the nineteenth century. By reexamining what we know about the opera, we are better able to understand how the composer successfully transferred a biblical topic to the stage, and what the opera suggests about the culture for which he created it. First, I examine how two creative teams handled the biblical story prior to Saint-Saëns's: Handel's oratorio and Rameau and Voltaire's lost opera. By determining how these works balance sincerity, spectacle, and irony, I make a case for why the oratorio was one of Handel's most successful while censors continually rejected Voltaire's libretto on the same subject. While significant studies address the Orientalism featured in Saint-Saëns's opera, little attention has been paid to what the Hebrew's music conveys about the West. I argue that the music's religious topic demonstrates the perceived moral superiority of contemporary Europeans. Additionally, I explore the ways Saint-Saëns's also balances sincerity, spectacle, and irony in his portrayal of Samson as a prefiguration of Christ - a balance essential for an Old Testament hero during an anti-Semitic period. Finally, I examine the ways Dalila challenges and conforms to roles for women, "Orientals," and femmes fatales in nineteenth-century French Orientalist opera. Adhering to genre standards in each of these categories allowed for a positive reception of the character, while at the same time questioning those traditions. Most significantly, as Dalila challenges roles for "Orientals," she demonstrates the cultural Other's ability to subvert Western power and domination.

FROM THE OLD TESTAMENT TO THE PARIS OPÉRA: SAINT-SAËNS'S SAMSON ET DALILA AND NINETEENTH-CENTURY FRENCH ORIENTALISM by Jessica Russell A thesis submitted to the faculty of The University of Utah in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Musicology School of Music The University of Utah August 2017 Copyright © Jessica Russell 2017 All Rights Reserved The University of Utah Graduate School STATEMENT OF THESIS APPROVAL The thesis of Jessica Russell has been approved by the following supervisory committee members: Catherine Mayes , Chair April 24, 2017 Date Approved Elizabeth Craft , Member April 24, 2017 Date Approved Steven Roens , Member April 24, 2017 Date Approved and by Miguel Chuaqui the Department/College/School of and by David B. Kieda, Dean of The Graduate School. , Chair/Dean of Music ABSTRACT Despite its successful premiere in Weimar in 1877, Saint-Saëns's Samson et Dalila met resistance as the composer attempted to stage the biblical story in France. When the work finally premiered in Paris in 1890, the opera directors exclaimed, "If we only knew!" In this thesis, I explore the aspects of the opera that led to its eventual success, as well as how it reflects the composer's cultural ideologies. The opera participates in the Orientalist discourse of the late nineteenth century, which can be heard and seen most obviously in the music and characterizations of the Philistines. Additionally, the opera features a femme fatale, a female archetype that increased in popularity in the nineteenth century. By reexamining what we know about the opera, we are better able to understand how the composer successfully transferred a biblical topic to the stage, and what the opera suggests about the culture for which he created it. First, I examine how two creative teams handled the biblical story prior to SaintSaëns: Handel's oratorio and Rameau and Voltaire's lost opera. By determining how these works balance sincerity, spectacle, and irony, I make a case for why the oratorio was one of Handel's most successful while censors continually rejected Voltaire's libretto on the same subject. While significant studies address the Orientalism featured in Saint-Saëns's opera, little attention has been paid to what the Hebrews' music conveys about the West. I argue that the music's religious topic demonstrates the perceived moral superiority of contemporary Europeans. Additionally, I explore the ways Saint-Saëns also balances sincerity, spectacle, and irony in his portrayal of Samson as a prefiguration of Christ-a balance essential for an Old Testament hero during an anti-Semitic period. Finally, I examine the ways Dalila challenges and conforms to roles for women, "Orientals," and femmes fatales in nineteenth-century French Orientalist opera. Adhering to genre standards in each of these categories allowed for a positive reception of the character, while at the same time questioning those traditions. Most significantly, as Dalila challenges roles for "Orientals," she demonstrates the cultural Other's ability to subvert Western power and domination. iv This thesis is dedicated to my Grandpa Earl. Thank you for your example of how to work hard to accomplish great things. v TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT ....................................................................................................................... iii LIST OF FIGURES ......................................................................................................... viii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ............................................................................................... ix Chapters 1 INTRODUCTION .........................................................................................................1 Terminology.............................................................................................................3 Literature Review.....................................................................................................7 Reexamining Saint-Saëns's Samson et Dalila .......................................................17 2 PREDECESSORS TO SAINT-SAËNS'S SAMSON ET DALILA: HANDEL'S SAMSON AND VOLTAIRE'S SAMSON ....................................................................22 Historical Background of Handel's Samson and Voltaire's Samson .....................24 Overview of Handel's Samson and Voltaire's Samson .........................................26 Samson ...................................................................................................................29 Dalila ......................................................................................................................35 The Cultural Other .................................................................................................39 Conclusion .............................................................................................................41 3 RELIGION AND EXOTICISM IN SAINT-SAËNS'S SAMSON ET DALILA ..........43 Saint-Saëns's Religious Views ..............................................................................44 Representing Cultural Difference and Religion in Art ..........................................49 Sacred and Exotic Styles in Samson et Dalila .......................................................51 Samson as a Prefiguration of Christ.......................................................................59 Conclusion .............................................................................................................63 4 DALILA: THE WOMAN, THE "ORIENTAL," AND THE FEMME FATALE ........66 Dalila as a Woman .................................................................................................67 Dalila as an "Oriental" ...........................................................................................74 Dalila as a Femme Fatale ......................................................................................80 Conclusion .............................................................................................................85 Appendices A SYNOPSIS OF SAINT-SAËNS'S SAMSON ET DALILA..........................................88 B BIBLICAL ACCOUNT ...............................................................................................90 BIBLIOGRAPHY ..............................................................................................................94 vii LIST OF FIGURES Figures 1.1 Henri Regnault, Salome ...............................................................................................21 3.1 Horace Vernet, Joseph's Coat .....................................................................................65 3.2 Act I, Fugal subjects in "Dieu, d'Israël" ......................................................................65 4.1 Act I, Example of Dalila's typical musical gesture .....................................................86 4.2 Act II, Scene 2, Motives associated with the High Priest ............................................86 4.3 Act II, Dalila's combination of the Curse, Hate, and Vengeance motives ..................87 4.4 Act III, "Bacchanale," opening oboe solo ...................................................................87 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS First, I would like to thank my wonderful committee members, whose support and guidance have been invaluable throughout this process. My wonderful advisor, Catherine Mayes, has been instrumental in my continued growth as a researcher and writer. I am truly grateful for the hours you have spent editing and advising me on ways to improve my work. I appreciate the encouragement and guidance offered in helping me pursue a successful career. I also wish to thank Steve Roens, one of the finest theory professors I have had the pleasure of working with. And finally, Elizabeth Craft, who has been a wonderful addition to my committee and the musicology faculty here at the University of Utah-I have enjoyed working with you, learning from you, and sharing in your enthusiasm for musical theater. I also would like to thank a few mentors who have helped me along my path. First, my brilliant piano professor, advisor, and friend: Nancy Allred. The countless hours I have spent in lessons with you have forever shaped the person I am today. Also, I would like to thank Grace Burgess Dayley for introducing me to the world of musicology and helping me develop a passion and skill for research. And I would be remiss not to thank Margaret Rorke, who encouraged and guided me through the early stages of my career. I would like to thank my sweet Matt; words cannot express the gratitude I feel for my kind, loving, patient, and incredibly supportive husband. Thank you for the daily encouragement, endless supply of Diet Coke and chocolate, and hand to hold when things ix got tough. I am profoundly grateful to have a companion like you by my side. And thank you to my sweet baby girl, Lucy, for patiently letting Mommy get her work done. Also, thank you for going to bed every night at seven; I loved getting work done knowing I was not missing time with you. Finally, I would also like to thank my family for their constant support and love. Mom, I could not have done this without you. I am grateful for the hours you spent helping take care of my daughter so I could get my work done. I also want to express my gratitude for my Jensen grandparents who generously offered financial support; it was so unexpected and truly appreciated. And Dad, thank you for letting me steal Mom so often, and thank you for playing with my baby girl when I needed more time to study. x CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION Forbidden love, betrayal, redemption, and death: all key elements to a thrilling opera plot, and yet when these features are part of a biblical story, the theater is not necessarily a welcoming place. Indeed, when Camille Saint-Saëns first took on writing his biblical opera, Samson et Dalila, he soon encountered hostility from his theater friends who all warned him that staging a biblical subject was impossible.1 He presented the first two acts privately for some close friends, but the opera was met with a cold reception, and the composer abandoned the project shortly thereafter. With the encouragement and help of Franz Liszt, Saint-Saëns finished his opera, but despite its successful premiere in Weimar in 1877, Samson et Dalila was still not welcomed at the Paris Opera until 1892. Biblical subjects on the operatic stage were not without precedent, so it is unclear why this opera, which would eventually become canonical, faced opposition for so many years. Perhaps Saint-Saëns's development of the original biblical story-emphasizing the destructiveness of Dalila over the heroics of Samson- 1 Henri Collet, Samson et Dalila de C. Saint-Saëns: Étude historique et critique, Analyse Musicale (Paris: P. Mellottée, 1922), 32. 2 challenged the sacred text too much.2 In this thesis, I examine how Saint-Saëns adapted the biblical story for the stage, considering its predecessors as well as contemporary influences on character development. 3 By doing this, Saint-Saëns's perspectives on women, religion, and the cultural Other become clearer, as do contemporary beliefs about "Orientals" more broadly. The story of Samson and Dalila had been represented in two other large musical works before Saint-Saëns's opera, though they experienced varying degrees of acceptance from their contemporaries. Handel's English oratorio, Samson, found success that was only surpassed by Messiah. By way of comparison, Voltaire and Rameau's Samson never made it past the French censors to the operatic stage. Both representations emphasize different aspects of the story and fill in the biblical narrative's missing details in original ways. 4 These two predecessors to Saint-Saëns's opera suggest that the biblical story can readily be received in oratorio form, but may meet resistance in operatic form. While various representations of Samson consistently emphasize his strength and commitment to his God, interpretations of Dalila are often more revealing of contemporary attitudes and preferences. The biblical account noticeably leaves several questions unanswered and open for speculation. First, it is unclear what Dalila's nationality is-though she is generally presumed to be Philistine since the Philistine leaders feel comfortable approaching her about betraying Samson (something they 2 Though "Delilah" is the modern English spelling, I will be using "Dalila" since all three libretti I examined in my research (Handel/Hamilton, Voltaire/Rameau, and Saint-Saëns/Lemaire) use the latter spelling. For consistency, I will follow the spelling of the libretti. 3 4 See Appendix A for a synopsis of the opera. See Appendix B for the English translation of the biblical account upon which all three operas discussed are based. 3 arguably would not have done if his wife were Hebrew like he is). Second, it is unclear how Dalila feels about Samson since the biblical narrator only mentions Samson's love for Dalila and not her love for him. Finally, her motivations for betraying Samson are open for interpretation. In the original story, she is offered money, but the various musical adaptations I investigate in this thesis suggest other possibilities. The way these gaps in the biblical story are filled in is suggestive of broader attitudes or even societal views regarding women, church and religion, and cultural Others. Terminology Because Samson et Dalila is part of a larger Orientalist discourse, an understanding of Orientalism, both its definition and the role it plays in Saint-Saëns's opera, is essential to this study. According to Edward Said, there are three ways to define Orientalism, but it is his third explanation that is most relevant to my work. He describes it as "the ideological suppositions, images, and fantasies about a currently important and politically urgent region of the world called the Orient." 5 Furthermore, Said describes Orientalism as "the corporate institution for dealing with the Orient-dealing with it by making statements about it, authorizing views of it, describing it, by teaching it, settling it, ruling over it: in short, Orientalism as a Western style for dominating, restructuring, and having authority over the Orient." 6 In other words, Orientalism is a power relationship between the West and East in which the differences between the two cultures are greatly exaggerated and distorted by the West for its own benefit. 1994), 3. 5 Edward W. Said, "Orientalism Reconsidered," Cultural Critique 1 (1985): 90. 6 Edward W. Said, Orientalism, 25th Anniversary ed. (1978; repr., New York: Vintage Books, 4 So where is the Orient and how does it relate to this study? Said observes that Americans frequently associate the Orient with China and Japan, but in the European experience, the Orient is more often the Near East or Arab-Islamic world. In the nineteenth century, France expanded its power and control as it began to occupy North Africa, as well as places such as Algeria, Indochina, and so forth. As an initial effort to secure control over Algeria, for example, the French government encouraged artists, composers, and writers to travel to Algeria and publish what they found there. Over time, the climate and culture continued to grow in its appeal and tourism increased. 7 SaintSaëns, among other composers and artists, travelled to Algeria and used musical gestures he heard there in his works. Saint-Saëns had the opportunity to hear and study foreign music through his travels, and his compositions that were influenced by his trips to Algeria became part of the Orientalist discourse of the nineteenth century. Indeed, as Said observes, "The ‘real' Orient provoked a writer to his vision; it very rarely guided it." 8 As I demonstrate in this study, Saint-Saëns found inspiration in Algeria-his personal exposure to the Orient- but the "authentic" musical features he incorporated into his music are easily lost as the overall representation of the Orient reflects more often an imagined culture than a real one.9 Saint-Saëns's Samson et Dalila participates in Orientalist discourse through its 7 Kristy Barbacane, "Colonial Textuality and Difference: Musical Encounters with French Colonialism in Nineteenth-Century Algeria" (PhD diss., Columbia University, 2012), 6-8. 8 9 Said, Orientalism, 22. I use the term "authentic" loosely here. As I will discuss, some scholars observe "authentic" musical features in Saint-Saëns's music, but they fail to take into account that his European experience would have influenced his exposure to, and reception and interpretation of, Algerian music. 5 depiction of the Philistines as the cultural and religious Other. The term "Other" will be used throughout this study to represent the individual or group that is marked as different from the cultural or religious norm. Said points out that the Orient is "one of [Europe's] deepest and most recurring images of the Other."10 In the opera, the Philistines resemble this conception of the Other, both in culture and religion, through their exotic music and character development. And in the same way Europe defined itself by its contrasting image of the Orient, the opera presents the Hebrews as a stand-in for Europeans and similarly defines them through its Orientalized image of the opposing culture: the Philistines. Additionally, I use the term "Oriental" frequently throughout this study, applying it to characters in the opera that are presented as the cultural Other. Though my use of the term is intended to remain objective, it is important to recognize that someone who is identified as "Oriental" immediately becomes associated with the difficult Western stereotypes. Said notes that "the Oriental is irrational, depraved (fallen), childlike, ‘different,'" whereas the European was portrayed as the opposite.11 By using this term, I intend to draw attention to the questionable message the word carries, providing an opportunity to see how a character or group is exploited through its implicit Orientalism. Throughout the opera, the Philistines-including Dalila-are Orientalized through representations that contrast those of the more European Hebrews, directly mirroring the problematic Orientalist discourse of nineteenth-century France. With its overt Orientalism, Samson et Dalila participates in a niche genre that is the product of nineteenth-century imperialism: Orientalist opera, or opera with an exotic 10 Said, Orientalism, 1. 11 Ibid., 40. 6 theme. Orientalist opera refers specifically to operas that participate in colonialist discourse, while exotic-themed opera more broadly refers to operas with foreign characters, locations, musical idioms, or other non-European features. Additionally, Orientalist opera typically follows a paradigmatic plot, as described by Ralph P. Locke: Young, tolerant, brave, possibly naïve or selfish, white-European tenor-hero intrudes (at risk of disloyalty to his own people and to colonialist ethic, with which he is identified) into mysterious, brown- or (less often) black-skinned colonized territory represented by female dancers of irresistible allure and by deeply affectionate, sensitive lyric soprano, thereby incurring wrath of brutal, intransigent priest or tribal chieftain (bass or sometimes baritone) and latter's blindly obedient chorus of male savages. 12 Other examples of French operas in this category include Bizet's Les pêcheurs de perles and Carmen, Delibes's Lakmé, and Meyerbeer's L'Africaine.13 Orientalist operas extended beyond Paris, including works such as Verdi's Aida, Strauss's Salome, and Puccini's Madama Butterfly and Turandot. Orientalist operas are set in different locales, demonstrating the far-reaching effects of imperialism. Locke notes that in their plots, the colonizing group is typically from a different country than the composer. 