College Access for Refugee Students: A Capstone Project

The goal of this project was to gain a better understanding of the most important factors to consider when creating a college-bound learning environment for refugee students. I conducted my own interviews with five refugee students at a school in Utah that serves a primarily refugee student population. The analysis of the data resulted in the formation of several criteria that help create a successful educational environment for refugees. The research shows that refugee students need encouragement and support in all aspects of their life in order to thrive in post-secondary education. There are several factors, including successful integration and building relationships with teachers that increase the likelihood of attending college. Based on these findings, I made several recommendations to educators, parents and case-workers on how to increase college readiness for refugee students.

COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS: A CAPSTONE PROJECT by Carolyn Lyons A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of Master of Arts in International Community Leadership Westminster College Salt Lake City, Utah May 2015 COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 2 Approval of a thesis/project submitted by Author's Name ________________Carolyn Lyons____________________________________ School Department _______School of Education_____________________________________ Title of Thesis/Project ___College Access for Refugee Students: A Capstone Project__________ The above named master's thesis/project has been read by each member of the supervisory committee and has been found to be satisfactory regarding content, English usage, format, citations, bibliographic style, and consistency, and is ready for submission to the Westminster College Library. ______________________ ________________________________________________ Date Chairperson, Supervisory Committee Approved for the School ______________________ ________________________________________________ Date Dean, School COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 3 Statement of Permission to Duplicate Thesis & Deposit/Display in the Institutional Repository Name of Author ___________Carolyn Lyons________________________________________ School/Department __________School of Education__________________________________ Title of Thesis ________College Access for Refugee Students: A Capstone Project__________ With permission from the author(s), on the basis of an occasional and individual request, the staff of the Giovale Library of Westminster College has the right to make a copy of the above named thesis. The Giovale Library staff also has the right to mail or otherwise disseminate a copy to the requesting party and to be reimbursed by the requesting party for the cost of duplicating and mailing the thesis. I hereby give my permission to the staff of the Giovale Library of Westminster College to duplicate as described the above named thesis. Carolyn Lyons 4/19/15 Signature of Author Date With permission from the author(s), the staff of the Giovale Library of Westminster College has the right to deposit and display an electronic copy of the above named thesis in its Institutional Repository for educational purposes only. I hereby give my permission to the staff of the Giovale Library of Westminster College to deposit and display as described the above named thesis. I retain ownership rights to my work, including the right to use it in future works such as articles or a book. Carolyn Lyons 4/19/15 Signature of Author Date The above duplication and deposit rights may be terminated by the author(s) at any time by notifying the Director of the Giovale Library in writing that permission is withdrawn. COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 4 Abstract The goal of this project was to gain a better understanding of the most important factors to consider when creating a college-bound learning environment for refugee students. I conducted my own interviews with five refugee students at a school in Utah that serves a primarily refugee student population. The analysis of the data resulted in the formation of several criteria that help create a successful educational environment for refugees. The research shows that refugee students need encouragement and support in all aspects of their life in order to thrive in post-secondary education. There are several factors, including successful integration and building relationships with teachers that increase the likelihood of attending college. Based on these findings, I made several recommendations to educators, parents and case-workers on how to increase college readiness for refugee students. COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 5 Dedication This paper is dedicated to my grandmother, Ava Lucille Marie Peacock Haller Peplow, who passed away during the final editing phase in April 2015. She vehemently supported me in all my endeavors and without her love, guidance, and steady hand I would not be where I am today. For Ava. COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 6 Acknowledgements I would like to acknowledge my family and friends who have supported me throughout the Capstone Process, especially my mom and sister, Emily, who helped with editing. Christopher Peterson saw this project through from conception to completion and graciously allowed me time in his desk chair. Thank you. I would also like to acknowledge Peggy Cain, who has provided continuous support since my first day in the MACL program. Thank you for your guidance and wisdom. Finally, I would like to acknowledge the students who participated in my research. Without their stories and insight, this project would not have been possible. COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 7 Table of Contents Chapter One: An Introduction…………………………………………………………………….8 Refugees in Utah……………………………………………………………….………… 9 Education for Refugees…………………………………………………………………. 12 Scope and Purpose …………………………………………………………................... 10 This Study……………………………………………………………………………….. 12 Chapter Two: Literature Review……………………………………………………………….. 14 Refugees………………………………………………………………………………… 14 Theoretical Framework..................................................................................................... 15 Barriers to Higher Education…………………………………………………………… 21 Positive Outcomes…........................................................................................................ 26 Chapter Three: Research Methods……………………………………………………………… 29 Student Interviews………….…………………………………………………………… 29 Limitations……………………………………………………………………………… 32 Validity…………………………………………………………………………………. 33 Ethics……………………………………………………………………………………. 34 Summary...……………………………………………………………………………… 36 Chapter Four: Findings…………………………………………………………………………. 37 America is the land of opportunity……………………………………………………... 