14 For example, Lakmé is set in British India, distancing the French composer from his work. Furthermore, Locke points out the feature of a temporal distance from the composer as well. In Samson et Dalila, there is a significant displacement in time and place. 12 Ralph P. Locke, Musical Exoticism: Images and Reflections (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 181. 13 While it is debatable whether the Orient might include Spain, Charles Dietrich includes Carmen in his discussion of Orientalist operas; see Charles Dietrich, "Les Opéras Parfumés: Aspects of Orientalism in Nineteenth-Century French Opera," Theatre Research International 22, no. 2 (1997): 111-19. The parallels between Dalila and Carmen are significant enough that the latter is frequently discussed as a comparable exotic figure, which is why I have included the opera in this list. 14 Locke, Musical Exoticism, 178. 7 Literature Review Although Samson et Dalila is frequently mentioned in scholarship about operas with exotic themes, thorough studies of this opera are limited. The two scholars who have contributed significantly to our understanding of the opera are Henri Collet and Ralph P. Locke. Collet's book about the opera was published in 1922, making it more of a historical document than a modern analysis. However, Collet's writings inform my research since they provide an analysis of the opera that is contemporaneous with its composer. In contrasting, Locke's research is more recent and considers the influences of Orientalism on the opera. Others who have written about the opera make general remarks about the exoticism of its two ballets ("The Dance of the Priestesses" and the Bacchanale), but hardly address their significance. Recurring themes in the study of Samson et Dalila address its Orientalism, sources for exoticism, origins, and title characters. Aspects of Orientalism in Samson et Dalila It is usually easy to determine who represents the East and who represents the West in an Orientalist opera since the plot typically includes a European group. However, Samson et Dalila does not feature European characters, so the distinction between East and West is made through other elements of the opera, specifically its music and text. Overall, scholars agree that the Philistines represent the East or Orient, and the Hebrews symbolize the West or Europeans. 15 The Philistines' music includes exotic features and 15 Two sources that confirm this include Marina Dubcek, "L'orientalisme dans Samson," L'avantscène opéra 15 (1978): 86-88; and Ralph P. Locke, "Constructing the Oriental ‘Other': Saint-Saëns's Samson et Dalila," Cambridge Opera Journal 3, no. 3 (1991), 261-302. 8 the Hebrews' music conveys a more religious and historically European style. While the exoticism of the music has been studied extensively, an examination of the Hebrews' music remains absent. To better understand this division between East and West in the opera, we must first recognize the significance of the nineteenth-century association of the Bible with the Orient. The connection between the Bible and the Orient stems back to nineteenthcentury travelers visiting the Holy Land and describing it as unchanged since Old Testament times.16 Henri Collet's study of Samson et Dalila in 1922 further demonstrates this thread when the author observes that the biblical narrative contains "very Oriental realism," which he believed would have hindered European acceptance of the story had it been portrayed without modification on the stage.17 One specific aspect Collet expressed concern over was the biblical account's "Eastern barbarism," which he attributed to both Samson and Dalila.18 Collet's work does not assign Samson and Dalila to Western and Eastern categories, but his observations confirm the Holy Land-Orient connection and exemplify Orientalist discourse through his reference to "Eastern barbarism." Collet's study also includes the attributes Emile Baumann (a contemporary critic and writer about Saint-Saëns) ascribes to Dalila's character-the same attributes modern research has established as the problematic stereotypes most commonly associated with "Oriental" men. These include "a disinterested hatred, revenge based on pride, [and] a 16 Malcom Warner, "The Question of Faith: Orientalism, Christianity and Islam," in The Orientalists: Delacroix to Matisse: European Painters in North Africa and the Near East, ed. Mary Anne Stevens (London: Royal Academy of Arts, 1984), 32. 17 "Toutefois il fut nécessaire de modifier, dans l'intérêt même de la pièce, certains aspects du récit sacré qui, par leur réalisme tout oriental, eussent nui à son acceptation sur une scène européenne." Collet, Samson et Dalila, 45. 18 "D'une barbarie orientale." Ibid., 50. 9 fanaticism of race and religion." 19 Locke similarly emphasizes the extreme views of exotic operatic characters whose obsessions typically include some combination of "war, religious ritual, oppressive legalism, and a hatred of foreigners and intruders."20 Furthermore, they are understood to represent their culture's values and are typically in a position of power (priests, for example), allowing them to punish those who challenge them.21 In the case of Samson et Dalila, two male figures occupy this Orientalized role: Abimélech and the High Priest of Dagon-both of whom exert their force over Samson, though with differing results. Ultimately, these two characters demonstrate the despotism so commonly ascribed to "Oriental" men. In contrast to threatening foreign men, "Oriental" women have a slightly wider variety of characteristics, though they all seem to point toward one common trait: desirability. Locke suggests women in Orientalist operas range from femmes fragiles to femmes fatales, and regardless of where they lie on the spectrum, they are "sensual creature[s] who-however innocently or craftily-[beckon]."22 Additionally, Charles Dietrich establishes that these exotic women are not only seductive, but also selfsacrificing, with the notable exceptions of Carmen and Dalila. 23 Furthermore, Dietrich argues that these women use their femininity to navigate the situations they encounter. Moreover, their femininity provides a release for the 19 "Une haine désintéressée, une revanche d'orgueil, un fanatisme de race et de religion." Emile Baumann, quoted in Collet, Samson et Dalila, 50-51. 20 Locke, Musical Exoticism, 196. 21 Ibid. 22 Locke, Musical Exoticism, 196. 23 Dietrich, "Les Opéras Parfumés," 118. 10 repression of their audiences: "Men were able to view these women as the incarnations of sexual promise, while women, trapped within the confines of restricted social codes, could admire them for their freedom and their boldness."24 Indeed, Dietrich's argument provides an insightful endotic reading of Saint-Saëns's opera, suggesting that the characteristics of its female characters are more a reflection of Europe's concerns than of the Orient itself. Saint-Saëns's Sources for Exoticism The interchange of ideas among artists is one of the first significant influences on Saint-Saëns's evocation of exoticism. In one of the early private performances of Samson et Dalila, Saint-Saëns's good friend, Henri Regnault, performed the role of Samson. Regnault is one of the many artists who contributed to the Orientalism of the late nineteenth century and surely exchanged ideas with Saint-Saëns. Indeed, Olivier Cullin observes "One can never know the extent of the importance of the ‘orientalist climate' and the exchange of viewpoints between these artists."25 Regnault's painting from 1870, Salomé, reflects the artist's view of the biblical figure (see Fig. 1.1). The work predates Saint-Saëns's Samson et Dalila, and more importantly, demonstrates the Orientalizing of a dangerous biblical woman. Likewise, Cullin recognizes the influence of Félicien David's Le Désert, an ode-symphonie from 1844, on Saint-Saëns's musical exoticism. He argues that David's work was a musical model for Samson et Dalila, which he qualifies 24 25 Ibid. On ne mesurera jamais assez l'importance du ‘climat orientaliste' et des échanges de sensibilité entre ces artistes." Olivier Cullin, "L'illustration et l'orientalisme en musique: La bacchanal de Samson et Dalila de Saint-Saëns," Textes, images, musique: Travaux du Centre de recherche (1992): 47. 11 as "a work understood as the marriage of the Orient and the Occident."26 Another significant influence on Saint-Saëns's musical exoticism is the composer's travels to Algeria. Compelling evidence supports the idea that these travels led to his incorporation of "authentic" musical gestures. While it may seem contradictory for music to be exotic and "authentic" at the same time, Locke wisely observes that SaintSaëns merely evokes the Arab Hijāz mode, resulting in a caricature of the music rather than an authentic treatment of the foreign scale. 27 Nonetheless, Myriam Ladjili's studies of authentic Arab musical features in the works of composers including Saint-Saëns demonstrate a command of rhythm, modes, and instrumentation. 28 Ladjili finds that the mode used in the opening recitative of the Bacchanale is actually the Algerian ramal mode, as opposed to Locke's earlier assertion. Additionally, Ladjili's fascinating study analyzes the form, instrumentation, and rhythm of the Bacchanale as it relates to Arabian dance music. Perhaps as a result of his travels, Saint-Saëns's musical exoticism changed over time. Lynne Johnson argues that it can be divided into three stages: Fantasy, Travelogue, and Integration, with Samson et Dalila acting as a transition between the first two stages.29 Johnson further identifies a connection between this musical evolution and the composer's attitudes toward non-Western music. First, Saint-Saëns remarked around 26 "Une œuvre comprise comme le mariage de l'Orient et l'Occident." Cullin, "L'illustration," 48. 27 Locke, "Constructing," 266-67. 28 Myriam Ladjili, "La musique arabe chez les compositeurs français du XIXe siècle saisis d'exotisme (1844-1914)," International Review of the Aesthetics and Sociology of Music 26, no. 1 (1995): 3-33. 29 Lynne Johnson, "Camille Saint-Saëns's Changing Exoticism and the Interesting Case of La Foi," Journal of Musicological Research 25 (2006): 75-80. 12 1873-approximately the same time he first visited Algeria-that foreign music is charming, but is composed by people of an "inferior [social] organization" who cannot "elevate themselves to the conception of harmony," and that "the development of harmony marked a new step in the march of humanity." 30 Yet in 1884, Saint-Saëns defended "the music of the Orientals" when he remarked that Eastern and Western styles cannot be compared fairly since they are such different art forms. 31 His exotic musical style parallels this changing view of non-Western music by transitioning from early works (Fantasy stage) that depict the East as exciting and dangerous to his middle period (Travelogue stage), which demonstrates the influences of his travels. Finally, the composer embraces what is different about this foreign music and begins to treat it as its own valid form of musical expression (Integration stage).32 Origins of the Opera Some scholars have underscored the significance of the oratorio origins of Samson et Dalila. When Saint-Saëns first planned to write Samson et Dalila, it was at the recommendation of an acquaintance who suggested he write it as an oratorio. However, shortly thereafter the composer decided to write an opera at the counsel of his librettist. Élisabeth Bouillon believes Saint-Saëns confused the genres of opera and oratorio.33 Additionally, Daniel M. Fallon and Sabina Teller Ratner suggest the original conception 30 Camille Saint-Saëns, quoted in Johnson, "Changing Exoticism," 76-77. 31 Ibid., 77-78. 32 Ibid., 79-80. 33 Élisabeth Bouillon, "Samson et Dalila: La Confusion d'un genre," Avant-scène opera 15 (1978): 8-13. 13 of the oratorio allowed the composer "to concentrate on purely musical aspects." 34 Gilles De Van observes that the original oratorio conception explains the limited musical exoticism in the opera since the foreign music would not likely have been accepted in an oratorio.35 Joseph-Marc Bailbé finds the composer successfully combined "the splendor of legendary grand opera and the religious side of the oratorio."36 And finally, Marina Dubcek recognizes that the Hebrews represent the West through their oratorio-like music, which she defines as the use of counterpoint, harmony, and choirs.37 However, because the generic conception of the work changed as soon as Saint-Saëns met with his librettist, it seems unlikely the originally proposed genre was of much significance. One other factor in the opera's origins has been largely left out of scholarship, but is important for discussion. When Saint-Saëns's acquaintance approached him about writing an oratorio, he suggested adapting Voltaire's Samson libretto. Voltaire published his libretto after the French censors continually denied its performance. Rameau collaborated on the project, but later recycled the music into other works; thus, the libretto survives but lacks a musical score. Many sources mention Voltaire's libretto, but only Locke has explored its connection to Saint-Saëns's opera. Locke argues that the affection Dalila displayed for Samson in Voltaire's libretto may not be expressed verbally 34 Daniel M. Fallon and Sabina Teller Ratner, "Saint-Saëns, Camille," in Grove Music Online, Oxford University Press, 2007-2016, accessed 16 August 2016, http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com:80/subscriber/article/grove/music/24335. 35 Gilles De Van, "Fin de Siècle Exoticism and the Meaning of the Far Away," trans. William Ashbrook, Opera Quarterly 11 (1995): 77-94. 36 "Il est clair que le compositeur a voulu mélanger les fastes du grand opéra légendaire et le côté religieux de l'oratorio." Joseph-Marc Bailbé, "Le sacré dans l'art lyrique: Autour de l'Opéra français du XIXe siècle," in Littérature et opéra, ed. Philippe Berthier and Kurt Ringger (Grenoble: Presses Universitaires de Grenoble, 1987), 125. 37 Marina Dubcek, "L'orientalisme dans Samson," 86-88. 14 in Saint-Saëns's opera, but the music suggests it.38 While I disagree with Locke about Dalila's residual affection, I do believe studying Voltaire's libretto is important to understanding how the different creative teams adapted the biblical story. Dalila Perhaps the most intriguing character of the opera is the antiheroine, Dalila. Some scholars have remarked on the appropriate casting of a mezzo-soprano to capture the independence of her character.39 William Ashbrook observes that this voice type does not allow for female rivals, further arguing that Samson et Dalila does not need a secondary female character since Dalila is both Samson's object of desire and the instrument of his destruction.40 Additionally, Joseph Kestner argues that Dalila's independence mirrors the increasing independence of women in contemporary French society, resulting in the image of a terrifying and autonomous woman: the femme fatale.41 Locke addresses several aspects of Dalila's character in his research, commenting on her complexity and ambiguity. He remarks, "Delilah's potent mixture of irreconcilable motives, especially in a work that guides the audience to identify primarily with the Hebrews, makes her a chief example of the ‘dangerous Other'-at once femme fatale and 38 Locke, "Constructing," 292. 39 William Ashbrook, "Siren Song," Opera News 23 (1958): 9-10; Ralph P. Locke, "Cutthroats and Casbah Dancers," in The Exotic in Western Music, ed. Jonathan Bellman (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1998), 131. 40 Ashbrook, "Siren Song," 9. 41 Joseph Kestner, "The Feared Woman," Opera News 51 (1987): 35-36. 15 devious Oriental."42 Indeed, his description of Dalila perfectly captures what makes this role so intriguing. Locke goes on to argue that Dalila displays amorous feelings for Samson through her music, however, he qualifies his position when he points out that the kind of love he is referring to is more like the "love-hate seen to varying extents in Donizetti's calculating queens, Verdi's Count di Luna, Eboli and Amneris, and Puccini's Baron Scarpia."43 While I agree with Locke about Dalila's complicated nature, I disagree with him about her feelings of affection, offering an alternative reading in Chapter 4. Though his research is focused on the development of Wagner's Kundry in Parsifal, Peter McGrail's study of the operatic biblical femme fatale demonstrates how a composer's social, religious, political, and philosophical views influence character development. Because the original biblical stories provide limited detail (such as the story of the Queen of Sheba or Samson and Dalila), or the story is newly written based on a biblical figure (such as Salome), the plots need additions from the composer and librettist. McGrail observes that the biblical femme fatale became popular at the end of the nineteenth century, emerging at the same time as "fin de siècle anxieties about gender identity, and fascination with a constructed orientalism." 44 Furthermore, he declares "The result is the operatic version of the femme fatale, the misogynist male fantasy of the sexually predatory woman who threatens male constructs of sexual identity and 42 Locke, "Constructing," 293. 43 Ibid., 292. 44 Peter McGrail, "Eroticism, Death and Redemption: The Operatic Construct of the Biblical Femme Fatale," in Retellings: The Bible in Literature, Music, Art and Film, ed. J. Cheryl Exum (Leiden: Brill, 2007), 56. 16 engendered systems of power."45 Indeed, Dalila exhibits these characteristics throughout the opera, and I will address them in Chapter 4. Samson Scholars have offered two specific readings of Saint-Saëns's Samson: as a Greek hero and as a proto-Christ. Baumann compares Samson to Hercules because they both demonstrate a "contrast of grandeur and extreme weakness."46 Additionally, both heroes have "the radiance of muscular strength, the ascendancy of the prophet, the beauty of the Seer who penetrates the illusion of His Flesh enslaved and, chastised, justifies God," and both fall and seek redemption. 47 Though Collet references Baumann's ideas of Samson as a Greek hero, suggesting he may agree with his assessment, he prefers to compare Samson to Christ. Collet and Locke agree that Samson acts as a prefiguration of Christ, though their discussions lack detail regarding the comparison. Collet observes that in the final act of the opera, Samson resembles Christ at the crucifixion. 48 Moreover, Locke argues the need for Samson to appear as a proto-Christ, asserting that the metaphor was necessary for the acceptance of an Old Testament topic by an increasingly anti-Semitic European 45 Ibid. 46 "Le contraste de la grandeur et de l'extrême faiblesse," Baumann, quoted in Collet, Samson et Dalila, 50. 47 "Il a le rayonnement de sa force musculaire, l'ascendant du prophète, la beauté du Voyant qui pénètre l'illusion de sa chair esclave et, châtié, justifie Dieu." Ibid. 48 Collet, Samson et Dalila, 56. 17 audience.49 Locke further contends that by characterizing Samson in this way, SaintSaëns took a position against anti-Semitism. However, by portraying the Hebrews as Christians with Samson as their Christ, Saint-Saëns risked casting the Philistines as the "Christ-rejecting Jews."50 Both scholars provide interesting insights into the Samson- Christ metaphor, but neither fully explores how the metaphor operates in the opera or how Saint-Saëns manages to avoid blasphemy. Reexamining Saint-Saëns's Samson et Dalila Scholarship about Orientalism in Samson et Dalila demonstrates how cultural stereotypes are developed and reinforced through its foreign characters (the Philistines). Although current scholarship successfully establishes how Saint-Saëns represented (and likely perceived) the cultural Other, research is still lacking about how the opera exhibits France's view of Self. Perhaps in the same way studying Orientalism has helped us understand problematic views of the Other, analyzing the music and text that represents the religious Self will reveal a possibly hypocritical view of nineteenth-century France. In addition to the representation of a religious and patriotic Self, the opera highlights an interesting intersection of Orientalism, gender, and religion through the enigmatic character of Dalila. While some scholarship addresses her ambiguity, it is difficult to draw conclusions about such a well-crafted character drenched in irony. However, my application of approaches from other scholarly disciplines provides additional readings of Dalila's character that enhance our understanding of how she engages with those around her in the opera, as well as how her text and actions interact 49 Locke, "Constructing," 274. 50 Ibid., 282. 18 with and contradict her music. Chapter 2 examines and compares the two predecessors to Saint-Saëns's Samson et Dalila. The first is the oratorio by George Frideric Handel and Newburgh Hamilton, Samson, based on John Milton's closet drama (Samson Agonistes). The second is the lost opera by Jean-Philippe Rameau and Voltaire. Both works present different narratives, and a comparison to Saint-Saëns's retelling of the story demonstrates how he adapted the legend to appeal to a nineteenth-century audience. Drawing upon the work of Henry Bial, I examine how each of these authors and their works strike a balance between sincerity, irony, and spectacle. 51 Finding the correct balance seems to have been the key to a successful production back then. My study of Handel involves both musical and textual analysis, and because Rameau recycled the music he wrote for Samson after abandoning the project, musical analysis is limited to conjecture based on the composer's other operas. However, Voltaire chose to publish his libretto, making textual analysis a more integral part of this study. In Chapter 3, I codify the musical style that is juxtaposed to the exoticist style in Saint-Saëns's opera, and then analyze its larger implications, in the same way the Orientalist aspects of the work reveal broader social trends. The music of the Hebrews is largely influenced by historical European musical styles, especially the style of sacred music of the eighteenth century. An examination of Saint-Saëns's religious stance, as well as his writings about conveying religiosity through music, is therefore essential to this study. Additionally, musical and textual analysis provide evidence for the "sacred 51 In his research, Henry Bial looks at how two successful musicals that portray Jesus Christ (Jesus Christ Superstar and Godspell) "[balance] spectacle, sincerity, authenticity, and irony in [their] treatment of the Gospel narrative" (144). Henry Carl Bial, "Jesus Christ, Broadway Star," in Playing God: The Bible on the Broadway Stage (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2015), 141-173. 19 style" in the opera, as well as supporting a reading of the European Self as morally superior to the Other. And following the approach in Chapter 2, this chapter examines how Saint-Saëns balanced sincerity, irony, and spectacle to create a musical production that would appeal to European audiences in the nineteenth century. Additionally, this chapter fully explores how Saint-Saëns incorporated the metaphor of Samson as a prefiguration of Christ while avoiding blasphemy. Finally, Chapter 4 addresses issues that pertain specifically to the most ambiguous character in the opera: Dalila. In the way that she interacts with other characters in the work, as well as how she is represented musically, Dalila both challenges and conforms to traditional roles for women, Orientals, and femmes fatales in nineteenth-century French opera. My method again incorporates musical and textual analysis, as well as an application of another scholar's approach to reading the intersection between gender and Orientalism. Building on Meyda Yegenoglu's study of foreign women's veils and the European desire to remove them, I examine how Dalila thwarts this impulse. Additionally, I further define the role of a femme fatale by comparing Dalila to related characters from other Orientalist operas: Carmen, Turandot, and Salome. In the nineteenth century, Orientalism and dangerous women piqued the interest of opera audiences as they built upon the thrilling love stories and passion of the opera genre. However, despite its topicality, Saint-Saëns's opera was quickly dismissed by his contemporaries in the early stages of its creation because of the biblical source of its topic. With the encouragement of Franz Liszt to finish his opera and a promise to have it produced in Weimar, Saint-Saëns completed his work. The end result is a product that 20 helps modern researchers better understand how French audiences may have viewed themselves, religion, women, and cultural Others in the nineteenth century. 21 Figure 1.1 Henri Regnault, Salomé (1870; Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Gift of George F. Baker, 1916). CHAPTER 2 PREDECESSORS TO SAINT-SAËNS'S SAMSON ET DALILA: HANDEL'S SAMSON AND VOLTAIRE'S SAMSON In the first half of the eighteenth century, two different creative teams from two different countries developed their own retellings of Samson and Dalila's story. The first was a French opera written by Voltaire and Rameau between the years 1733-1736, and the second was an English oratorio by Handel, based on Milton's Samson Agonistes, in 1743. These two works, though markedly different in style and content, are the predecessors to Saint-Saëns's Samson et Dalila, and while there is no evidence that SaintSaëns specifically studied Handel's Samson, we do know that he studied Handel's works in general as early as 1871, which falls within the period of time during which he was composing his own biblical drama.1 Indeed, Saint-Saëns must have studied Handel's oratorios at some point because he wrote about them in comparison to Bach's oratorios in his book Harmonie et Mélodie. More significant to my study, however, is Voltaire and Rameau's Samson, a biblical opera censored from performance in Paris when it was first composed. Yet an acquaintance of Saint-Saëns familiar with Voltaire's Samson libretto introduced it to the 1 Hugh Macdonald, "Samson et Dalila," in Grove Music Online, Oxford University Press, 2007- 2016, accessed 16 August 2016, http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com:80/subscriber/article/grove/music/O904621. 23 composer in the second half of the nineteenth century, when oratorios became popular in Paris.2 Saint-Saëns developed an interest in writing one himself, and Voltaire's Samson libretto then became the primary source for Saint-Saëns's oratorio, though it soon became an opera at the recommendation of his own librettist Ferdinand Lemaire. Both Voltaire and Handel's versions of the Samson story take liberties with the content, adding new material to the limited narrative of the Bible. Though Handel's Samson is based on Milton's drama, what Handel and his librettist Newburgh Hamilton chose to keep in the libretto when they trimmed it down for their oratorio is informative with respect to their cultural values. By examining the libretti of both Handel and Voltaire's versions of Samson, I argue that the additions to the original biblical account in these versions reflect the tastes and preferences of the societies for which the dramatic works were written. Both musical predecessors exhibit varying degrees of sincerity, irony, and spectacle-the balance of which was essential for a positive reception of each work.3 Understanding how both works approach this biblical topic assists in my later examination of Saint-Saëns's Samson et Dalila as it was adapted for a nineteenth-century audience. 2 Henri Collet, Samson et Dalila de Camille Saint-Saëns: Étude historique et critique, analyse musicale (Paris: P. Mellottée, 1922), 31-32. Collet includes a letter by Saint-Saëns that describes exactly how he came across the Voltaire libretto: "Ce fut alors qu'un vieil amateur de musique appela mon attention sur le sujet de Samson, me parla du livret de Voltaire, ébaucha même un commencement de scénario à mon intention." 3 My approach is based on the work of Henry Bial, who looks at how the different approaches writing teams take when representing a biblical topic, specifically Jesus Christ, on stage (144). Henry Carl Bial, Playing God: The Bible on the Broadway Stage (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2015). 24 Historical Background of Handel's Samson and Voltaire's Samson The text of Handel's Samson comes from librettist Newburgh Hamilton, who condensed Milton's closet drama Samson Agonistes and added other Miltonic texts to it. Milton's Samson is easily perceived as autobiographical owing to its heavy emphasis on Samson's blindness. Written in the form of a Greek tragedy and intended for private reading rather than public performance, Milton's text reflects not only the poet's personal life experiences, but also his political stance after the Restoration, as well as his own Republican affiliations. 4 Samson was performed eight times in its first season, and was revived by Handel in the nine seasons that followed, making the total number of performances during the composer's lifetime reach the same heights as Judas Maccabaeus and Messiah.5 Unlike Handel's oratorio, Rameau and Voltaire's Samson was never performed on account of its biblical topic. When Voltaire undertook his Samson project, his work was not without precedent: Jephté, written by Montéclair and Pellegrin, was the first "biblical opera" to be performed at the Opéra in 1732, which allowed performances to continue through Lent. The production was well received and continued to be revived during subsequent Lenten seasons. Rameau and Voltaire both saw Jephté, and though Voltaire wrote to his friend Cideville that he found the biblical story boring on the 4 John Milton, Samson Agonistes, ed. Michael Davis (London: Macmillan, 1968), xviii-xix. Likewise, although Handel's Samson allows for a political reading because Hamilton dedicated its libretto to the Prince of Wales, an examination of this topic is beyond the scope of this study. For a thorough consideration of the political context, see Ruth Smith's Handel's Oratorios and Eighteenth-Century Thought (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995). 5 350-51. Winton Dean, Handel's Dramatic Oratorios and Masques (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1959), 25 operatic stage, the production had a positive influence on Rameau.6 Despite the success of biblical opera as a genre, however, Voltaire and Rameau's Samson would never see the stage like Jephté did due to censorship. Censors criticized the libretto for confusing the sacred with the pagan; though they observed that the opera was well written, because the authors elected to create a biblical opera, they needed to honor the sacred, religious truths rather than integrating and entertaining pagan interpretations. 7 After being denied performance, Rameau abandoned the project and used parts of his score in his later operas, Les Indes galantes, Castor et Pollux, and Zoroastre. Voltaire, on the other hand, decided to publish his libretto, reflecting his strong attachment to his rejected work, and the text continued to have a life of its own within Voltaire's circle; a passage from it was even included in his memorial when his ashes were transferred from the Abbey of Scellières to the Panthéon.8 In the late eighteenth century the libretto was revived again when it was edited by Beaumarchais, set to music by Jacques Philippe Mayer, and submitted to the Opéra again, only to be turned down once more by the censors. 9 With such a difficult history of rejection, it is not surprising that Saint-Saëns's opera based on Voltaire and Rameau's libretto would face similar challenges. 6 Jean Duron and Fannie Vernaz, "Jephté," in Grove Music Online, Oxford University Press, 2007-2016, accessed 11 October 2016, http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com:80/subscriber/article/grove/music/O902434. 7 Béatrice Ferrier, "Un chef-d'œuvre inconnu de Voltaire et de Rameau: L'opéra de Samson," in Voltaire à l'opéra, ed. François Jacob (Paris: Classiques Garnier, 2011), 56. 8 Ibid., 77-78. 9 Ibid., 78. 26 Overview of Handel's Samson and Voltaire's Samson The story told by Handel and Hamilton begins after Samson has been imprisoned and blinded by the Philistines. As in the Miltonic text, Samson has the day off from his labor of grinding since his captors are participating in a religious celebration. As Samson mourns his loss of sight and strength, he has many visitors, including his friend Micah, who takes the role of the Chorus from Samson Agonistes by commenting on the situation, and his father Manoa, who tries to cheer his son up. Next, the hero is visited by his wife, Dalila, who appears to be repentant but, because she is rejected by the husband she betrayed, subsequently leaves his side. Finally, Samson is visited by Harapha, a giant who comes to see the weakened Nazirite and is disappointed he cannot fight him due to Samson's loss of strength and sight. Nonetheless, Samson challenges Harapha to a match, making the fight a test of strength between their respective gods. Harapha accepts Samson's invitation and the battle is set to take place at the Philistine celebration of Dagon. After a moral debate with Micah over participating in another religion's celebration, Samson leaves for the fight only after feeling compelled to go. The remaining Israelites hear a tumultuous noise in the distance, followed by the arrival of a messenger with the news of Samson's final great act: bringing down the temple walls and killing hundreds of Philistines as well as himself. The Israelites grieve the loss of their hero but celebrate his last momentous deed. In contrast to Handel's oratorio, Rameau and Voltaire's opera begins earlier in the story, but later than the biblical account. It commences with a prologue featuring pagan deities singing about virtue versus pleasure, concluding that both are necessary and 27 celebrating "the cruel dangers of love." 10 The first act introduces the captive Hebrews, lamenting their situation. After being mocked by the High Priest of the Philistines, the Hebrews welcome their hero in a lion-skin coat-Samson. He inspires them to break their chains and fear the Philistines no longer, but this in turn only angers the Philistine king, who demands that he be captured, but the warriors inform him that they are scared of the Israelites' champion. Samson appears before the king, offering war or peace, but the king responds by challenging Samson's God.11 Samson then demonstrates his power before the king, causing water to flow from a rock and lightning to strike and burn the Philistines' fields. Though the king recognizes Samson's power, he is not moved, but regardless of the king's determination to worship his own gods, the Hebrews celebrate Samson's victory in showing the strength of their own. The scene then shifts to a grove where the Philistines are gathered around an altar, seeking their gods' help in delivering Samson into their hands. Dalila appears for the first time, singing praises to Venus. As she leaves the pastoral scene with her fellow priestesses, Samson arrives, ponders his success, and falls asleep in a bed of grass. Dalila and the priestesses of Venus return to the scene and surround him; Dalila-immediately enchanted by Samson-struggles to believe he is the antagonist of the Philistines. Samson, after awaking, is likewise captivated by Dalila's charms and desires to be with her. The Hebrews come and call for their hero to return to them; as he leaves with them, Samson admits that he needs Dalila as much as the Hebrews need him. When the High 10 Voltaire, Œuvres complètes de Voltaire, vol. 3, Théâtre (Paris: Garnier Frères, 1877), 9: "les dangers cruels de l'amour." 11 Voltaire capitalizes "Dieu" ("God") when referring to the God of the Israelites, but uses a lowercase "d" when referring to the Philistine "dieux" ("gods"). For consistency, I will do the same when discussing his libretto. 28 Priest learns of Dalila and Samson's relationship, he asks Dalila to uncover the secret of her lover's strength. She insists that love has no secrets and will learn the source of his abilities. After Samson and Dalila marry in the Temple of Venus, and much to Samson's dismay, Dalila seeks further reassurance of his love-the secret of his strength. He is appalled by her request and refuses to answer, but after she begs for his trust for the sake of their marriage, Samson surrenders. He is immediately filled with regret and senses that God has left his side. The High Priest arrives, knowing-due to a sudden storminess in the sky-that the hero has fallen, and captures Samson. Dalila, stunned by this turn of events, feels betrayed by her people and Venus for taking away her husband; she curses the Philistines to experience the same punishment as Samson. The final act focuses on Samson as he grieves the loss of his strength, eyesight, and freedom. The Hebrews join him in his mourning and inform him that Dalila has taken her life. After receiving the distressing news, Samson is further tormented when the Philistines bring him to their religious feast in which they celebrate their victory over him. As the king mocks him one last time, Samson is inspired to end the suffering of his people. He asks the king to send away the Hebrews from the temple, takes hold of the column that supports the edifice, and destroys the building, taking the lives of all those inside. The opera ends with one last victorious proclamation from the hero of the Israelites. As can be seen from the synopses of both dramatic works, the overarching theme of each plot was distinct and appropriate for its intended venue: Covent Garden or the Paris Opéra. Handel's story focused on the fall of the Hebrew hero and his redemption, while Voltaire's emphasized the love story between Samson and Dalila. Furthermore, the 29 two storylines treat religion dissimilarly. The oratorio, by necessity, emphasizes the religiosity of the Nazirite, both through Samson's monologues and his conversations with Micah and Manoa. The opposing Philistine religion is continually treated as profane and is even the reason Samson initially refuses to fight Harapha at the religious feast-that is, until he feels so moved by the spirit of God. In contrast, Voltaire's opera features the Roman gods in place of Dagon for the Philistines' worship. Though Samson's demonstrations of God's strength are on a grander scale than in the biblical account, his piety is not emphasized as strongly as it is in Handel's (and Milton's) version of the story. In addition to recognizing the religious implications of the two works, examining the two lead roles reveals much about contemporary sociopolitical thought and contextualizes Saint-Saëns and Lemaire's approach to this same subject. Samson Samson's most striking and famous characteristic is his great strength, and the treatment of this brawn is one of the most noticeable differences between Handel and Voltaire's dramas. Handel's Samson-blinded, chained, and no longer resembling the Israelite hero-begins the oratorio with a recitative explaining that he has a day of relief from his "task of servile toil" due to the feast celebrating Dagon. This opening immediately shifts to a bright chorus of Philistine priests rejoicing in their god. The musical contrast between Samson and his captors seems to represent how far he has fallen and how weak he has become. When Samson finally sings his first aria, he expresses only his torment and oppression. The oratorio, like Milton's tragedy, continues to follow Samson's emotional struggle until he regains his former strength and defeats 30 the Philistines. Winton Dean, a scholar of Handel's oratorios, points out that Samson's two most important airs, "Total eclipse" and "Thus, when the sun," symbolize light and Samson's spiritual progression out of darkness.12 The first air, based on line 81 of Samson Agonistes, is in the second scene of Act I and demonstrates the grief Samson is feeling over his loss of sight and, relatedly, his disconnectedness from God. Leading up to the aria, Samson confides to Micah that "[his] very soul in real darkness dwells." 13 The most difficult part for Samson is not captivity and loss of strength, but dwelling in darkness; Milton's Samson expresses the same feeling when he complains, "Light the prime work of God to me is extinct." 14 The Nazirite's despairing moment is set in a minor key with minimal accompaniment, evoking the dimness of Samson's vision. In contrast, Act III features a Samson whose hair is returning, and his strength in turn with it. At this point, his second aria about light begins, representing the sun rising again for Samson. Samson sings this air as he prepares to leave for his fight with Harapha and, due to its major key and text, seems to indicate that Samson feels forgiven by God for revealing his secret to Dalila-a welcome joy for the repentant hero. The audience, however, never gets to fully realize the complete return of Samson's strength since his destruction of the pagan temple takes place in the distance and is only discussed by the secondary characters. Regardless, Handel's Samson is primarily portrayed in his weak and guilt-ridden state, with his former strength only alluded to and never directly shown. Furthermore, the emphasis on Samson's repentance, God's forgiveness, and Samson's 12 Dean, Handel's Dramatic Oratorios, 333. 13 Georg Friedrich Händel, Samson, libretto by Newburgh Hamilton, ed. Hans Dieter Clausen, Supplementary Edition/Vocal Score (Kassel: Bärenreiter, 2011), 49. 14 Milton, Samson Agonistes, line 70. 