38 Lack of Cultural Capital………………………………………………………………… 43 Learning the US educational system……………………………………………………. 45 What's still missing?.……………………………………………………………...……. 51 Chapter Five: Conclusion………………………………………………………………………. 55 Subjectivity……………………………………………………………………………... 55 Implications…………………………………………………………………………….. 56 Recommendations………………………………………………………………….…… 57 Limitations……………………………………………………………………………… 60 Future Research………………………………………………………………………… 61 Learning Goals………………………………………………………………………..... 62 Personal Reflections…………………………………………………………………..... 63 References………………………………………….…………………………………………… 64 Appendix A: Interview Protocol……………………………………………………………....... 67 Appendix B: Parent/Guardian Consent Form………………………………………………...… 69 Appendix C: Assent Form for Minors………………………………………………………….. 71 IRB Approval………...………………………………….……………………………………… 72 COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 8 Chapter One: An Introduction For a college admissions counselor, setting up a booth during a high school conference is a usual occurrence. Last year when I was asked to attend a college fair during a conference for refugee students at Salt Lake Community College, I didn't give it a second thought; I set-up my table of materials just like any other day. When the students started pouring out of the ballroom, though, I suddenly became aware it was not my usual crowd. Gorgeous girls with bright white smiles and colorful headscarves crowded around my table chatting and laughing loudly, while their male counterparts inspected my college brochures with skepticism, asking for pens and buttons as keepsakes. Although polite and curious, none of the students seemed to know the right kinds of questions to ask and appeared to leave our conversations more confused than when they approached. It was clear that they were eager to talk, and enthusiastic about going to college, but based on our interactions and their questions, most had no idea how to bridge the gap between high school graduate and college freshman. For days afterwards, I talked about my experience at the refugee conference with co-workers, friends, and classmates which helped develop my interest into the topic for my thesis. Refugees in Utah There are currently more than 40,000 refugees residing in the state of Utah and nearly 1,000 new refugees arrive each year from countries such as Somalia, Iraq, and Burma (F. Maxfield-Barrett, personal communication, June 3, 2013). According to Felecia Maxfield-Barrett, the former Executive Director of the Utah Refugee Collation, Utah has become a top 20 state for refugee resettlement in the United States. Maxfield-Barrett specifically cited Utah's 24-month case management, which helps refugees' access benefits such as Supplemental Nutrition COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 9 Assistance Program (SNAP), offering food assistance, and healthcare. Two-years of case management is among the longest in the nation, and it helps to attract refugees to resettle in Utah. By providing favorable resettlement conditions, the state is drawing large numbers of refugees and must adequately address the growing needs of the refugee population. As long as the state of Utah continues to encourage the resettlement of refugees within its borders, it must provide the necessary long-term resources to assure a stable and productive community and economy. Among these is access to education. Education for Refugees Education plays an important role in the acclimation process for refugees in the United States (Dryden-Peterson & Giles, 2010; McBrien, 2005; Morrice, 2010; Shakya, et al., 2010). The students who manage to successfully navigate the educational system generally have increased opportunities such as better jobs and higher salaries (Shakya, et al., 2010). Refugee students seeking post-secondary education are faced with a variety of barriers, many of which are unique to this specific population (Dryden-Peterson & Giles, 2010). As job opportunities in the United States continue to require higher levels of education (Kanno & Arva Grosik, 2012) and resettled refugees are forced to compete for employment, assuring access to a college education is vital for their success. As an admissions counselor for a private liberal arts school, I have had the privilege of working with students from a variety of backgrounds. The college admissions process is complicated and requires a basic understanding of how higher education in the United States works, as well as what opportunities are available for financial aid. Students who are fortunate enough to come from families that have previously navigated the system are at a distinct advantage. In contrast, students classified as "traditionally under-represented," meaning they are COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 10 non-native English speaking, first-generation, and/or low-income, must overcome challenges not encountered by their peers (Kanno & Harklau, 2012; Kanno & Arva Grosik, 2012). While there has been a fair amount of research regarding immigrant access to post-secondary education, there is little published that specifically relates to refugees. Although there are similarities between immigrant and refugee populations, they are two distinct groups that deserve to be interpreted based on their unique characteristics. Unlike immigrants, who voluntarily chose to move to a new country, refugees are displaced from their native countries due to extreme circumstances (McBrien, 2005). Refugees coming to the United States since the 1990s have primarily been from Africa, the Middle East, and South Asia (McBrien, 2005). Often these groups are forced to live in camps for many years before being relocated and frequently suffer from post-traumatic stress disorder based on their experiences. For the purposes of this thesis, I chose to specifically focus on refugee students, rather than immigrants as a whole. Because this population has not been studied to the same degree as other traditionally under-represented students, my findings are a contribution to the existing literature. Scope and Purpose When working with refugee students, numerous social and cultural factors must be considered. As McBrien (2005) laid out in her literature review on education for refugees, there are limited studies that have been completed that address broad-spectrum refugee populations, as researchers thus far have only focused on working with one, or a few specific populations. For the purposes of my project, I will attempt to address refugee students as a whole, rather than narrowing my findings to a particular ethnicity. The school I partnered with serves students from around the world, therefore, the college information they offer must be accessible to students from a variety of backgrounds. There are challenges associated with this practice, but my COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 11 research shows that the questions students have about college are endemic, and not limited to just one