31 sincerity-"consistency between one's professed beliefs and one's actual behavior"- aligns with the Christian belief of redemption from sin.15 Voltaire's Samson, on the other hand, is glorified with a strength beyond what he showed in the Bible. Samson makes his first entrance in the third scene of Act I wearing the skin of a lion. The audience is assumed to be familiar with the story of the biblical hero and would therefore immediately recognize his brute strength in connection with the lion since he is famously known for ripping one apart with his bare hands. In the second scene of Act II Voltaire fully develops the magnitude of Samson's force. The Philistine king is challenging Samson and his God, and in his determination to prove himself, Samson causes a fountain of water to gush from rocks that he presumably hits. When that is not enough to convince the king, Samson-in a Moses-like way-commands the elements and brings lightning down on the fields of the Philistines to burn their harvests. This action angers the Philistines and inspires the sequence of events that later leads to Samson's downfall. Nevertheless, Voltaire's image of Samson's strength suggests a godlike figure; it is also this mythological version of him that bothered the censors.16 Unlike the sincerity demonstrated in Handel's oratorio, Voltaire's libretto uses Samson's strength as a source of spectacle, perhaps stretching too far beyond the limits of the biblical narrative. Additionally, the connection between Samson's hair and his strength is explored in a new way in the French libretto. Voltaire's text points out the irony of the hero's great abilities being connected to such "low ornaments" as hair when Samson reveals his secret 15 16 This definition of sincerity comes from Bial, Playing God, 29. Anecdotes ou lettres secrètes sur divers sujets de littérature et de politique, vol. 3, letter of 14 November 1734, as given in Ferrier, "Un chef-d'œuvre," 57. 32 to Dalila.17 Furthermore, Voltaire made the decision not to focus on Samson's hair as the source of his strength, originally planning not to mention it at all because he wanted to emphasize Samson turning away from his God by marrying in the temple of Venus and revealing his sacred secret to his wife.18 Like Handel, Voltaire gives Samson an opportunity to mourn his loss of strength and sight, but this mourning is emphasized less in the opera. The return of Samson's strength is not related to the regrowth of his hair, but is a result of Samson's pleas for God to take revenge on the Philistines. Voltaire takes a clever approach to the violent conclusion when the king of the Philistines tells Samson that he will perish with his god, inspiring Samson's plan to let himself die with his enemies.19 It is therefore Samson's cunning idea that leads to the suicidal/homicidal conclusion, rather than just his restored physical power from God. Another key moment that both libretti address is Samson's reaction to Dalila's betrayal-a significant manifestation of his character that the Bible does not convey. Though the libretti change Dalila's character (as I will discuss in the next section), Handel and Hamilton stay closer to the biblical text and overall stance that Samson takes when Dalila comes to visit him in his bound state. Micah announces Dalila's approach, to 17 "Mes cheveux, à mon Dieu consacrés dès longtemps, / De ses bontés pour moi sont les sacrés garants: / Il voulut attacher ma force et mon courage / A de si faibles ornements: / Ils sont à lui; ma gloire est son ouvrage." Voltaire, Samson, 32. 18 Voltaire said in one of his letters, "Je serais bien tenté de ne point parler des cheveux plats de Samson. Faisons-le marier dans le temple de Vénus la Sidonienne; de quoi le dieu des Juifs sera courroucé; et les Philistins le prendront comme un enfant, quand il sera bien épuisé avec la Philistine." Quoted in Cuthbert Girdlestone, "Voltaire, Rameau, et Samson," Recherches sur la musique française classique 6 (1966): 141. It is interesting to note that Voltaire does not capitalize "dieu" in his letter when he speaks of Samson's god as he does in the libretto. 19 "LE ROI: Non, tu dois sentir à longs traits / L'amertume de ton supplice. / Qu'avec toi ton dieu périsse, / Et qu'il soit comme toi méprisé pour jamais. SAMSON: Tu m'inspires enfin; c'est sur toi que je fonde / Mes superbes desseins; / Tu m'inspires; ton bras seconde / mes languissantes mains." Voltaire, Samson, 38. 33 which Samson responds, "My wife? My traitress! Let her not come near me."20 The husband and wife then have a heated discussion of her duplicity, with Samson offering her the same forgiveness he has allowed himself, adding a touch of irony since he did not yet feel forgiven himself. In both Milton's poem and Handel's oratorio, Samson reminds Dalila that she was expected to give up her family and country when she married her people's enemy. Samson's argument offers an explanation for why the Israelite hero would surrender his secret to a Philistine woman-as her husband, Samson must have believed he could trust Dalila. Also, by making Dalila Samson's wife, both Milton and Handel could avoid tarnishing the Nazirite's reputation with the traditional sensuality associated with his downfall-something that would likely have been offensive to their audience, regardless of it being a possible interpretation of the biblical text. Finally, after continually denying Dalila the redemption she sought, Samson successfully sends her away, glad to be rid of his faithless wife. In contrast to the domestic dispute featured in Handel's oratorio, Voltaire's libretto does not bring Dalila back after her betrayal, though the author does explain what happened to her. As Samson laments his captivity and blindness, a chorus of Hebrews comes to his side; he begs their forgiveness for his weakness and complains that Dalila has left him. The chorus then reveals to him that she has taken her life, causing a new wave of sorrow to come over Samson. 21 His lament over his wife's death echoes the grief he expressed when he cried over his own losses. In this scene, it appears that Samson does not feel anger or hatred toward Dalila, but is only ashamed that he broke his 20 Händel, Samson, 132-33. Note: these are the same words Milton uses. Milton, Samson Agonistes, line 725. 21 "PERSONNAGES DU CHŒUR: Elle a fini ses jours infortunés." Voltaire, Samson, 36. 34 covenant with God and revealed his secret. Furthermore, the sincerity of Samson's grief and repentance is similar to that of Handel's Samson, but it does not seem to be enough to counterbalance the spectacle of the opera. Unlike Milton and Handel, Voltaire does not put all the blame for Samson's undoing on Dalila; instead, he manages to retain the love story that he had built in the previous act. Whether audiences would prefer to see the couple's love sealed with Dalila's death or to have her punished by Samson's hatred, we will never know since the entire opera was judged inappropriate by the censors.22 Voltaire scholar Béatrice Ferrier remarks that one of the issues with the libretto is "the treatment of Biblical characters as mere humans plagued by feelings." 23 Mourning his wife is a very human moment for Samson, and perhaps makes him more relatable to an audience, something that, according to his correspondence, Voltaire was seeking to do. 24 The added dimension of Samson as a grieving widower gives depth to a character who is otherwise portrayed in the Bible primarily as mindless muscle. If Handel's Samson could be described as a repentant sinner, Voltaire's can be condensed into a human character who happens to possess godlike strength. 22 The editor of Anecdotes et lettres secrètes confirmed the reason for censorship: "Le Samson de ce poète ne sera point joué, à cause de la licence de l'auteur qui a bouleversé ce sujet sacré, pour en faire une espèce de roman accommodé au goût du théâtre: on a pris à cette occasion le parti de ne plus admettre sur le théâtre aucun sujet tiré de l'Écriture Sainte." Ferrier, "Un chef-d'œuvre," 57. 23 "Le traitement de personnages bibliques comme de simples humains en proie à des sentiments peut apparaître comme une impiété de plus." Ibid., 58. 24 Catherine Kintzler, "Rameau et Voltaire: les enjeux théoriques d'une collaboration orageuse," Revue de Musicologie 67, no. 2 (1981): 150. 35 Dalila As I mentioned in the previous chapter, the Dalila portrayed in the Bible raises more questions than the text answers, and the attempts to address these in both Handel's oratorio and Voltaire's opera make these two interpretations of the narrative particularly interesting perspectives on their respective societies' views of women. Though the Bible never explicitly identifies Dalila's nationality, both libretti presume she is a Philistine. As I mentioned above, Handel's oratorio directly invokes Dalila's ethnicity when Samson confronts her about her betrayal; Voltaire, on the other hand, implies it both through her association with the priestesses of Venus and her conversation with the High Priest. In the oratorio, the mystery of Dalila's wealth and home ownership is not resolved since it arises only after Samson's imprisonment, and the opera completely avoids this issue by placing the scenes between Dalila and Samson in nature and in the Temple of Venus. As interesting as these indications of Dalila's nationality and her source of wealth may be, however, they are not as revelatory as the answers these authors provide regarding Dalila's feelings and motivations for her actions. Handel's Dalila is featured in only one solitary scene, in which she arrives repentant and leaves emboldened by anger. The Philistine woman timidly approaches Samson only to be rebuked by her husband, who calls her a "hyena."25 Dalila then admits that her curiosity in learning his secret is "a small female fault," blaming Samson for "[trusting] a woman's frailty" to keep their conversations confidential, especially since women are "greedy of secrets, but to publish them."26 This excuse reveals a 25 Händel, Samson, 135. 26 Ibid., 138. 36 possible stereotype of women that may still resonate today: Women are gossips, and, at least in some cases, apparently should not be held accountable for the information they reveal. When Samson refuses to accept this explanation, she tries to appeal to him in a more loving way, offering to take him into her "nursing care" and tend to him for the rest of his life.27 This effort offers a possibly more positive stereotype of women-as nurturers-but Samson does not believe it. After she sings an aria about her love, assisted by a chorus of Virgins, Dalila attempts to touch Samson's hand, but he forbids her from coming any closer. Following these three attempts to win her husband back, perhaps reflecting the Bible's version of her three tries at uncovering the mystery of his strength, Dalila decides she no longer needs his forgiveness and announces that she will return to the Philistines, who will honor her actions. The scene that follows offers one more negative view of women when Micah assures Samson that "So much self-love does rule the sex, / They nothing else love long." 28 Though this sentiment is expressed in Milton's text as well, it is presented with a little more clarity and brevity in Hamilton's libretto. Additionally, Dalila's character varies from the Miltonic poem by presenting her in a more virtuous light that is typical of Handel's heroines; as Dean suggests, Dalila is playing games with Samson rather than being manipulative. 29 With a sense of irony, Dalila-having originally been called a "traitress" by Samson-bids farewell to her "traitor of love."30 Featured in significantly more scenes than Handel's Dalila, Voltaire's female 27 Ibid., 153. 28 Händel, Samson, 177. 29 Dean, Handel's Dramatic Oratorios, 331. 30 Händel, Samson, 171 37 principal is developed to elicit more empathy from the audience, and possibly offers her suicide as a reprieve from her guilt. Dalila first appears in the third act, when we see her with the Philistines worshipping their gods. Surrounding an altar with her fellow priestesses in a grove, Dalila makes a plea to Venus not to let war desecrate their celebrations. Shortly thereafter, Dalila meets Samson, and, knowing that he is the cause of trouble for her people, she is surprised at how handsome she finds him. 31 The two fall in love with each other almost immediately, which shows that Samson's love is not unrequited-a possibility the Bible leaves open to interpretation. As I mentioned above, Voltaire sought to make the characters more relatable, and a love story certainly would have accomplished this even though it was not entirely in accord with the biblical account. Throughout his narrative, Voltaire develops an honest and affectionate female protagonist, which represents a major shift from his original draft of the libretto. According to his correspondence, Voltaire originally planned for Dalila to be a bit more roguish, but he decided to tame her for the censors.32 Throughout the opera, rather than manipulating the Israelite hero, Dalila earnestly seeks to help her people while attending to her soon-to-be husband. Knowing of the love Samson has for this priestess of Venus, the High Priest asks Dalila to learn the source of his strength; assured that "love has no secret," Dalila promises to uncover it. 33 Immediately following their marriage, Dalila insists that Samson must reveal his secret to her-otherwise their marriage vows would 31 "Est-ce là ce cruel, ce vainqueur homicide? / Vénus, il semble né pour embellir ta cour." Voltaire, Samson, 23. 32 Ferrier, "Un chef-d'œuvre," 53. 33 "L'amour n'a point de secret." Voltaire, Samson, 28. 38 be broken. In a complete change from the Bible, Voltaire reinterprets the scene in which Samson tells Dalila about his hair. The revelation is accompanied by thunder that seems to announce to the Philistines that the Israelite has lost his strength, suggesting his strength left when he betrayed the secret and not when the Philistines cut his hair. When her people arrive to capture Samson, Dalila furiously fights them and begs them to turn their cruelties upon her in his place. 34 The scene is ironic and highlights the conflict Dalila feels between love and duty (a typical operatic conflict) because she brought this upon Samson herself, and yet she would rather meet the violent consequences of her actions than let the husband she unwittingly betrayed receive them. In her final scene, which ends the fourth act, Voltaire presents Dalila in her vulnerable and angered state as she expresses the betrayal she feels by her people and her goddess. Powerless, Dalila disassociates herself from the Philistines and curses them, allowing for an empathetic response from the audience. Dalila seems to have believed that her actions would help her people but did not understand what they meant for her husband; realizing she was misled by the High Priest and Venus, Dalila is left with nothing but contempt for both of them, and her suicide is the result. In light of Dalila's reaction to Samson's capture, it is ironic that Samson himself does not feel betrayed by his wife, which would be the expected response since he has the most to lose. With such complex emotions and details, Voltaire's Dalila was the most human character in the opera, making her less of the antagonist of the Bible and more of the lovable woman by whom Samson was enchanted. Perhaps her goodness was too believable, and that was what kept the opera off the stage; after all, the French censors may have judged that it 34 "Tournez sur moi vos cruautés." Ibid., 33. 39 was inappropriate for audiences to identify with the perceived vixen who destroyed the Israelite hero. The Cultural Other One final observation about Voltaire and Handel/Hamilton's settings of this biblical tale pertains to their depictions of the cultural Other. It is clear from the Bible that the Philistines are the enemies and oppressors of the Hebrews; defining this difference would become one of the key characteristics of future adaptations of this story, such as Saint-Saëns's. Handel highlighted this distinction through his music, coloring the merriment of the Philistines in the first act with trumpets and lively music in preparation for their feast, while the oppressed Israelites were given music in minor keys with a slower pace.35 Furthermore, he gave homophonic choral writing to the Philistines in contrast to the more complicated polyphonic expressions of the Israelites.36 And though their music is simpler than that of the Hebrews in the oratorio, Dean observes that Handel's music for the Philistines features more counterpoint than he typically includes when portraying a pagan group. 37 In contrast, the Israelites are portrayed as the Self through their slower music that demonstrates their piety and humility. The musical associations made with each group of people divide the two sides and strengthen the audience's identification with the more devout Hebrews. 35 Dean, Handel's Dramatic Oratorios, 338. 36 Anthony Hicks, "Handel, George Frederic, 10: Oratorios and musical dramas," in Grove Music Online, Oxford University Press, 2007-2016, accessed 2 November 2016, http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com:80/subsciber/article/grove/music/40060pg10. 37 Dean, Handel's Dramatic Oratorios, 338. Other examples of pagan groups in Handel's works include the Babylonians and the Persians in Belshazzar. 40 Conversely, because the music Rameau composed for this opera was not preserved, we must rely solely on Voltaire's libretto for indications about how the cultural Other might have been depicted in the opera's music. At the beginning of the second act, the king of the Philistines and his court are introduced. The description of the scene specifies that they are dressed in oriental style; from this we can assume that costumes would have been a strong indicator of difference. 38 As for musical contrasts between the two groups, we are left to speculate. Voltaire acknowledged that Rameau used some of the music from Samson for "Les Incas" in his opera-ballet Les Indes galantes. The music is notably intense for this genre and features "voices and orchestra [which] interact with extraordinary vehemence." 39 Perhaps this music was featured during the interactions between Samson and the Philistines, whereas the more tender and airy music of Castor et Pollux (another opera Voltaire identified as incorporating Samson's music) may have been reserved for the amorous moments between Samson and Dalila. If so, then the music did not add to the perception of a cultural Other, and the distinction was simply visual, as was typical in much Baroque opera.40 Additionally, Graham Sadler observes that the music from Zoroastre (the final opera mentioned by Voltaire) has an "other-worldly" character, which may have been used when Samson 38 "Dans le fond de la perspective le roi est sur son trône, entouré de toute sa cour habillé à l'orientale." Voltaire, Samson, 16. 39 Graham Sadler, "Indes galantes, Les," in Grove Music Online, Oxford University Press, 2007- 2016, accessed 10 March 2017, http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com.ezproxy.lib.utah.edu/subscriber/article/grove/music/O005181. 40 Ralph P. Locke, Musical Exoticism: Images and Reflections (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 62. 41 demonstrated his godlike strength, but again this does not suggest Otherness.41 Conclusion Though greatly divergent in purpose, plot, and success, Handel's oratorio and Voltaire's libretto offer interesting perspectives on the original biblical tale. Both versions are products of the times and places in which they were created. Handel's oratorio demonstrates more sincerity in religious beliefs, resulting in a sensitivity toward the biblical topic that was necessary for a positive reception. In contrast, Voltaire's libretto emphasized spectacle, straying too far from the original biblical content and offending his censors. Additionally, Voltaire frequently created ironic situations in the plot that possibly challenged the religious subject. In her examination of Voltaire's libretto, Ferrier suggests that it is actually Voltaire's name and reputation for religious criticism that led to the rejection of his opera. 42 In contrast, it was Handel's, and possibly Milton's, name that attracted audiences in London. However, regardless of the names associated with a dramatic work, I maintain it is the balance of sincerity, spectacle, and irony that might predict a successful transition of a biblical subject to a performance venue. Handel struck this balance in his oratorio, but Voltaire's libretto (and reputation) challenged sacred themes with an overemphasis on spectacle and irony. From a weakened and repentant hero to a man with godlike strength, the interpretation of each Samson was dramatically different from the original biblical text. Moreover, Handel's Dalila was a fickle female who incidentally betrayed her husband 41 Graham Sadler, "Zoroastre," in Grove Music Online, Oxford University Press, 2007-2016, accessed 10 March 2017, http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/subscriber/article/grove/music/O002587. 42 Ferrier, "Un chef-d'œuvre," 63-65. 