culture. Because higher education institutions generally view refugee students as a singular distinction, rather than by country of origin, it seems apt to address college access from this lens as well. Despite the numerous barriers that refugee students must overcome in order to get to college, the message that education is important is still getting through. The refugee students that I interviewed associated a college education with freedom, success, and respect. They are eager to continue their education in hopes that it will lead to a better life for themselves and their families. The largest chasm standing between the students and college is information-the lack of it, who offers it, and where to find more. Based on this, the question I answer in this thesis is: What are the most important factors to consider in creating a college-bound learning environment for refugee students? Acculturation and Language Acquisition One of the main issues refugee students face in their effort to attend college is an academic understanding of English (Kanno & Varghese, 2010; McBrien, 2005; Roxas & Roy, 2012; Shakya, et al., 2010). This can affect their ability to succeed in a classroom in many different ways including: being mistaken for a special needs student (McBrien, 2005), requiring additional time to interpret assignments and tests (Kanno & Varghese, 2010), and simply not attending class due to frustrations understanding the language (Shakya, et al., 2010). The capacity of teachers to assist students in overcoming language barriers is critical, but in practice, overworked teachers have limited time and resources for professional development about refugee students (Earnest, Joyce, de Mori, & Silvagni, 2010). Integration into US culture is another barrier that students must overcome, and for many that includes dealing with racism (Shakya, et COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 12 al., 2010; McBrien, 2005; Roxas & Roy, 2012; El Jack, 2010). Black students, Muslim students who wear Hijabs or students from the Middle East classified as "terrorists," all must overcome additional stereotypes as they attempt to find a place in their new country and school. Refugee youth resettled in Utah are not exempt from these challenges. This Study As outlined above, there are several barriers which refugee students face in accessing a college education. To best understand the refugee student perspective, I partnered with a Charter School focused on serving a refugee population. Research Setting Seeing a need to serve the current refugee population of Utah, Wayside School1 opened its doors for the 2013-2014 school year welcoming seventh through tenth graders (Wayside School, 2014). Serving a mostly refugee population, with more than 15 languages spoken among the students, there is a strong focus on English language education, specifically emphasizing project-based instruction in small classrooms to grow English vocabulary. During the October 2014 board meeting, the principal reported that there were 155 students attending the school, 94% of whom are eligible for free or reduced lunch (Wayside School Board Minutes, 2014). At the start of the 2014-2015 school year the school expanded to add eleventh and twelfth grades, meaning that they now serve a student population who will soon be seeking post-secondary education. My mentor, who serves as the after-school programming coordinator indicated that teachers and administration are overwhelmed with how to best prepare the older students for options after they graduate (mentor, personal communication, August 27, 2014). This thesis focused on 1 All names used in this thesis are fictional. Due diligence has been done to protect the privacy of all interview participants. COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 13 Although Wayside School is free and open to all students residing in the area, the population of the school does not necessarily reflect the refugee population of Utah. Students attending Wayside School are self-selected to enroll, and my research indicates that the students who attend were directed to the school through outside resources. My study was limited by the student population currently attending and therefore the sample population may not include the most disadvantaged refugee students in Utah. Enrolling at an English language enhancement school such as Wayside indicates the student's awareness of his or her challenges and the ability and/or resources to find outside solutions. It is important to address that not every refugee youth currently residing in Utah is able to access this option. Most of those identified were derived from research conducted with high school and college students in the past ten years. Using this framework, I interviewed students at Wayside School and was able to identify those issues that are most prolific as well as how deeply the gaps are in their knowledge. Although I am unable to change school policy or college admissions practices, I can influence the way teachers present information to students and assure that they are able to spend their time and energy in the most productive ways possible. The resource guide created based on this information will add valuable information to the refugee students and families at Wayside School and help a sidelined group of individuals attempt to gain social and cultural capital in their country of resettlement. COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 14 Chapter Two: Literature Review This chapter offers a review of the existing literature on higher education access for refugee students. There are several common themes that emerged through the literature, including the numerous barriers that refugee students must overcome in their effort to go to college. However, first there is a distinction I must make before continuing; limited studies exist focused specifically on college access for student refugee populations. The majority of the literature regarding traditionally underrepresented students accessing higher education deals with immigrants rather than refugees. Although I have done my best in locating information specifically addressing refugee populations, a large gap exists in the field, and in order for me to paint a clear picture of current situation, I will be drawing on several studies written about immigrants. The barriers faced by the populations do overlap in many important areas including English language comprehension, first-generation status, low socio-economic status, and adjusting to a new culture. Because there is so little research specifically related to refugee students and college success, and since there are similarities between the two populations, I will draw upon literature focused on both groups. Refugees One of the most notable differences between immigrants and refugees is migration status. Unlike immigrants who move to a new country looking for economic opportunity, refugee status is granted to those who are forced out of their home countries due to circumstances, such as civil war, that create violent and inhumane living conditions (McBrien, 2005). Before being resettled, refugees reside in camps designed to accommodate temporary populations, though most end up living in densely populated camps for many years (El Jack, 2010). There are several long-term COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 15 consequences of this living situation, including poor health due to inadequate food, water, and medical care (McBrien, 2005). There are also degrees of educational opportunities afforded to students living in refugee camps, and the standards for schools and programs vary widely based on the camp (El Jack, 2010). For example, educational opportunities for girls are drastically more limited than they are for boys. Peterson (2010) provides evidence of this as observed at the Dabaab refugee camp in Kenya where in 2010 61% of boys attended primary school compared to only 39% of girls. The statistics for secondary education are even more extreme due to the fact that in many refugee populations, once girls reach a certain age they are expected to remain at home and assume responsibility for many of the household chores, including childcare (El Jack, 2010; Peterson, 2010). Life in the camps is bleak and the series of events that lead individuals to becoming a refugee are often traumatic (Peterson, 2010). Once refugees have been resettled, there are often psychological concerns, related to their experience, to overcome (McBrien, 2005). Post-traumatic stress disorder is common among newly settled refugees, and for students adapting to a new culture and school, managing the trauma they have experienced weighs heavily on their adeptness (Lan Rong & Brown, 2002; McBrien, 2005; Morrice, 2013). Because of this, and many other barriers to be discussed, accessing higher education can be extraordinary challenging for refugee students. There are several existing theories that help frame this issue. Theoretical Framework For this research I will draw on the theories of several scholars to develop the theoretical framework. These theories address the limitations experienced by individuals who fall outside the traditional system as well as the challenges associated with integration into a new culture. COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 16 These theories help to set the framework for the many barriers to be discussed that refugee students face when seeking a college education. Social Reproduction The mostly widely used and well known theory is that of Pierre Bourdieu, which describes the concept of social reproduction and the importance of social and cultural capital (Bourdieu, 1973). Social reproduction theory focuses on the relationship between education, family, and social class (Tzanakis, 2011). Bourdieu (1973) argues that society is structured so that parents transmit their knowledge, habits and viewpoints to their children, which, in-turn creates a cycle of inheritance among social classes. Those who do not belong to the more informed classes find the cycle difficult to break. Cultural capital refers to the social norms that are transmitted through social reproduction (Bourdieu, 1973). In the context of education, cultural capital includes language skills, aspirations, having the "right" accent and understanding academic discourse (Morrice, 2013). Children who grow up in homes with more elite, and therefore more valued, cultural capital are often recognized and rewarded more positively in schools (Tzanakis, 2011). Because their parents understand the expectations, they are able to guide their students through the experience, which results in praise for the students. Embodied social capital is a person's network of relationships and acquaintances which provide knowledge, information and guidance (Morrice, 2013). Those who lack social capital are at a distinct disadvantage because they are unable to rely on their network for opportunities. Bourdieu (1973) refers to this as habitus, or the passing down of class characteristics, which ensures that those who have capital keep it, and those without find it difficult to access. Within education, this theory helps to better explain why a middle-class student's "natural" path is to go to college; it has been pre-determined by the social agents that comprise COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 17 their existence (Maton, 2008). For students from other backgrounds, such as refugees, Maton (2008) states, "rather than the educational system blocking access to social agents from non-traditional backgrounds these social agents relegate themselves out of the system, seeing university as ‘not for the likes of me'" (pg. 58). This natural self-selection out of the higher education system maintains the existing power structure, creating a monopoly of cultural capital that leaves out those without, creating a pattern of self-depreciation and devaluation (Bourdieu, 1973). Refugee habitus. Morrice's (2013) theory is unique in that that she attempts to apply Bourdieu's well-regarded ideas to a modern refugee population. She states that: Refugee habitus is shaped by the negativity in both public and policy discourses towards asylum issues; this has ensured that the refugee/asylum identity is one which is generally disparaged and from which it is difficult to generate a sense of self-respect and dignity. (pg. 666) According to Morrice (2013), as soon as a person is granted refugee status, he or she immediately becomes a symbol of inequality and disadvantage within the country where they resettled. These conditions are created by policies that devalue the refugee's former professional status and education attained in their home countries, which contribute towards a loss of identity (Morrice, 2013). Ultimately, Morrice argues, shame and embarrassment taint refugee habitus and perpetuate a cycle of inferiority (2013). Although Morrice's work is based on research she did in her home country of the United Kingdom, because it pertains to refugee populations resettling in a Western country, many of the ideas can be applied to the United States. Her work mirrors that of Bourdieu and puts habitus in a modern context. The distinct habitus of refugees entering the COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 18 US educational system creates an environment where the accepted norms are unknown and they are therefore disadvantaged before they even begin (Morrice, 2009). Once social and cultural capital have been legitimized, or in the case of refugees, ostracized, it becomes an endless cycle of power that those without are unable to access (Bourdieu, 1973; Morrice, 2013). For refugees resettling in a Western country, it means that they will immediately face barriers erected by their standing in society. Selective assimilation theory. Several scholars, including John Ogbu have built upon Bourdieu's theory of social