42 and was celebrated by his enemies for it, while Voltaire's Dalila was an honest, loving woman who felt deceived by her own people. Both libretti offer explanations of her motives rather than assuming (as the Bible suggests) that she was motivated merely by money, and both propose a conclusion to the heroine's story. Regardless of the clarity of the details of Dalila's life offered in these two libretti, Saint-Saëns would reimagine Voltaire's story and restore some of the ambiguity to her character in a new and original way. CHAPTER 3 RELIGION AND EXOTICISM IN SAINT-SAËNS'S SAMSON ET DALILA In one of his many essays, Saint-Saëns recalls the first time he approached his librettist, Ferdinand Lemaire, about collaborating on his oratorio project, Samson et Dalila. The composer indicates that Lemaire insisted they write an opera instead of an oratorio, and Saint-Saëns readily agreed.1 Yet, because it is well known that Saint-Saëns originally planned to write an oratorio, some scholars argue that the connection with the sacred genre is still relevant and possibly explains the opera's limited musical exoticism and its incorporation of religious-sounding music. However, since the creative team changed genres when they first agreed to collaborate, this argument seems inconsequential. The limited musical exoticism is typical of the Orientalist opera genre, which commonly features just enough of the style to transport the listener to a new locale. Additionally, the composer's incorporation of religious-sounding music is a deliberate choice for creating a contrasting character to the cultural Other featured in the opera. Previous research on Samson et Dalila has addressed the exoticism of its music and Orientalism depicted by the Philistines. Moreover, scholars have established that the 1 "I now suggested to him the writing of an oratorio. ‘An oratorio!' he replied, ‘No, let it be an opera.' And we decided for an opera." Camille Saint-Saëns, "The Origin of ‘Samson and Delilah,'" in Outspoken Essays on Music, trans. Fred Rothwell (New York: Dutton and Company, 1922), 171. 44 Hebrews represent the West and the Philistines the East.2 But as the Orientalism in the opera reveals a problematic European interpretation of the East, little attention has been paid to what the opera says about the West. Building on Locke's research about Samson et Dalila as an Orientalist work, I codify a style of music that contrasts with the musical exoticism of the cultural Other, resulting in what I argue is the European portrayal of Self. Through an evocation of religiosity, Saint-Saëns presents the Hebrews/European Self as morally superior to their pagan counterparts. In this chapter, I first examine SaintSaëns's religious views to clarify the composer's motivations for choosing a scriptural topic and to shed light on how he approached the material. Next, I explore how the music and text work together in the opera to distinguish the two cultures represented in the opera. Finally, I consider how the composer balances sincerity, spectacle, and irony as he incorporates a Samson-Christ allegory into the opera to effectively Christianize the Old Testament topic, which was necessary during an anti-Semitic period.3 Saint-Saëns's Religious Views "There is in religion an appeal and a charm not found anywhere else, an admirable source of art and literature; and for this source to flow, faith is not at all necessary," wrote Camille Saint-Saëns in one of his essays. 4 His words help set the stage for the dramaturgical decisions the composer made when writing Samson et Dalila. They 2 See Ralph P. Locke, "Constructing the Oriental ‘Other': Saint-Saëns's Samson et Dalila," Cambridge Opera Journal 3, no. 3 (Nov. 1991): 261-302; and Marina Dubcek, "L'orientalisme dans Samson," L'avant-scène opéra 15 (1978): 86-88. 3 In Chapter 2, I define sincerity as "consistency between one's professed beliefs and one's actual behavior." 4 Camille Saint-Saëns, Problèmes et Mystères (Paris: Flammerion, 1894), 38: "Il y a dans les religions un attrait et un charme qui ne se retrouvent pas ailleurs, une source admirable d'art et de littérature; et pour que cette source coule, la foi n'est pas du tout nécessaire." 45 show that it was not religious zeal that motivated the opera, but rather Saint-Saëns's recognition of the advantages of using a biblical topic, since it allowed a combination of supernatural events and ancient history, both of which he considered had much to offer to an opera plot.5 Perhaps in the same way that Saint-Saëns suggests drawing artistic inspiration from religion, faith was not required for the enjoyment or acceptance of his most popular opera either; if anything, it was likely easier to appreciate the opera without a religious predisposition since Saint-Saëns's treatment of his characters includes skipping over the heroics of Samson and giving Dalila's destructive role more prominence-an emphasis with which the religiously inclined may have disagreed. Charles Camille Saint-Saëns was baptized at the Saint-Sulpice Roman Catholic church when he was three weeks old. 6 Though he was christened Catholic, rumors that he was either Jewish or atheist abounded throughout his life. Saint-Saëns's frequent use of Old Testament topics in his early musical compositions, combined with his later attacks on Wagner, led some of his contemporaries to believe he was Jewish. In spite of his continual denial of the rumor, it persisted and was fueled by the anti-Semitism of the late nineteenth century; this misconception even continued long after the composer's death.7 Regardless of whether audiences believed Saint-Saëns was Jewish, rampant antiSemitism dictated that Samson et Dalila include some aspects of Christianity to counteract its Old Testament topic. As Ralph Locke suggests, the opera could be successful only if Samson were treated as "a prefiguration of Christ," an issue that I will 5 See Camille Saint-Saëns, "History and Mythology in Opera," in Musical Memories, trans. Edwin Gile Rich (Boston: Small, Maynard & Company, 1919), 61-75. 6 Stéphane Leteuré, "Le compositeur Camille Saint-Saëns face à l'accusation d'être juif: Itinéraire d'une rumeur," Revue des Etudes Juives 172, no. 3/4 (2013): 371. 7 Ibid., 371-82. 46 discuss later in this chapter. 8 The other common misconception regarding Saint-Saëns's religious views is that he was an atheist. In Problèmes et Mystères-a collection of philosophical essays published in 1894 and reprinted in 1922-the composer discusses how atheists have a bad reputation because they deny God, but he also proposes that "a negation is not a doctrine."9 Furthermore, he declares, "The evidence of God's existence is irrefutable."10 However, though he acknowledged a higher power, Saint-Saëns did not believe religion should be the foundation of society as it was in his day. According to Saint-Saëns, God was used as a solution any time there was a question that science could not answer, and he believed God would be forgotten when science caught up. 11 Saint-Saëns's belief in letting reason guide decisions as well as his open questioning of Catholic doctrine are likely what led to the assumption of his atheism. Saint-Saëns observed flaws in the Catholic Church, ranging from priests' virginity (criticizing that such a vow made by every man could end the species) to the fear religion instills in people to do good things to save their souls.12 He also took issue with the apostles in the New Testament who did not marry and have children or work to provide their own food and shelter, because he found such examples were not conducive to a 8 Locke, "Constructing," 274. 9 Saint-Saëns, Problèmes, 47-48. "D'ailleurs, une négation n'est pas une doctrine." 10 Ibid., 48. "Les preuves de l'existence de Dieu sont irréfutables." 11 Ibid., 48-49. 12 Ibid., 61-64. 47 productive society. 13 Although he openly criticized some Catholic beliefs, he still cannot be considered an atheist since he did acknowledge the existence of God. He is more reasonably presumed to be a rationalist, opposing religion as the foundation of society.14 Saint-Saëns's ambiguous religious beliefs take on greater importance when examined in the context of his views on topics for operas. In one of his chapters from Musical Memories, he considers the ongoing debate about historical versus mythological topics for libretti, suggesting that it is irrelevant since the only thing that matters in opera is good music and an interesting story. Furthermore, Saint-Saëns questions the difference between the two types of topics when he argues that "there are myths in history and history in myths."15 Moreover, every myth is based on truth and is just an "old form" of history. Saint-Saëns acknowledges that we can never have an objective historical account since the author of each one writes according to his or her own observations. Thus, the presence of supernatural elements is what separates history and mythology. 16 More pertinent to the study of Samson et Dalila is Saint-Saëns's position on how religious topics fit into this debate. He emphasizes that "Halfway between history and mythology come the sacred writings. Each race has its own. Ours are the Old and New Testaments. Many believe that these books are myths; a larger number-the Believers- that they are history, Sacred History, the only true history-the only one about which it is 13 Ibid., 55-57. 14 See Joseph-Marc Bailbé, "Le sacré dans l'art lyrique: Autour de l'Opéra français du XIXe siècle," in Littérature et opéra, ed. Philippe Berthier and Kurt Ringger (Grenoble: Presses Universitaires de Grenoble, 1987), 117-27; and Élisabeth Bouillon, "Samson et Dalila: La Confusion d'un genre," Avantscène opera 15 (1978): 8-13. 15 Saint-Saëns, "History and Mythology in Opera," 62. 16 Ibid., 64-67. 48 not permitted to express doubt."17 For a composer who did not take a side on the historical-versus-mythological debate over opera topics, the story of Samson and Dalila seems fitting since it can be considered historical, but also includes the supernatural elements of mythological topics. Mythology, furthermore, provides opportunities for spectacle, while history presents human emotions and passions. Yet Saint-Saëns argues that "There is one thing the most discerning historian can never reach-the depths of the human soul,"18 perhaps recognizing that while history provides a narrative, only music can portray the soul. In choosing a biblical topic, Saint-Saëns is able to take advantage of both genres' merits. He is able to create spectacle at the end of the opera with the destruction of the temple, while also highlighting human feelings and passions, enhanced through both music and text. One final relevant observation pertains to Saint-Saëns's thoughts on legends. He observes that after audiences tired of mythology, composers turned to history, and historical settings remained unchallenged until Meyerbeer's legendary opera Robert le diable (1831), based on the Norman legend of a half-demonic figure of the same name. Though Saint-Saëns does not define what he means by "legendary," it appears that it lies between mythology and history, just as sacred texts do. Legendary opera reaps the benefits of both genres. Robert le diable, for example, includes human drama (such as that experienced between Robert and his lost parents) as well as spectacle (such as Robert's lost father calling forth nuns from their graves to dance a bacchanale). SaintSaëns notes that this legendary element would later be successful in the operas of Richard Wagner. Because of the middle ground that legends and sacred texts share, Saint-Saëns is 17 Ibid., 63. 18 Saint-Saëns, "History and Mythology in Opera," 66. 49 able to take a biblical hero and recast his story as something more like a legend. Representing Cultural Difference and Religion in Art Orientalist representations of biblical figures began in the nineteenth century with European excursions to the Near East to explore the Holy Land. Painter Sir David Wilkie observed that the Arabs "look as if they had never changed since the time of Abraham." 19 Artists began to include the dress and environment of the contemporary Near East in their religious artwork in an effort to portray what they perceived as truthful biblical scenes. With the shift in biblical representations in art from classical drapery and vague locations to a recognizable Near East, it is easy to understand why Saint-Saëns similarly chose to include Orientalist elements in the music of Samson et Dalila. While many nineteenthcentury artists used Arabs as stand-ins for all the cultures represented in the Bible (see Figure 3.1 for an example of an Orientalist Old Testament scene), Saint-Saëns depicts the Near East strictly through the Philistines in the opera. Orientalism in art has been used to portray what artists regard as a more realistic scene as well as to project artists' fantasies. Realistic biblical scenes were appreciated for their perceived authenticity, but they were also susceptible to criticism because they challenged contemporary notions about the physical appearance of biblical characters. Furthermore, as Linda Nochlin observes, the Orientalist style of art gave painters a space in which they could project erotic and sadistic desires without fearing backlash or 19 Quoted in Malcolm Warner, "The Question of Faith: Orientalism, Christianity and Islam," in The Orientalists: Delacroix to Matisse: European Painters in North Africa and the Near East, ed. Mary Anne Stevens (London: Royal Academy of Arts, 1984), 32. 50 punishment.20 Additionally, the representation of Arabs in Orientalist art that was not based on the Bible played to European beliefs about their Eastern neighbors as cruel fanatics who acted on their carnal desires. 21 The combination of these two approaches- realism and fantasy-to Orientalist art is directly related to the development of SaintSaëns's Samson et Dalila. The composer could present the Orientalist biblical setting as a truthful representation, while the harsh stereotypes of Arabs easily translated into the attitude of the Philistine enemy. Edward Said suggests several characteristics commonly associated with the Orient: despotism, splendor, cruelty, sensuality, promise, terror, sublimity, idyllic pleasure, and intense energy. 22 For each of these stereotypes associated with the Philistines in Samson et Dalila, the Hebrews exhibit a contrasting trait, resulting in a strong distinction between the two cultures. Furthermore, as Locke observes, these differences emphasize "the opera's underlying opposition between a morally superior ‘us' (or ‘collective Self') and an appealing but dangerous ‘them' (‘collective Other') who come close to causing ‘our' downfall." 23 Polarities between the two groups are a given due to the plot's demand for a protagonist and an antagonist, but the disparity between these two groups is also the result of overlaying cultural and religious distinctions and stereotypes. The two tribes or nationalities in the opera-the Hebrews and the Philistines- 20 Linda Nochlin, "The Imaginary Orient" in The Politics of Vision: Essays on NineteenthCentury Art and Society (New York: Harper & Row, 1989), 41. 21 Warner, "The Question of Faith," 35-37. 22 Edward W. Said, Orientalism, 25th anniversary ed. (1978; repr., New York: Vintage Books, 1994), 4, 118. 23 Locke, "Constructing," 263. 51 demonstrate opposing characteristics in the first and third acts, leaving the second act to focus on Dalila and her betrayal. Despotism is juxtaposed to freedom and selfgovernance when Abimélech, and later the High Priest, seek absolute control over the Hebrews, who long for their own freedom. The two Philistine leaders and their followers are presented as cruel and terror-loving, which only helps the enslaved Hebrews appear more humane and peaceful. The comparisons could continue, but they all ultimately point toward the same problematic view of the East. Consequently, the opera's Oriental caricatures suggest a similar magnification of the religiosity of the European-like characters. Sacred and Exotic Styles in Samson et Dalila The musical exoticisms featured in Orientalist operas vary with each composer and locale, but they are consistently marked as Other by their unusual modes, harmonies, rhythms, instrumentation, and ornamentation. My study will be limited to Saint-Saëns's use of exotic gestures, meaning musical features outside the norms of Western European music of the late nineteenth century.24 Saint-Saëns's exotic style may initially have been influenced by his contemporaries' use of foreign-sounding musical characteristics or may be a product of his own invention, but after traveling to Algeria, the composer began incorporating the sounds he heard on his visits into some of his music.25 24 An examination of other Orientalist operas contemporary with Saint-Saëns's Samson et Dalila may reveal different musical features associated with the cultural Other, but that is beyond the scope of this chapter. 25 Lynne Johnson, "Camille Saint-Saëns's Changing Exoticism and the Interesting Case of La Foi," Journal of Musicological Research 25 (2006): 79-80. Additionally, the impact of Saint-Saëns's visits to Algeria on his music, specifically the "Bacchanale," has been carefully studied by other scholars, most notably Myriam Ladjili, "La musique arabe chez les compositeurs français du XIXe siècle saisis 52 In contrast, Saint-Saëns's sacred style includes musical features that are historically Western European and often suggest the Baroque style-likely the result of Saint-Saëns's study of Bach and Handel's music. In fact, Saint-Saëns remarks in his writings on the oratorios of these two composers that their music should be studied because "composers will find a point of departure there, and from there arise powerful and beautiful works, which will be enjoyable according to their merit."26 Because he critiques the modern performance of their oratorios by complaining that five hours of fugues and arias are boring, it should not be surprising that he chose to limit the number of fugues, vary his choruses, and include duets and trios instead of just arias in Samson et Dalila.27 While a sacred musical idiom is not defined by its incorporation of Baroque and other historical elements alone (all of which will be discussed in this chapter), because these musical gestures in late nineteenth-century works evoke religious music, they warrant the label of "sacred style." In addition to Saint-Saëns's musings on Bach and Handel, the composer wrote an essay in response to Pope Pius X's Motu proprio, which dealt with the performance of sacred music in the Catholic Church. Though the papal decree was released only in 1903, and Saint-Saëns's essay some time shortly thereafter, I argue that it is still relevant to my study because his ideas about religious music were likely cultivated over a longer period of time. The most significant comment Saint-Saëns makes in this essay concerns d'exotisme (1844-1914)," International Review of the Aesthetics and Sociology of Music 26, no. 1 (1995): 3-33. 26 "Les compositeurs y trouveront un point de départ, et de là surgiront des œuvres fortes et belles, qui seront goûtées suivant leur mérite." Camille Saint-Saëns, "Oratorios de Bach et de Haendel," in Harmonie et mélodie (Paris: Calmann-Lévy, 1885), 104-05. 27 Ibid., 101. 53 polyphony. He first observes that Palestrina's secular madrigals are so similar to their sacred counterparts (motets) that if they were sung with a Latin text, they would sound the same to modern listeners. Additionally, he believes the operas of Handel likewise can easily be adapted to a sacred context. Though he does not provide any examples of how he thinks that would work, based on his argument regarding madrigals and motets, he likely finds this too can be accomplished by the use of a foreign text. These points lead up to his most relevant observation for my study: "It is the distance [of time] which creates the mystery, and the mysterious character passes for religious." 28 It is therefore not surprising that Saint-Saëns used historically distant music within the Western European tradition, or at least music that "passes for religious," to depict the Hebrews as Christians. The first significant musical divide between the Hebrews and Philistines is their treatment of canon. The canonic features of the Hebrews' music in the first act are more complex than those of the Philistines in the third. The opening chorus, "Dieu, d'Israël," originally was part of an unidentified oratorio project, which accounts for the strong influence of the sacred style. 29 Before the curtain rises, the Hebrews are heard singing a prayer, including a melody sung by the women that becomes shortly thereafter a fugue subject. However, just one measure before the subject is introduced, the violas begin a fugal subject of their own on the tonic that is then imitated throughout the orchestra with alternating entrances on the tonic and the dominant. The orchestra's subject becomes 28 "C'est l'éloignement qui crée le mystère, et le caractère mystérieux passe pour religieux." Camille Saint-Saëns, "Musique religieuse," in École buissonnière: Notes et souvenirs (Paris: P. Lafitte & Cie, 1913), 163. 29 Steven Huebner, French Opera at the fin de siècle: Wagnerism, Nationalism, and Style (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), 206. 54 fragmented and features an ascending sequence before returning to its original length as the curtain rises on the city of Gaza. The orchestra plays the subject in unison, leading up to the Hebrew chorus' fugue, at which point their subject ceases. The chorus' fugue begins in the basses and moves up with each subject entry until it reaches the sopranos, alternating entrances on the tonic and dominant. Henri Collet (who was building on Baumann's writings about the opera) identified both fugal subjects in "Dieu, d'Israël" as specific themes. He labels the second half of the orchestra's subject as the "Lamentation" theme (see Figure 3.2 a), which features a chromatic descent. Additionally, Collet identifies the Hebrews' subject as the "Revolt" theme (see Figure 3.2 b), suggesting that the fugue unifies the Hebrew revolt against their Philistine oppressors.30 The text reflects these labels, with the first theme accompanying the Hebrews' cries that the Lord has turned away from them. 31 However, in the second theme, their petitions to the Lord change as they observe how their cities have been overthrown and pagans have defiled their altar.32 Though they are not revolting at this point, the crimes that have been committed against them are likely what incite them to follow Samson. In contrast to the Hebrew's complicated fugue, the High Priest and Dalila sing a less difficult canon in the third act offering "Glory to Dagon!" The High Priest introduces the melody and Dalila imitates him a measure later in exact canon at the octave. Additionally, the piece begins with a motive that travels through the strings, and like the canon itself, is only answered at the octave. Locke observes that the music, because it is a 30 Collet, Samson et Dalila, 10-17. 