reproduction and cultural capital. Ogbu's (1982) selective assimilation theory relates directly to how the lack of cultural capital affects non-Western people settling in the United States. He uses the concept of oral culture to express the ideas and language that are formed within the home. When a student enters the educational system for the first time, he or she is faced with balancing the oral culture of their home with that of their school (Obgu, 1982). Adaptation to the school environment can be difficult, even for a native student who was raised in the "right" type of home. Refugees are faced with the challenge of coming from homes with a distinctly different, and often not Western, oral culture. Additionally, refugees often enter the US educational system later in childhood, which gives them the added disadvantage of having less time to learn the oral culture of school, and often at a much older age than that of their peers (Ogbu, 1982). Ogbu (1982) argues that this is exacerbated by unprepared, disorganized schools and untrained teachers who are unable to relate to refugee students. Without adequate effort by schools to make their oral culture accessible, refugee students will find it very difficult be able to be fully immersed, and thus lack cultural capital and the necessary attributes to progress in society. COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 19 Integration Going beyond selective assimilation theory, one must also consider the cultural transition refugees must make in the resettlement process. Berry (1997) describes four acculturation strategies that immigrants use in establishing themselves in their country of resettlement. As seen in Figure 1 below, the two axes on which immigrants are placed measure the desire to maintain one's own identity and the value placed on maintaining relationships with society. On the bottom right corner of the figure are those who are considered marginalized, which is characterized by having interest in preserving one's own identity, as well as not maintaining relationships with larger society (Berry, 1997). This status is often forced upon a person and makes it difficult to successfully transition to a new society. On the lower left corner of the figure are those who fall into either separation, which is self-inflicted, or segregation, which is imposed by society (Berry, 1997). Both come when an individual desires to preserve their own identity, but avoid interactions with others. Assimilation occurs when individuals choose to not maintain their own identity, but value interaction with outside groups (Berry, 1997). This is seen in the upper right corner. Finally, integration is achieved when an individual values preserving their own cultural identity, as well desires to participate within society (Berry, 1997). Integration, in my opinion, is the most optimal of the options as it allows for immigrants and refugees to maintain those characteristics that are innate to their heritage, but also find a place within their country of resettlement. It can only be achieved when mutual accommodations are made, meaning both sides accept and adapt to one another (Berry, 1997). For refugee students, integrating into the US educational system is an important step in learning oral culture of school and ultimately being able to move on to a college education (Ogbu, 1982). COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 20 Figure 1: Berry's Acculturation Strategies Phillimore and Goodson (2008) discuss integration extensively in their review of The United Kingdom's Home Office's "Race Relations Act 2000." The Amendment states that "integration takes place when refugees are empowered to 1) achieve their full potential as members of British society, 2) contribute to the community and 3) access the services to which they are entitled" (pg. 309). The indicators of integration, as outlined by Ager and Strang (2004) appear as an inverted pyramid with four measures at the top: employment, housing, education and health. Social connections are the next level of integration, and are marked by social bridges, bonds and links. Next, language and cultural knowledge, and safety and stability are established, before finally the foundation of rights and citizenship (Ager & Strang, 2004). Their research indicates that in order to achieve integration, refugees must make connections with other individuals having similar cultural experiences. Those who are unable to find like-ethnic •No value to maintain relationships with larger society. •Desire to maintain relationships with larger society •No desire to maintain one's identity and characteristics. •Desire to maintain one's identity and characteristics. Integration Assimilation Marginalizatiion Separation/ SegregationCOLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 21 connections are three to four times more likely to suffer from depression (Ager & Strang, 2004). Additionally, language acquisition plays a large role in integration, and being able to speak the primary language of the country of resettlement is a key indicator for successful integration (Ager & Strang, 2004). Because social and cultural capital is maintained by those in power, unless refugees are able to integrate into society, they will be kept from attaining such capital, and therefore advancement in society. In order for refugees to become fully integrated, value must be placed on identifying and eliminating the barriers that students face when attempting to gain a college education. As Phillimore and Goodson (2008) state, "integration is viewed as a two way interchange of culture and understanding, in that the host community and institutions must adapt as well as the refugee" (pg. 309). Using the framework of cultural and social capital as well as selective assimilation theory, I outline the most common obstacles that refugee and immigrant students come upon in their desire for higher education. Despite the overwhelming number of hurdles, it seems those refugees who are able to persist and integrate into the higher education environment do value the experience and benefit long-term from a college degree. Barriers to Higher Education Academic English The most widely discussed barrier for refugee students accessing higher education is an academic mastery of the English language (Earnest, et al., 2010; Kanno & Arva Grosik, 2012; Kanno & Harklau, 2012; Kanno & Varghese, 2010; McBrien, 2005; Morrice, 2013; Roxas & Roy, 2012). At a basic level, most refugee students struggle academically in high school due to lack of proficiency in academic English. For students who arrive when they are still quite young, the learning curve is reduced. However, Kanno and Karklau (2012) found evidence that if a COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 22 student begins a US education in middle school or later, they will still show signs of being linguistically disadvantaged upon high school graduation. The use of the term academic