31 "Un jour, de nous tu détournas ta face, Et de ce jour ton peuple fut vaincu!" 32 "Nous avons vu nos cites renversées, Et les Gentils profanant ton autel." 55 strict canon, features "archaic rigidity" and suggests a "banality or lack of ethical substance."33 This further underscores the problematic stereotypes of the Other described above. Furthermore, the orchestration includes triangles, harps, cymbals, and glockenspiel-all of which are instruments associated with exoticism throughout this opera as well as numerous other works. The Hebrews' complicated polyphony versus the Philistines' simpler counterpoint highlights the difference between the two peoples. Indeed, in an essay Saint-Saëns wrote during the period he was composing the opera, he asserts that "the Orientals and the African Negroes" are not able to "elevate themselves to the conception of harmony. … [H]armony came with Western civilization, with the development of the human spirit. … The development of harmony marked a new step in the march of humanity." 34 Though his position on non-European music changed later in his life, at this point he seems to be of the opinion that Western music is superior. And even though he discusses harmony in his essay, I argue that assigning the more complex polyphony to the Hebrews is likewise identifying them as more developed and civilized than the more antiquated music of the Philistine Other. Although canon and fugue are not techniques used only in sacred music, SaintSaëns's writings affirm his association of fugue with oratorio. Saint-Saëns observes its use in Handel's oratorios and marvels at the Baroque composer's ability to write fugues with such speed. Moreover, Saint-Saëns suggests that a possible explanation for the speed at which Handel could compose oratorios, and the fugues they contain, is his 33 Locke, "Constructing," 286. 34 Camille Saint-Saëns, quoted in Johnson, "Changing Exoticism," 76-77. 56 "rudimentary instrumentation."35 Saint-Saëns remarks that in comparison, his own contemporaries can "produce complicated orchestral effects, the possibility of which the old masters had no conception." 36 When the Hebrews' fugue and the related orchestral fugue occur, the orchestra evokes Baroque instrumentation through the prominent use of strings and some woodwinds. Percussion is also notably absent throughout, demonstrating another difference from the exotic style. The two choruses in the first act honoring Samson's recent heroism-one of Hebrew elders (basses), the other of Philistine women-also provide another interesting point of comparison between the two cultures. The first chorus, "Hymne de joie," immediately follows the High Priest's curse and departure. The Hebrew elders sing of their deliverance from the hands of their enemies and use terms commonly associated with religion, such as "succor," and terms frequently ascribed to men, such as "strong" and "sons." The text alone plays up their Western piety, which will soon be contrasted with "Oriental" sensuality; however, the music is what truly catches the listener's attention. The bass choir sings a monophonic chant that recalls the plainchant of the early modern era. The text is set syllabically, which combined with minimal melodic motion, is suggestive of the simplicity and humility of their prayer. The melody avoids the leading tone as it hovers around the second note of the scale and evokes the hypodorian mode. The prayerful chant of the elders features a single chord heard between phrases played by the oboes and bassoons. When the Old Hebrew sings, he is accompanied by the strings, with the woodwinds joining back in when the elders resume their chant; this musical 35 Camille Saint-Saëns, "Their Majesties," in Musical Memories, trans. Edwin Gile Rich (Boston: Small, Maynard & Company, 1919), 265. 36 Ibid., 266. 57 gesture distinguishes the prayers of the elders from the commentary of the Old Hebrew. The piece concludes with the chant melody echoed first in octaves by the woodwinds and then by the strings. In contrast, in the next scene, the Philistine women arrive with Dalila and garlands of flowers for the "conquering warriors," who appear to be Samson and the Hebrews at this point in the drama. 37 Their text is colored with words that refer to nature, such as flowers, rosebuds, and birds, offering a significant polarity to the masculine language of the Hebrew elders. Associating exotic women with nature was typical in Orientalist opera, with examples including Lakme's "Flower Duet," Madama Butterfly's "Flower Duet" (as well as her nickname), and Aida's Nile scene. Locke observes that the foreign women's distinction is one of the "[characteristic] Romantic binary oppositions" that were so frequently featured in Orientalist operas to magnify the difference and subordination of the Other. 38 Furthermore, the disparity between the two groups is exemplified not only through texts and voices (male versus female), but also through music. The harp takes on an active role in the accompaniment, while a delicate ascending melody alternates between the strings and winds. All these reflect what Locke refers to as a tendency in Orientalist paintings "to construct Eastern woman as object of desire, as a sensual creature who-however innocently or craftily-beckons."39 This scene leans toward an innocent interpretation of sensuality, but nonetheless participates in the stereotypes Locke highlights. 37 "Voici le printemps nous portant des fleurs pour orner le front des guerriers vainqueurs!" 38 Ralph P. Locke, Musical Exoticism: Images and Reflections (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 185-86. Locke makes this comment in connection with Aida's Nile Scene, in which the heroine is portrayed in "‘weak' or subordinate terms." 39 Ibid., 186. 58 In the same way cultural and religious difference can be examined in the music and text of the two tribes as a whole, a comparison can be made on a smaller scale through an analysis of two related characters, Abimélech and the Old Hebrew. Both men have relatively minor roles, only appear in the first act, and share a voice type (bass). However, their characterizations could not be more opposite. Abimélech is presented as a rigid and violent man, whereas the Old Hebrew appears to be a gentle and wise sage. Comparing these two characters demonstrates not only the difference between their musical styles and the messages they convey, but also allows for an investigation that is not influenced by gender. The audience is first introduced to Abimélech in the second scene of the first act when he comes to see who is raising his voice amongst the slaves. At first, he is primarily unaccompanied except for interjections of the motive associated with him in the contrabasses. The accompanying instrumentation consists of the contrabasses, winds, and brass. When Abimélech begins taunting the Hebrews because of their faith, he sings in unison with the brass. Between phrases, the winds, trumpets, and cymbals interject a brief melody. The instrumentation is most suggestive of exoticism at this point, though Abimélech's unison singing bears a meaning of its own. The unattractive melody Abimélech sings-combined with his negative text-suggests the same "rigidity and repressive power of Oriental society" that Locke recognizes as a common characteristic for foreign male leaders in exoticist opera.40 Indeed, I argue that as his text conveys intolerance, his music likewise indicates parochialism. As an antithesis to Abimélech's cruelty, but also as a parallel example of 40 Locke, Musical Exoticism, 200. 59 inflexibility, the Old Hebrew makes his first solo appearance during the chorus of Hebrew elders I discussed previously. Rather than the winds and brass that accompanied the Philistine satrap who would die at the hand of Samson, the instruments connected with the Old Hebrew include the strings. Significantly, the Old Hebrew's text demonstrates the same religious intolerance that was more commonly associated with Eastern men. Perhaps his bigotry is acceptable because it is in the best interest of the opera's protagonist and reflects the values of the original audience. Regardless of his stiffness, the Old Hebrew appears to be a counselor to Samson, suggesting he possesses enough wisdom to advise the Hebrew leader. Samson as a Prefiguration of Christ The representation of Samson as a Christ-like figure dates back to twelfth-century allegorical interpretations of the biblical story. Rupert of St. Heribert, a twelfth-century theologian, contributed significantly to the study of Samson as Christ, detailing each comparison between the two religious leaders: both had a birth foretold by an angel; he equates Dalila's betrayal to that of Judas; he relates Samson's blindness to Christ's suffering in Gethsemane; and Samson stretching between pillars at the temple upon his death is comparable to Christ being stretched out upon a cross. 41 This allegorical tradition continued through the Renaissance, with one sixteenth-century theologian, Thomas Hayne, observing that Dalila betrayed Samson with kisses, providing another parallel to the life of Christ as Judas kissed Christ at the moment of his betrayal.42 Additionally, 41 F. Michael Krouse, Milton's Samson and the Christian Tradition (New York: Octagon Books, 1974), 52. 42 Ibid., 67. 60 Milton's Samson Agonistes arguably extends this interpretive practice into the seventeenth century.43 With such a rich history, it is not surprising that some of the elements of the Samson-Christ comparison appeared in Saint-Saëns's opera. Indeed, as I mentioned above, Locke proposes that European audiences would have been prepared to view Samson as a prefiguration of Christ-an essential characteristic for staging an Old Testament story during an anti-Semitic period.44 Though Locke acknowledges the inclusion of this metaphor, he never explains how it is manifest in the opera. Furthermore, I agree with him that it potentially helped fight off anti-Semitic resistance to an Old Testament subject; however, I argue that because the metaphor balances sincerity, spectacle, and irony it also avoids blasphemy. The first trace of the Samson-Christ allegory can be found in the concluding scene of the second act, just before Dalila's betrayal. Samson does not mention the angel foretelling his birth, but he does fight Dalila's persistence in uncovering his secret by reminding her that God gave him the "holy seal of [God's] power" at birth. 45 Similarly, Christ's divinity was recognized from birth. As Samson sings of his consecrated birth, trumpets recall the chorale motive from the first act when Samson promised the Hebrews that he would lead them to victory. At the same time, the orchestral accompaniment foreshadows how Samson will save his people as it presents a sweeping ascending scale in the strings followed by a staccato, descending chromatic scale in the brass. The combination of the themes that accompany Samson's promise to defend his people and the moment of that promise's fulfillment demonstrates how he uses the power he 43 Ibid., 123. 44 Locke, "Constructing," 273-74. 45 "Ce Dieu qui marqua ma naissance du sceau divin de sa puissance!" 61 received at birth to save his people, emphasizing Samson's metaphoric role as Christ. Another remarkable parallel occurs at the end of this scene, when Samson reluctantly gives in to Dalila's demands, and she calls the Philistines to come to her. In this moment, Dalila's delivery of Samson to the Philistines mirrors the image of Judas yielding Christ to his enemies. Though we witness no kiss, Samson joining his lover in her home is suggestive of what may have happened behind closed doors, paralleling Judas's traitorous kiss. It is interesting to note that like in Voltaire's original plan for capturing Samson, there is no mention of cutting his hair in the score or libretto. Certainly one assumes that his hair was shorn, but excluding this pivotal moment from the audience's view emphasizes Dalila's betrayal more than Samson's broken covenant with his God. The third act begins with swirling contrary motion in the violins and violas, aurally preparing the audience to see Samson turn the millstone while in captivity. Samson offers a repentant prayer as he continues to bear the burden he has brought upon his people. Seeing him suffer while imprisoned is evocative of Christ in chains and bearing his own cross after Judas betrayed him. At the beginning and the end of this scene, we hear the fugue subject from the first act in the winds. Originally, the subject was associated with Hebrew suffering as the Israelites recalled how they were enslaved. Now the theme returns as an accompaniment to Samson's incarceration and the resulting captivity of his people, reflecting both Christ's suffering and hope for deliverance. The scene effectively and movingly conveys the hero's pain. Another significant and related event follows the Bacchanale when Samson is brought into the temple of Dagon at the request of the High Priest. Collet notes that when 62 Dalila hands Samson a cup from which to drink, he appears to "prefigure Christ."46 In the New Testament, Christ pours wine for his disciples and tells them to drink it in remembrance of the blood he would shed for them. 47 Ironically, in Samson et Dalila, it is Dalila and the High Priest who offer the sacrificial wine at the altar, referring to it as "the blood of our victims" in "expiation of their sins."48 Another connection between a cup and Christ is in Gethsemane when he prays to his Father and refers to the metaphorical cup from which he will drink to atone for sin. Not only is Samson offered a cup, but Dalila specifically points out in her mockery that Samson calls his God "Father."49 Additionally, before Christ's crucifixion, the soldiers who taunted him offer him a drink. This metaphor is further drenched in dramatic irony as the characters involved did not realize the significance and symbolism of the cup, though perhaps the nineteenth-century audience made the connection. The last two examples of the Samson-Christ metaphor also take place in the final scene of the opera. First, the Philistines jeer at Samson in a chorus that sounds more like it belongs in a comic opera, with laughter that travels through the many voices of the group. The Philistines' ridicule conjures up the image of the crowds mocking Christ.50 In both cases, this mockery directly proceeds the final parallel between the two men: their deaths. Samson asks the young boy who accompanies him to take him to the marble 46 "Samson boit le calice jusqu'à la lie et semble préfigurer le Christ." Collet, Samson et Dalila, 47 Matthew 26:28. 48 "Reçois sur nos autels le sang de nos victimes / Que t'offrent des mortels pour expier leurs 49 "Ce Dieu que tu nommes ton père." 50 James Hall, Dictionary of Subjects and Symbols in Art, rev. ed. (New York: Harper & Row, 110. crimes!" 1979), 272. 63 pillars that support the edifice. Standing between the two pillars, he stretches his hands out to begin shaking the support system, suggestive of the position of someone on a cross.51 In his final prayer for strength, a fragment of the theme from the second act (when he led a revolt against Abimélech) returns in the trumpets, putting Samson in control of his own death, just as Christ chose to "[yield] up the ghost."52 Though average listeners may not have noticed all the nuances Saint-Saëns included in the orchestration, they likely still recognized some of the metaphors to Christ. Furthermore, the spectacle of Samson stretched out on an imaginary cross in his final effort to save his people effectively balances out the irony exhibited earlier with the cup scene. But why might this allegory have been important? More than a way to fight off anti-Semitism, presenting Samson as a prototype of Christ sets up the perfect antithesis to the femme fatale, Dalila. The opera features several dichotomies-masculine and feminine, Christian and pagan, Occidental and Oriental-which culminate in the two lead roles. The polarity between these two characters further underscores the underlying binarism of exoticist operas in general: Self and Other. In Samson et Dalila, the Christlike hero seeks to save his people, while the antagonist, the femme fatale, seeks to destroy her enemy. Conclusion The plot of Saint-Saëns's Samson et Dalila differs from that of typical nineteenthcentury Orientalist operas since the group that unquestionably represents the Occident is 51 The libretto explicitly instructs Samson to stand between two pillars and shake them. "SAMSON, placé entre les deux piliers, cherche à les ébranler." 52 Matthew 27:50. 64 not the group in power. Despite this divergence in plot, the opera perpetuates difficult stereotypes frequently featured in this genre. Saint-Saëns represents the irreparable divide between two nations through musical opposites: the sacred style and the exotic style. The sacred style recalls music such as the Baroque fugue and medieval plainchant, suggesting the religiosity of the Hebrews. In contrast, the exotic style incorporates musical idioms that other composers have likewise used in presenting a foreign culture, but also features some Algerian musical gestures Saint-Saëns learned on his visits to the country. By juxtaposing caricatures of Christianity and Orientalism, the opera presents the complex dichotomies that ultimately mirror the underlying binary of Self and Other. Furthermore, the opera participates in a contemporary mode of representation that portrays the West as morally superior to the East. And perhaps in the same way the representation of the East defines the West by demonstrating who they are not, the opera's sacred style implicitly suggests who the West thinks they are. 65 Figure 3.1 Horace Vernet, Joseph's Coat (1853; Wallace Collection, London). (a) (b) Figure 3.2 Act I, Fugal subjects in "Dieu, d'Israël." (a) "Lamentation" theme (or second half of the orchestra's subject). (b) "Revolt" theme (or fugue subject). CHAPTER 4 DALILA: THE WOMAN, THE "ORIENTAL," AND THE FEMME FATALE The story of Samson and Dalila as told in the Old Testament conveys the Israelite hero's love for the Philistine woman but does not indicate whether his feelings are reciprocated. As I have demonstrated in Chapter 2, writers took liberties with the original biblical story of a forbidden love, filling in the missing details from Dalila's life and often adding to Dalila's ambiguity and danger. In Saint-Saëns's opera, both Orientalism and the femme fatale heavily influenced the development of Dalila's character. Her role was shaped by an increased interest in nineteenth-century France in Orientalist works, as exemplified by Victor Hugo's Les orientales and Félicien David's Le désert, both offering the French a taste of what artists perceived the Middle East to be like. At the same time, the "fatal woman" became ever more attractive, as witnessed by contemporary art, literature, and opera. In the way that she interacts with other characters in the story, as well as how she is represented musically, I argue that Saint-Saëns's Dalila both conforms to and challenges traditional roles for female characters, "Orientals," and femmes fatales in late nineteenth-century Orientalist opera. 67 Dalila as a Woman Though the objectification of women extends far beyond the stage, it was certainly made manifest in late nineteenth-century Orientalist opera. Performances often featured female characters who were objectified, controlled, limited, or even protected by a dominant male character. One example comes from the iconic scene in Delibes's Lakmé-the "Bell Song"-in which Lakmé's father (Nilakantha) forces her to sing in a crowd to attract the man who had intruded on his territory previously. In this scene, Lakmé's father ascribes her value to her looks and beautiful voice, suggesting he regarded her more as a commodity than as a person. Furthermore, Lakmé is constantly under the control or influence of a man throughout the opera. Throughout the first and second act, she is controlled by her father, but as the story progresses, Gerald's influence takes over and leads to her taking her own life for him. In the case of Samson et Dalila, it would be reasonable to assume that in a love story such as theirs the woman might likewise be subject to a similar sexual objectification and subjugation. Though her part is sensualized by the very nature of her seductive role, Dalila remains in control of her image, carefully calculating each move she makes to get what she wants, and consequently avoiding objectification. She remains in control of her image by deliberately determining what each character sees in her. Leading up to her betrayal, Dalila only lets Samson see her gentle and enchanting side, revealing her manipulative side only after she has successfully destroyed him. In contrast, Dalila displays the cunning and malicious side of her personality to the High Priest. It is only in her opening aria from the second act that the audience is privy to an otherwise unknown and vulnerable side of Dalila, but even this remains ambiguous. 