English includes full comprehension of spoken English, as well as the ability to read and write fluently (McBrien, 2005). Studies have found that refugee students are often mistaken for having academic English comprehension based on their spoken skills, but lack the background or ability in reading and writing (McBrien, 2005; Morrice, 2013). This manifests itself in many ways in the classroom, including needing additional time to complete assignments, and even being mistaken as special needs students (Kanno & Arva Grosik, 2012; Kanno & Varghese, 2010; Shakya, et al., 2010). Professional Development for Teachers The best way to increase learning opportunities for English-language learners is by having well-trained educators. When refugee students are able to establish a relationship of trust with their teachers and counselors, they feel guidance and support which helps them thrive (Lee, 2002). In contrast, teachers who lack a cultural understanding or desire to know their students often dismiss their struggles in the classroom and do not create a supportive learning environment (Earnest, et al., 2010; Roxas & Roy, 2012; Shakya, et al., 2010). Because Western style education can be different from other cultures, refugee students must learn to adapt to new styles of learning. For instance, the students interviewed in Earnest, Joyce, deMori and Silvangi's (2010) study cited speaking up in class to earn participation points as an unknown concept. In another study, refugee students from the Middle East struggled with learning to think critically and balancing multiple assignments spread over the semester, as opposed to one final exam as they had experienced in their home countries (Earnest, et al., 2010). For a Somali student interviewed by Roxas and Roy (2012), misinformation led him to prioritize completing COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 23 assignments based on points totals in an attempt to earn the minimum points required to pass each course. As a result, he neglected multiple assignments and flunked classes. Behavior such as this has been shown to cause "teachers in the school [to] exhibit prejudice by believing that the…students were inferior in intelligence and culture to native-born students, rather than acknowledging that they had a very different set of values which led to different cognitive styles" (McBrien, 2005 pg. 350). This lack of understanding can be directly related to the previously discussed theory of social reproduction and cultural capital. Because the students lacked the expertise, or parents with the experience to offer guidance, they were at a distinct disadvantage in the classroom. Despite their best intentions, their odd behavior led teachers and school administration to write off any ability or desire to succeed academically, thus propagating the cycle of social reproduction. These examples have led several authors to conclude that refugee students would greatly benefit from teachers who have had opportunities for professional development in working with cultural differences, as well as increased funding for English-language learning programs in schools (Kanno & Arva Grosik, 2012; Roxas & Roy, 2012; Shakya, et al., 2010). Difficulty Accessing Information The disconnect between teachers and refugee students has a prohibitive impact on the student's ability to pursue higher education. During the college application process, students who lack confidence in their writing ability struggle with standardized placement tests such as the SAT, which are an important factor in the admissions process (Kanno & Arva Grosik, 2012). English-language learners and immigrants are also disadvantaged in understanding the importance of the testing and placement process and therefore "do not prepare for placement tests, and receive little guidance either in high school or upon entering community college about COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 24 the academic expectations of community college or how to navigate the matriculation process" (Bunch & Endris, 2012, pg. 167). Teachers and counselors who are unprepared to work with refugee students do them a disservice by not emphasizing the importance of placement tests, encouraging students to take college preparation classes such as Advanced Placement (AP), and assuring students complete required courses in high school (Kanno & Arva Grosik, 2012; Kanno & Varghese, 2010). Unfortunately, many refugee students applying to college are at an added disadvantage of being the first in their family to attain post-secondary education, which limits even their most basic knowledge on the process (Kanno & Arva Grosik, 2012). As previously discussed, Maton (2008) described college as being a "natural" choice for middle-class students, primarily because those around them, their social capital, provided an adequate amount of information and guidance to set the wheels in motion. Refugee students seeking a college education must fight to learn the system. It is especially difficult for refugees whose parents were not educated in their home countries because no experiential knowledge is passed down as cultural capital. Beyond the application and acceptance process, parental involvement is a major contributing factor in receiving financial aid. In the United States students attending post-secondary educational institutions are eligible to apply for the Free Application for Federal Student Aid (FAFSA, 2014), which provides various types of funding to pay for education based on family income. Because refugees are given permanent residence status, they are eligible to apply for and receive FAFSA aid, unlike undocumented immigrants (Refugee Services Office, 2013). The neediest students are eligible for Pell Grants, which is free money from the government to pay for college. Kanno and Arva Grosik (2012) believe that almost all of the 54 students they interviewed were Pell eligible, but none had been advised to file a FAFSA, and therefore missed out on up to COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 25 $5,770 annually in free grant money (FAFSA, 2014). For families with limited knowledge on how to navigate the system, who are additionally disabled by a language barrier, "navigating the bureaucracy of paperwork required to apply for financial aid" (Kanno & Harklau, 2012, pg. 7) seems impossible. Balancing Family Expectations and Culture Attaining higher education is not easy for refugee students who often come from low-income households and struggle to pay for college (El Jack, 2010; Kanno & Arva Grosik, 2012; Kanno & Harklau, 2012; Kanno & Varghese, 2010; Shakya, et al., 2010). Additionally, many refugee students are expected to contribute financially to their households, which can further hinder their learning process (Earnest, et al., 2010; Kanno & Arva Grosik, 2012; Roxas & Roy, 2012). Outside of financial obligations, refugee students cite family responsibilities as another barrier to succeeding in their studies. In some cases students are the only family member fluent in English therefore must devote a portion of their time towards assisting in family matters (Shakya, et al., 2010). For the Sudanese women interviewed by El Jack (2010), traditional patriarchal gender roles also prevented them from seeking higher education. Instead, they were expected to help out around the house, cleaning and caring for their younger siblings. The same women cited another vital stressor they experienced in their transition to the United States: discrimination and racism (El Jack, 2010). Rong and Brown (2002) provide insight to this with the selective assimilation theory, as put forth by Ogbu (1982), which states that people living in the United States have many pre-existing assumptions for class, race, gender and religion. Rather than developing their own assimilation patterns, resettled refugees and immigrants are incorporated into these already existing categories. For most Americans, Black is Black and newly arrived refugees that fit the visual representation are classified as such, without COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 26 an understanding of the cultural or ethnic distinctions (Rong & Brown, 2002). For students like the Somali boy in Roxas and Roy's (2012) study, that meant adopting the attitude and dress of the African American "gangsta" students at his high school in an attempt to assimilate with the new culture. It disadvantaged him in two ways: he was never fully accepted into the African American culture at school and his teachers, turned off by his style, doubted his ability as a student. As one author put it, "Black newcomer students often face a triple disadvantage of being Black, having limited access to educational opportunity, and being poor" (Roxas & Roy, 2012, pg. 486). Several of the Hmong student's interviewed in Lee's (2002) study of a Wisconsin community also adopted an African American style of dress and faced similar discrimination. Lee (2002) cites a study by Ong (2000) that argued non-White immigrants undergo a process of ideological "Whitening" or "Blacking" in their attempt to find a place in society. In addition to indifference from their teachers, Lee (2002) found that first-generation students were also discriminated against by second-generation Hmong students. Because they were unable to connect culturally with their peers or educators, the students developed a distrust of those outside their direct community and never felt fully accepted into American culture (Lee, 2002). As the literature shows, there are numerous barriers refugee students face in their efforts to access a college education. The students at Wayside School are no exception. Although it may seem difficult, and at times, nearly impossible, those refugees that do attend college positively influence their communities. Positive Outcomes Despite the obstacles that refugees are forced to overcome in attaining education in camps and again after resettlement, education has proven to be a vital tool in the integration COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 27 process (Dryden-Peterson & Giles, 2010; McBrien, 2005; Morrice, 2013). Although the academic settings may not be ideal, many students value and enjoy their education and it can become a positive, empowering outlet for refugee students (McBrien, 2005). As Dryden-Peterson and Giles (2010) state: Access to higher forms of education enables young adults to make the types of inspired, creative and resourceful decisions that will not only improve their personal lives, but when likened to a broader educated community, can reverse the negative effects of militarized violence and activate community reconstruction from within. (pg.5) The research shows that not only does higher education give students a sense of purpose and fulfillment, it is a critical step to becoming integrated into a successful life in the United States. Currently adults with a bachelor's degree make nearly $1.5 million more dollars over a lifetime than an individual with only a high school degree (Kanno & Arva Grosik, 2012) and by 2018 it is estimated that 63% of all new job openings will require at least some level of post-secondary education (Kanno & Harklau, 2012). It is because trends like these that, People are, therefore, willing to modify their indigenous instrumental competencies and rules for behavior for achievement and to learn new ones taught by the school, because they know that the former will not help them get ahead very far in the new social and economic order. (Ogbu, 1982, pg. 298) The findings I present will help fill the void that exists in studies focused on refugees accessing a college education. Kanno and Varghese (2010) state that "there is a clear gap in knowledge that must be filled" (pg. 312) regarding education for refugee and English-language learner students. Wayside School provided a wonderful opportunity to interview refugee students from variety of cultural backgrounds. By understanding their perspective on college and gaining insight on the COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 28 specific issues they face as students I can offer insight on elements that best create a college bound environment. COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 29 Chapter Three: Research Methods In order to gain a better understanding of the issues refugee students face when attempting to access a college education, I interviewed five refugee students at Wayside School. Using the data collected through my research, I answered the research question set forth Chapter One: What are the most important factors to consider in creating a college-bound learning environment for refugee students? Student Interviews According to statistics compiled by AmeriCorps volunteers working at Wayside School, there are currently only two seniors slated to graduate in May 2015 (AmeriCorps, personal communication, October 27, 2014). Because of the small number of seniors, I elected to interview students from grades 9-11 in order to have a large enough sample for this study. Because colleges rarely, if ever, consider specific cultural or ethnic identities in the admissions process, I tried to include students from a variety of different backgrounds. Wayside has students from a range of ethnicities, with 78% of the 156 students enrolled classified non-native English speaking, and more than 19 other languages spoken at home (AmeriCorps, personal communication, October 27, 2014). I tried to reflect this diverse population in my study sample population. Although the male to female ratio at the school is nearly 50:50, I was only able to recruit female students to participate in my individual interviews. My findings, therefore, reflect a distinctly female perspective and in my limitations I discuss how this might impact the evidence presented. Focus Groups Starting in January 2015 I began spending time at Wayside