68 Catherine Clément has observed of the late-nineteenth century, "it [was] forbidden for women to think in this stifling Europe where they [were] just barely beginning to take off."1 A woman thinking for herself was not a woman who could be controlled, thus making her dangerous. Clément argues that Bizet's Carmen is one such character who continually makes her own choices and uses her own voice. I suggest Dalila is likewise an operatic woman who assumes full control of her life. In developing a character who thinks for herself and acts rather than being acted upon, Saint-Saëns (whether consciously or not) challenged gender norms. As each act of the opera reveals, Samson and Dalila's roles are reversed with respect to traditional male-female relationships in Orientalist opera plots, leaving Samson to react to Dalila rather than her submitting to him. The first scene in which Dalila exhibits control over her situation occurs toward the end of the first act when she invites Samson to join her at her home in the valley of Sorek-an invitation that leads to a trio between the two lovers and the Old Hebrew. Prior to the trio, Dalila feigns submission to Samson as her conqueror, echoing the chorus of Philistine women who come to honor the warrior who just defeated one of their own people. Dalila's opening melodic phrase is ironic because it seems she is honoring the hero, but, as the audience was likely aware, her actions will destroy Samson when he does join her in Sorek.2 After receiving the invitation, Samson turns aside and prays for help in resisting Dalila's invitation. The Old Hebrew then approaches Samson and warns 1 Catherine Clément, Opera, or the Undoing of Women, trans. Betsy Wing (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1988), 51. 2 Henri Collet labels the opening of the Philistine women's song as the "Spring" motive, and points out that Dalila's solo begins with a diminution of that same motive. If one shares in his interpretation, it further supports my argument. Henri Collet, Samson et Dalila de C. Saint-Saëns: étude historique et critique, analyse musicale (Paris: P. Mellottée, 1922), 86. 69 him not to follow Dalila. The Old Hebrew is sung by a bass-a voice type Clément describes as being religious and beyond this world, commonly associated with great priests.3 Though Cléments's study refers to priests in nineteenth-century operas in general, examples from French Orientalist operas include Nilakantha in Lakmé and Nourabad in Les pêcheurs de perles. In addition to this association, the Old Hebrew appears to be somewhat equal to Samson since he deems it appropriate to counsel the Nazirite leader. Dalila's role in the trio with these two men of authority is an opportunity for her to remain in control of the situation and to demonstrate she is their equal, not their subordinate. We first witness her influence over Samson through her signature melodic gesture-an ascending leap followed by a descending (usually chromatic) scale (see Figure 4.1). When Dalila first greets Samson, she uses a variation of this melodic figure; Samson's response follows the same melodic motion, but the interval is extended from a major sixth to a minor seventh. Though this mimicry suggests her control over Samson, it is the development of another motive that exemplifies her equality with the two men. Dalila invites Samson to her home in Sorek as she sings a descending arpeggio on the tonic. Throughout the trio, Samson and the Old Hebrew sing an ascending arpeggio on various secondary dominants. At the end of the trio, Dalila sings a short sequence of the ascending motive that the two men sang previously, and the Old Hebrew sings an ascending and descending tonic arpeggio, thus reversing the association previously made with the two motives. The three conclude together with a perfect authentic cadence. In the second act, Dalila's actions again challenge gender norms as she prepares 3 Catherine Clément, "Through Voices, History," in Siren Songs: Representations of Gender and Sexuality in Opera, ed. Mary Ann Smart (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000), 24. 70 for Samson's visit and ultimate defeat. Immediately following Dalila's opening aria, a significant scene with the High Priest takes place. It begins with what Collet calls the "curse" motive-a motive that originates in the melody the High Priest used to curse the children of Israel in the first act-followed shortly thereafter by the "hate" motive and eventually by the "vengeance" motive (see Figure 4.2).4 The two Philistines conspire together against Samson, ultimately leading to their duet whose primary purpose, according to Ralph P. Locke, is to "displace the impending act of treachery from Delilah-a mere woman-to a figure of male authority."5 Transferring the blame to the High Priest reconciles this opera with the traditional Orientalist plot Locke has proposed, in which an exotic woman seduces the tenor-hero who then meets the wrath of a "brutal, intransigent priest."6 This may have added a level of believability for contemporary audiences who would have expected male authority over a woman. However, I suggest that given Dalila's role as a free agent up until this point, it is more likely that her interactions with the High Priest reflect the same self-determination she exhibited earlier in the opera. Furthermore, the entire second act features a storm motive that begins with Dalila's entrance and culminates in her ultimate betrayal, suggesting the storm is related to Dalila herself and her actions against Samson. Both the text and the development of the motives in the orchestra throughout the High Priest's and Dalila's conspiracy support my claim of Dalila's authority. Dalila begins the duet, which continues as the High Priest takes over the same melody she just 4 Collet, Samson et Dalila, 111-22. 5 Ralph P. Locke, "Constructing the Oriental ‘Other': Saint-Saëns Samson et Dalila," Cambridge Opera Journal 3, no. 3 (1991): 293. 6 Ibid. 71 sang. By the end of the collaboration, the two sing in unison as they plan Samson's undoing. Before leaving the scene, the High Priest tells Dalila, "The destiny of my people, O woman, is in your hands," which arguably transfers power, and blame if the plan fails, to Dalila.7 After he exits, the curse, vengeance, and hate motives all return together as Dalila approaches her home and prepares for Samson's arrival (see Figure 4.3). Although all three of these motives mark the High Priest's arrival at the beginning of the scene, they have now been transferred to Dalila, the only person capable of destroying Samson. I contend that this gives her authority equivalent to the High Priest's. The final act features a scene in which Dalila again is characterized as an equal to the High Priest as he invites her to participate in a ritual around a sacrificial altar where they offer "Glory to Dagon."8 Prior to this scene, the only indication that Dalila was a priestess came from her participation in the ballet in the first act, "Danse des prêtresses de Dagon." Voltaire's Dalila had been assigned such a title prior to meeting Samson and was constantly surrounded by other priestesses (except during the actual moment of betrayal). The High Priest's inclusion of Dalila in the religious ceremony-in which no other priestesses were participating-during which they sing together in exact canon suggests that Dalila has achieved a status elevated beyond that of the other priestesses. Though one might argue that the commanding presence and aggressiveness that led to Dalila's leadership can be attributed to her role as a femme fatale, she still challenges the notion of women being acted upon or limited by men rather than in control of their fates. Additionally, one could argue that she was put in charge by the High Priest, so in that sense she is still doing his bidding, but such a position overlooks the scene before the 7 "Le destin de mon peuple, ô femme, est dans tes mains." 8 "Gloire à Dagon vainqueur!" 72 High Priest's arrival in which Dalila conveys her intentions to destroy her lover, thus acting of her own free will. Although Dalila is not the typical female opera character of the late nineteenth century, she does conform to other operatic conventions, most obviously because of her voice type. Locke observes that "The lowish voice implies a kind of worldly wiseness (including a willingness to manipulate or deceive) that, in operatic women, often comes along with open sexual desire and independence of will." 9 Clément further describes the mezzo-soprano as a voice of "resistance, witchcraft, and treason." 10 Both Locke and Clément's descriptions of mezzo-sopranos accurately describe Dalila's character. SaintSaëns uses the mezzo-soprano's range to his full advantage when Dalila sings "Death!" at the end of her duet with the High Priest in the second act. Beginning with a low F and ascending two octaves to a high F, Dalila's vocal range demonstrates her rise to victory over the Hebrew leader. A more significant point of adherence to operatic convention is Dalila's death. Clément observes a common thread in nineteenth-century narratives of women on the stage: they all die because of a man. 11 Though the women and their relationships to men vary, the one thing that remains constant is that loving a man will kill them. Susan McClary elaborates on this idea in her preface to Clément's book, remarking "Indeed, nineteenth-century opera's demand for blood sacrifice, which marks it as different from most drama or literature of the day, is grounded in ‘purely' musical, tonal procedures. 9 Ralph P. Locke, "Cutthroats and Casbah Dancers," in The Exotic in Western Music, ed. Jonathan Bellman (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1998), 131. 10 Clément, "Through History, Voices," 23. 11 Clément, Opera or the Undoing of Women, 47. 73 Cadence at all cost."12 And just like the women who came before and after her, Dalila suffers that same lethal fate. Because the biblical narrative excludes Dalila from the story following Samson's famous haircut, Saint-Saëns did not need to write her into the final act. However, because his story is ultimately about Dalila, he had to include her and her imminent demise. As I noted in Chapter 2, Handel and Hamilton concluded Dalila's story by having her apologize and then ultimately decide to leave Samson so she could be celebrated by her people. Voltaire saw no choice for his Dalila except suicide after she witnessed the terrible effects of uncovering her lover's secret. But Saint-Saëns's Dalila seeks revenge and naturally comes back to gloat. More significantly, Dalila has to die at Samson's hand to finally reassert male dominion over the femme fatale. And just like McClary's association of the surety of a woman's death with tonality's demand for cadential closure, Dalila's death comes at the final cadence as the temple collapses upon the heads of Samson and the Philistines. Leading up to the collapse is a perfect authentic cadence as Samson prays to his God for revenge by literally crushing the Philistines. Dalila, the High Priest, and the Philistines let out one final cry as the music shifts from B-flat major to Bflat minor, their scream resonating on an unstable first inversion G-flat major chord. The orchestra descends the minor scale until it begins swirling around chromatically, emphatically returning to B-flat major and ending on a unison tonic note. Perhaps the only aspect of her riveting death that challenges convention is Samson's resulting suicide. 12 Ibid., xiv. 74 Dalila as an "Oriental" A defining feature of Dalila's character, and of the entire opera, is her representation as an "Oriental" and the perpetuation of Western society's problematic view of the East. Edward Said proposes that the Orient was associated with the "freedom of licentious sex" at a time when Europe had "institutionalized [sex] to a considerable degree."13 The consumption of Orientalist works during the late nineteenth century ranged from literature to art and music, and became a form of sexual escapism and fantasy. Locke has similarly recognized Orientalism's influence on opera, suggesting that Eastern characters from Aida to Carmen evoked the "sexiness" of the Orient and allowed Westerners the freedom they desired from the constraints on their own society. 14 Furthermore, Locke has postulated two types of dark-skinned beauties in these operas: the femme fatale and the femme fragile.15 In both cases, the "Oriental" woman attracts the yearning gaze of the tenor hero through her sensuality, and-mirroring the power Europeans exhibited in their colonized territories-the European male pursues his conquest. Building upon Said's work and that of others who have studied Orientalism and the effects of colonialism, Meyda Yeğenoğlu discusses the importance of veils-both literal and figurative-in understanding the West's fascination with the East. Based on the actual barrier worn by an "Oriental" woman to prevent an outsider's gaze, Yeğenoğlu's study recognizes the significance of Europeans' desire to remove the veil 13 Edward W. Said, Orientalism, 25th anniversary ed. (1978; repr., New York: Vintage Books, 1994), 190. 14 15 Locke, "Cutthroats," 131-32. Ralph P. Locke, Musical Exoticism: Images and Reflections (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 182. 75 and "reveal the hidden secrets of the Orient." 16 Her study of veils also reveals an interesting reversal in power since a "veiled woman can see without being seen," thus giving her control over her own body. Nevertheless, even as a woman looks out from behind the veil, the mystery of what is behind that veil still gives way to the onlooker's fantasies.17 However, more than just the actual head covering, the veil becomes a metaphor for the Orient, yielding only an obscured view of a foreign culture and thwarting the European desire for knowledge and control.18 Many late nineteenth-century Orientalist operas feature veils, both literal and figurative. One example of a literal veil is the one worn by Leïla, a Brahmin priestess in Bizet's Les pêcheurs de perles. Despite her veil, Nadir recognizes Leïla from a past encounter and sings of his love for her. In a romance at the end of the first act, "Je crois entendre encore," Nadir specifically relates an occasion when Leïla partially lifted her veil.19 Nadir longs to be with her again and presumably expects to see behind the veil once more. More significant in the rending of Leïla's veil than the reveries of Nadir is the violent scene at the end of the second act when it is ripped from her head by the High Priest of Brahma to reveal her face. In contrast, Bizet's other exotic female, Carmen, wears a figurative veil. Carmen's music throughout the eponymous opera is primarily diegetic, letting the audience see only the persona she chooses to display. However, in a moment of vulnerability, Carmen exposes her true self in her only nondiegetic piece as 16 Meyda Yeğenoğlu, Colonial Fantasies: Towards a Feminist Reading of Orientalism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 39. 17 Ibid., 43. 18 Ibid., 50-51. 19 "Aux clartés des étoiles / Je crois encore la voir / Entrouvrir ses longs voiles / Aux vents tièdes du soir." "In the clear starlight / I think I still see her / half drawing her long veil / in the tepid night breeze." 76 she despairingly examines the cards that reveal her fate. Clearly, women in exoticist operas did not necessarily have control over their veils, and the audience was allowed to see behind them in certain scenes. In Samson et Dalila, however, I contend that Dalila's veil is never lifted due to the conflict between her text and music. The majority of what we hear from Dalila is her effort to seduce, plot against, or mock Samson. However, in the aria "Samson, recherchant ma présence," Dalila's words and music seem to clash, resulting in a veil that obscures the audience's perception of her motives. The introduction to this contradictory piece features an agitated ascending line in the strings, beginning in the contrabasses and moving up through the violins. Dalila then announces that Samson is coming to see her that night. Tremolo strings ensue, creating an ominous mood for the tableau. She next declares that she is planning to seek revenge on Samson; immediately the strings enter again, but this time they transition from the menacing sound previously heard to one that seems almost romantic. If the audience were only given the introduction to determine Dalila's intentions, there would be no question that she was a dangerous "Oriental" and that they were seeing behind the figurative veil she wore in the first act, for it seems the only thing that matters to her is Samson's downfall. However, with the change in atmosphere immediately following her recitative, her feelings are revealed as more complicated. The most memorable melody of the piece comes from the next section, in which Dalila sings, "Love! Come aid my weakness!"20 What her weakness is, however, remains ambiguous. It is possible that she is concerned she might not actually be able to seduce 20 "Amour! Viens aider ma faiblesse!" 77 Samson into telling her the source of his strength; however, when one considers the lush orchestration, it seems likely that her weakness is that she has romantic feelings for him. She may be struggling with a conflict between love and duty, a motive which is evident in the remaining text. Yet it is precisely this moment of unclear meaning that makes Dalila such an interesting and memorable character. Locke remarks that "Delilah's potent mixture of irreconcilable motives, especially in a work that guides the audience to identify primarily with the Hebrews, makes her a chief example of the ‘dangerous Other'-at once femme fatale and devious Oriental. She is also very complex, and may not always be saying what she means, even when speaking to the High Priest and especially when speaking to Samson." 21 The dichotomy between her motive for revenge and her surprising feelings of love is heard best in this first line of text and its musical setting. Following the first section in which she admits her weakness but declares her determination to see Samson in chains, Dalila describes her power over him. She seems to question for a moment whether he could break free from her, but immediately discards the idea. Tension builds, and in a dramatic moment she declares, "I, alone among all, I defy him"; the orchestration is suddenly bare, as if to emphasize how Dalila stands out from all others in her ability to destroy Samson. 22 The music and text of the first section return, followed by a calm, quiet affirmation that Samson "will succumb to [her] efforts!"23 With their dolce marking, these lines are delivered in a way that almost lets the audience sympathize with Dalila, which perhaps makes her even more dangerous. The 21 Locke, "Constructing," 293. 22 "Moi, seule entre tous, je le brave / Et le retiens à mes genoux!" 23 "Lui, qui d'un peuple rompt la chaine, Succombera sous mes efforts!" 78 tremolo strings return and the ambience of the scene shifts back to the sinister mood that opened the act, preparing the audience for the arrival of the High Priest. Additionally, Saint-Saëns's recycling of melodies continues to veil Dalila's intentions. The line "Love! Come aid my weakness!" is set to the melody that returns during Dalila's scene with the High Priest, only this time Dalila sings, "For this last fight have I prepared my weapons!"24 The reminder of her earlier soliloquy suggests that her inner struggle with love versus revenge has readied her for the final seduction, her desire for vengeance superseding her affection for Samson. This is not the only instance in which Saint-Saëns brings an important melody back with a new meaning. The famous melody from "Mon cœur" returns in the third act when Dalila greets Samson after the Bacchanale, only this time it is used in a way that blatantly mocks Samson for believing her declarations of love. By intentionally bringing back significant melodies but changing their meaning, Saint-Saëns challenges our understanding of Dalila's character, keeping her veil intact. Though Dalila's veil is not lifted, the veil over the Philistines is satisfyingly removed for the audience in the third act. The famous "Bacchanale," which has had a life of its own in concert halls, features the most exoticism of the opera, as well as authentic Algerian musical features.25 Historically, the Bacchanalia were a series of religious festivals celebrating the Roman god Bacchus performed by women in secrecy; they eventually extended an invitation to men and the Bacchanalia developed a reputation as orgiastic rites. Though anachronistic in its inclusion since the biblical story would have 24 25 "Pour ce dernier combat j'ai préparé mes armes." For a detailed study of the authentic features in this scene, see Myriam Ladjili, "La musique arabe chez les compositeurs français du XIXe siècle saisis d'exotisme (1844-1914)," International Review of the Aesthetics and Sociology of Music 26, no. 1 (1995): 3-33. 79 taken place significantly earlier than the Roman festivals, the Bacchanale scene is a significant rending of the veil in the opera, not because of musical authenticity, but because of the perceived uncovering of a hidden Orient. The ballet-an obligatory element in French opera-presents a critical view of the cultural Other. The dance opens with an oboe solo over a drone in the horns (see Figure 4.4). Written in the Algerian ramal mode, the music immediately evokes the exotic atmosphere of the Philistine celebration. A close examination of Saint-Saëns's original manuscript suggests that he added this recitative opening after composing the rest of the piece. Originally, the title "Danse" appeared over the allegro moderato section that immediately follows-which is not as blatantly exotic in sound-but he crossed it out and wrote it instead over the new introduction to the ballet. Scholars who have studied the Bacchanale believe that Saint-Saëns's visits to Algeria influenced his composition of the ballet, and Myriam Ladjili has convincingly demonstrated the Algerian features of this added introduction. In addition to these, Saint-Saëns incorporated generic exotic gestures with which the audience would have been familiar. For example, the recitative of the introduction features two different augmented seconds in the melody, which would immediately signal to the audience that they were being transported to an exotic location. Because the audience perceives that the secrets of the Orient have been revealed as they now become privy to a sensual and pagan religious festival of the cultural Other, I argue that this is the moment the Philistines' veil is removed. Indeed, the veil is a part of colonialist discourse, so when the metaphorical veil is removed from the entire Orient, what is revealed is still influenced by Western fantasies about the East. In other words, because the audience is seeing the Orient for the first time in its full splendor, they 80 recognize it as something that was previously withheld from their view. Regardless of authenticity (musical or cultural), the Philistines' highly sensualized dance and exciting music meets the expectations of the nineteenth-century audience as it demonstrates a formerly concealed vision of the Other. Additionally, the placement of this ballet within the act provides evidence of one way Saint-Saëns maintained the conventions of French opera set in exotic locales. A challenge a composer faces when writing in an exotic style is deciding the extent to which the foreign musical idioms should be incorporated without becoming too monotonous. The solution to this dilemma leads to what Locke explains as one of the most important features of such operas: the placement of exotic musical gestures. Locke observes that the most overtly foreign-sounding music is usually placed at the beginning of acts or scenes that involve the orchestra alone, without singers, such as ballets.26 Samson et Dalila includes two ballets-the dance of the Philistine priestesses in the first act and the Bacchanale in the third-and both present musical styles associated with the cultural Other. Dalila's music throughout the opera lacks noticeable exoticism, but her entrance with the Philistine women and their subsequent dance marks her as an "Oriental" for the remainder of the opera, and an aural reminder of her cultural difference is no longer necessary. Dalila as a Femme Fatale In the second half of the nineteenth century, France displayed an increasing interest in the femme fatale, or "fatal woman." This stock character was not new, but by 26 Locke, "Cutthroats," 125. 81 midcentury, the way this female equivalent of the Byronic hero was presented became more standardized. 27 Mario Praz suggests that the characteristics of Théophile Gautier's Cleopatra from Une Nuit de Cléopâtre shaped later incarnations of the "fatal woman." As with other femmes fatales, Gautier's Cleopatra is unattainable to the young lover whom she seduces. The dangerous woman suffers from "ennui," is irresistible, and "kills the male she loves."28 Furthermore, Praz observes that, like Cleopatra, the femme fatale archetype is commonly exotic or "Oriental." He explains that "The exotic and the erotic ideals go hand in hand, and this fact also contributes another proof of a more or less obvious truth-that is, that a love of the exotic is usually an imaginative projection of a sexual desire."29 He cites Gautier and Flaubert's writings as examples, in which the "atmosphere of barbaric and Oriental antiquity" allows writers to indulge their "unbridled desires" and "cruelest fantasies."30 Bizet's Carmen and Saint-Saëns's Dalila are both examples of this dangerous yet appealing seductive woman. Dalila's challenges to femme fatale conventions have less to do with her and more to do with her choice of a man. Typically, the fatal woman's lover was portrayed as young, passive, and inferior to her in some way, be it physical or social. Additionally, the two lovers were complete opposites: The woman was known for her "sexual 27 Mario Praz, Romantic Agony, trans. Angus Davidson (1933; repr., Cleveland: The World Publishing Company, 1965), 191. For more historical background on the femme fatale, see Praz's chapter titled "La belle dame sans merci," which traces her development in literature. 28 Ibid., 205. 29 Ibid., 197. 30 Ibid. 82 cannibalism" and the young man was usually chaste.31 In Saint-Saëns's opera, there is no indication of Samson's age, but his other characteristics go against the norm. First, Samson is not a passive man, as evidenced by his work leading the Hebrews out of bondage and murdering their aggressor, Abimélech. And since Samson was known for his strength, both physical and spiritual, he could not be Dalila's inferior. Furthermore, within the context of the opera, Samson had been with Dalila before the scene in Act I when the audience first sees them together, suggesting that his chastity is questionable. Regardless of her atypical choice of a lover, Dalila still exerts domineering power over Samson. Though Dalila herself does not directly challenge the conventions of the femme fatale, her destructive actions compared to those of other operatic femmes fatales distinguish her from them. The most relevant character to compare with Dalila is Carmen, who is likewise an exotic woman in a French opera; however, one can also draw parallels with Puccini's Turandot-another example of an exotic femme fatale-and Strauss's Salome-a biblical interpretation of the "fatal woman." These four women's motives, furthermore, lead one to ask whether the femme fatale intends to be destructive or whether destruction is simply a result of her actions. Dalila, Turandot, and Salome seek to wreak havoc within their realm of power, but Carmen's harmful effect on Don José is a consequence of her actions rather than a desired outcome. But in the same way intentions separate these women from each other, time and geography also divide them. The three who are deliberate in their violence toward men exist in antiquated or mythological times and places, whereas Carmen is contemporary and relatively close 31 Ibid., 205. 83 (Spain). Perhaps distance is key to whether a woman could pursue a violent path, though such a conclusion requires further study beyond the scope of this chapter. Another prevailing attribute of the femme fatale is what Praz characterizes as her inability to weep-showing no remorse for her actions, but rather enjoying the suffering she has caused. 32 Carmen no longer cares for Don José and intends to leave him, Turandot has a change of heart but does not weep for her past transgressions, and Salome disturbingly kisses the decapitated head of her former lover. Dalila's satisfaction with the results of her deception in comparison to the reactions of her character's predecessors (Handel and Voltaire's Dalilas) points toward Saint-Saëns's significant development of her character to become the increasingly popular "la belle dame sans merci." It is important to remember that the biblical account leaves Dalila out of the narrative as soon as her harmful role in Samson's life is over; the absence of information provides authors of other versions of the story a blank slate from which to work. As discussed in Chapter 2, Handel and Hamilton's Dalila displayed three reactions to seeing Samson in his fallen state: the repentant sinner, the penitent nurse, and finally the patriotic and angry "traitress"-a transition which we hear in her music. The aria through which Dalila seeks forgiveness, "With plaintive notes," is in G major and is the most ornamented of the three songs she sings. When she recognizes her pleas are fruitless, she sings a duet with her virgin followers, "My faith and truth, O Samson, prove," but now her music is simpler and in a minor key. She petitions for Samson's ear, but each time she sings "but hear me" without accompaniment, the orchestra responds by echoing her musical gesture and suggests her appeal is once again falling flat. Finally, Dalila realizes 32 Ibid., 220. 84 she is a hero among her people since she saved them from Samson and decides no longer to attempt to make amends. In a lively duet with Samson, Dalila returns to a major key as she dismisses her husband. Samson repeats her words almost in canon, but is allowed a long melisma when he says he will no longer hear "the charmer's voice." The two engage in a power struggle over who will have the final word, and ultimately Samson wins. In contrast to Handel's extended view of Dalila postdestruction, Voltaire's Dalila-who was the starting point for Saint-Saëns's interpretation-fell in love with Samson and responds by cursing her own gods for deceiving her and then taking her own life. Earlier musical incarnations of Dalila show remorse and weep in their own way, making Saint-Saëns's vengeful Dalila all the more intriguing. In the first two acts, Samson only encounters an enchanting and seductive Philistine woman, leaving him completely unaware of the violent feelings she privately reveals in the second act. In the famous love scene of Act II, "Mon cœur s'ouvre à ta voix," Saint-Saëns introduces a distinctive and hypnotic descending chromatic melody. This melody, which seems so sincere and possibly persuades the audience to believe Dalila loves Samson, comes back in an unsettling way in Act III-confirming Dalila's characterization as a femme fatale. In what seems to be their first encounter since the betrayal, Samson and Dalila reunite in the third act when Samson is brought into the Philistine festival to entertain them; Dalila approaches him and openly mocks his weakness on the night he succumbed to her plan. In the original love theme, flutes and an English horn played the melody along with Dalila at the climax of the piece. Saint-Saëns not only taunts Samson with the fateful melody, but those same instruments, along with the rest of the winds, jeeringly echo Dalila's insults and contrast their original legato phrasing with lively staccato 85 articulation. This dramatic shift in Dalila's music, strongly associated with her changing feelings for Samson, suggests Dalila did not-and was not likely to-weep for the destruction she caused. Conclusion Saint-Saëns's Dalila both upholds and challenges many late nineteenth-century French views of women and "Orientals." By conforming to some conventions, SaintSaëns's character was allowed to question tradition in other important ways. Dalila is not apologetic for her actions against Samson, and though she dies due to the reassertion of his male power, he too pays the ultimate price. Furthermore, Dalila's role as a femme fatale allows her to refuse submission to male authority. As a character who can speak her mind and control her situation, Dalila questions the objectification of women, and based on the success of the opera, this idea possibly appealed to nineteenth-century female audience members. But most significantly, Dalila refuses to conform to roles for "Orientals." Through her use of a veil, Dalila offers an example of the Other's ability to subvert Western power and domination. 86 Figure 4.1 Act I, Example of Dalila's typical musical gesture. (a) (b) (c) Figure 4.2 Act II, Scene 2, Motives associated with the High Priest. (a) "Curse" motive. (b) "Hate" motive (soprano melody). (c) "Vengeance" motive (tenor melody). 87 Figure 4.3 Act II, Dalila's combination of the Curse, Hate, and Vengeance motives. Figure 4.4 Act III, "Bacchanale," opening oboe solo. APPENDIX A SYNOPSIS OF SAINT-SAËNS'S SAMSON ET DALILA Act I A public square in Gaza. The Hebrews grieve their subjectivity to the Philistine enemy when Samson comes forward and restores their faith in God. Displeased at the sound of joy and revolt among the Hebrews, Abimélech (the Philistine satrap) arrives on the scene with Philistine warriors and wants to know who is causing the excitement. Samson refuses to listen to Abimélech's mockery, and as soon as the latter rushes at him with a sword, he kills the Philistine. The High Priest arrives and curses the Hebrew people, who flee the scene and ruin the Philistine harvest. The Hebrews return to the scene as the Philistines depart and offer a prayer to God. Soon thereafter, Dalila and her fellow priestesses arrive to honor Samson. She invites the Israelite hero to join her in Sorek and attempts to seduce him as the Old Hebrew simultaneously tries to warn him to stay away from her. Act II The Valley of Sorek. The scene opens to Dalila's home, with sounds of an impending storm in the background. Dalila plots her revenge against Samson, and she is soon joined by the High Priest in her conspiracy. After the High Priest leaves, Dalila 89 anxiously awaits Samson's arrival, questioning her ability to succeed. Finally, Samson enters, and Dalila's most seductive aria ensues. As soon as she has him under her control, Dalila proceeds to uncover Samson's secret. Though he tries to resist, he ultimately surrenders, and the Philistines appear to take him away. Act III Tableau 1, A dungeon in Gaza. Samson, blinded by his enemies, turns the millwheel. He hears the Hebrews offstage sharing in his mourning and suffering. Tableau 2, The interior of the Temple of Dagon. The Philistines prepare a sacrifice to their god, Dagon. After an orgiastic rite, they invite Samson to the festivities to entertain them. Mockery of the hero follows as the Philistines and Dalila rejoice in their success. Samson offers a final repentant prayer to his God when he feels his strength restored for one final act of vengeance. He then stretches across two pillars and causes the temple to collapse, killing himself and the entire gathering of Philistines. 90 APPENDIX B BIBLICAL ACCOUNT The following is my own English translation of David Martin's French translation of the Bible. I chose this edition because it is likely the one Ferdinand Lemaire consulted when writing the libretto for Samson et Dalila since it was in circulation at the time. Samson's story begins in Judges 13, but my translation is limited to Chapter 16 as it is the original source for the opera's plot. JUDGES 16 (1) And Samson went to Gaza, and saw there a wicked woman, and went unto her. (2) And they say to those in Gaza: Samson came here; they surrounded him, and ambushed him all night at the gate of the city, and they remained quiet all night, saying: Let no man move until daybreak, and we will kill. (3) But Samson, after having slept till midnight, arose, and seized the gates of the city, and the two poles, and took them up with the bar, and put them on his shoulders, and carried them up to the top of a mountain that is opposite to Hebron. (4) After this he loved a woman who stood by the torrent of Sorek, whose name was Dalila. (5) And the governors of the Philistines went up unto her, and said unto her: Persuade him until thou knowest of what his great strength consists, and how we should 91 overcome him, that we should bind him to bring him down; and we will each give you eleven hundred pieces of silver. (6) So Dalila said to Samson: Tell me, I pray thee, in what is thy great strength, and with what thou shalt be bound, that thou mayest be slain. (7) And Samson said unto her: If they bound me seven fresh ropes, which were not yet dried up, I would become without strength, and be like another man. (8) So the governors of the Philistines sent seven fresh ropes, which were not yet dried, and bound him. (9) And there were people in her chamber who were in wait, and she said unto him: The Philistines are upon thee, Samson. Then he broke the ropes, as a thread of tow would break as soon as it felt the fire, and his strength was not known. (10) Then Dalila said unto Samson, Behold, thou hast mocked me, for thou hast told me lies; I pray you, tell me now with what thou shalt be bound. (11) And he said unto her: If I were tied with new straps, which had never been used, I would become without strength, and I would be like another man. (12) So Dalila took new straps, and she bound him; then she said to him: The Philistines are upon thee, Samson. Now there were people in the doorway in the room, and he broke the straps from his arms like a thread. (13) Then Dalila said to Samson: You have mocked me so far, and you have told me lies; I pray thee, tell me now with what thou shalt be bound. And he said: It would be if you had seven tresses of my head around a piece of furniture. (14) And she put them around a piece of furniture, then she said: The Philistines are upon thee, Samson. Then he awoke from his sleep, and removed the attachment from the weave with the piece of furniture. (15) Then she said to him: How do you say, I love you, since your heart is not with me? Thou hast made fun of me three times, and thou hast not declared to me in what thy great strength consists. (16) And she tormented him every day 92 by his words, and pressed him so violently, so that his soul was grieved to death. (17) Then he opened his heart to her, and said to her: The razor has never passed over my head; for I am a Nazarite of God from the womb of my mother; if I am shaved, my strength will forsake me, and I will be without strength, and I will be like all the other men. (18) So Dalila saw that he had opened his heart to her, and sent for the governors of the Philistines, and said unto them: Come up this time; because he opened his heart to me. So the governors of the Philistines went up to her, carrying the money in their hands. (19) And she had him sleep on her knees, and having called a man, she shaved seven tresses of the hair of his head, and began to knock him down, and his strength left him. (20) Then she said: The Philistines are upon you, Samson. And he awoke from his sleep, saying: I will go out as the other times, and I will pull myself out of their hands; but he did not know that Jehovah had withdrawn from him. (21) And the Philistines seized him, and punctured his eyes, and brought him to Gaza, and bound him with two chains of brass; and he turned the millstone in the prison. (22) And the hair of his head began to come back as it was when he was shaved. (23) Now the governors of the Philistines assembled to offer a great sacrifice to Dagon their god, and to rejoice, and they said: Our god has delivered into our hands Samson our enemy. (24) The people also saw it, and praised their god, saying: Our god has delivered into our hands our enemy, and the destroyer of our land, and the one who killed so many of us. (25) And as they had a joyful heart, they said: Send for Samson, that he may make us laugh. So they called Samson, and they took him out of the prison; he played before them; and they made him stand between the pillars. (26) Then Samson said to the boy 93 who was holding him by the hand: Place me in such a place that I may touch the pillars on which the house is leaning, that I may lean on it. (27) Now the house was full of men and women, and all the governors of the Philistines were there. On the roof there were nearly three thousand men and women, watching Samson play. (28) Then Samson cried unto the Lord, and said: O Lord Jehovah, I pray thee, remember me; O God! I pray thee, strengthen me only this time, and for a moment I will avenge the Philistines for my two eyes. (29) Samson therefore embraced the two middle pillars, on which the house was leaning, and stood at them, one of which was on his right hand, and the other on his left. (30) And he said: Let me die with the Philistines. So he stretched out with all his might; and the house fell upon the governors, and upon all the people that were therein. And he killed many more in his death, than he killed in his life. (31) Then his brothers, and all the house of his father, went down and carried him away; and having gone up, they buried him between Zorah and Eshtaol, in the sepulcher of Manoah his father. But he judged Israel twenty years. BIBLIOGRAPHY Ashbrook, William. "Siren Song." Opera News 23 (1958): 9-10. Bailbé, Joseph-Marc. "Le sacré dans l'art lyrique: Autour de l'Opéra français du XIXe siècle." In Littérature et opéra, edited by Philippe Berthier and Kurt Ringger, 117-27. Grenoble: Presses Universitaires de Grenoble, 1987. Barbacane, Kristy. 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