interacting with the students during their after school programming. The school has a variety of after school programs and COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 30 most students participate in the program at least one day a week (mentor, personal communication, August 27, 2014). My mentor serves as the after school programming coordinator, and through her I arranged to hold a focus group. In order to recruit students, she named my study "college club" and only allowed those students who were able to secure a parental consent to participate. The parental consent forms were sent home with the students a week prior to my visit along with a short explanation statement of my project. My mentor was the primary person responsible for recruiting the students and she also collected the consent forms as they arrived. My first "college club" focus group was held the afternoon of January 14, 2015 during regular after school programming in an empty classroom. Focus groups are comprised of 5-10 individuals and give researchers an opportunity to hear many different perspectives on their subject (Marshall & Rossman, 2006). Eight students participated in my focus group and the session lasted about 45 minutes. Creating a comfortable and open environment is important to generating lively conversation and in order to start off on a positive note, I brought in snacks for the students, which they thoroughly enjoyed. Before asking any questions, we played an ice-breaker game, which was very popular and opened up the group to answering questions. I audio recorded the focus group, and listened to the recording, but did not fully transcribe the session. By conducting a focus group first, I was able to gain a better understanding of what students understood about the college admissions process. It also helped me identify specific students I wanted to invite back for individual in-depth interviews. Of the eight students, I selected five that seemed interested in the topic to come back for an individual interview. By keeping extensive notes during the focus group, I was able track relevant topics and overarching COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 31 themes and this helped direct some of the questions I asked during my individual interviews (Miles & Huberman, 1994). Individual Interviews Based on my interactions with students in the focus groups, I invited back five students for in-depth interviews, which can be extensive, but yield comprehensive, conversational results (Marshall and Rossman, 2006). The five students ranged in age, grade, country of origin, and time living in the United States. They were: 1) Asiya, 17 years old, 11th grade, Somalian heritage born in Kenya, unknown time in the United States 2) Shelia, 17 years old, 11th grade, from Uganda, five months in the United States 3) Rose, 15 years old, 9th grade, Burmese heritage born in Thailand, seven years in the United States 4) Kira, 15 years old, 9th grade, Congolese heritage born in Tanzania, five years in the United States 5) Hawiwa, 16 years old, 10th grade, Somalian heritage born in Kenya, 10 years in the United States Marshall and Rossman (2006) discuss some of the challenges of interviewing children and encourage the interviewer to go out of their way to create a friendly, trusting interaction. Although the students at Wayside were teenagers, not young children, I went out of my way to create a positive atmosphere. My mentor arranged all of the individual interview times, and of the five, I only had to reschedule one interview. I was able to complete all five interviews over the course of three weeks in January and February 2015. Each took place after school in the same extra classroom where the focus group was held. I recorded all the interviews with a digital COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 32 recorder and they ranged in length from 27 minutes to 45 minutes. At the end of each interview I gave the student a $10 Smith's Marketplace gift card as a thank you with my business card attached and let them know they could contact me at any time. All five of the recorded interviews were fully transcribed by me. Once the interviews and fieldnotes were transcribed, including those from the focus groups, I used techniques described in Miles and Huberman (1994) to find patterns in the data. I spent a great deal of time organizing the codes, which helped build the theoretical framework I used. After carefully coding the transcripts, I isolated the relevant data for more careful analysis. The analysis of specific themes and codes ultimately led to the findings presented in Chapter Four. Once my initial findings had been outlined, I was able to incorporate supporting arguments from the existing literature, adding construct validity (Lather, 1986). Finally, based on my findings, I outlined suggestions and recommendations for Wayside School and other education institutions serving college-bound refugee students. Limitations Every researcher knows to plan for the unexpected, and despite my best intentions a few issues did arise during my research. I had been concerned about interest and participation among the students, although my mentor assured me that students would be eager to participate. When I arrived for my first focus group, I was surprised to see that the eight students who returned parental consent forms were all girls. Initially I designed my study to interview two girls and two boys, but ultimately I found five female participants to be the most willing. Upon analysis, I believe that having a male student voice could have potentially added a different perspective, especially as it relates to parental pressure. Although I was unable to secure an interview with a COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 33 male student, I believe the data I gathered regarding the gaps in knowledge accessing higher education apply to the majority of refugee students at the school, regardless of gender. The majority of the students who participated in the focus group were fluent in English, and four of the five individually interviewed students have lived in the United States for several years. Shelia, who had only been in the United States for five months when we first spoke had difficulty speaking in full sentences and occasionally mixed tenses and genders. I have spent time abroad and feel comfortable speaking to those not fluent in English, and we were able to communicate fine. It is possible that with the help of a translator, our conversation may have been more robust, but overall, I feel that she was still able to effectively communicate her thoughts. Validity Throughout the research process it is important to assure the data being collected are credible, and there are several methods for testing validity (Creswell & Miller, 2000; Lather, 1986). As Lather (1986) states, "because we are not able to assume anything, we must take a self-critical state regarding the assumptions we incorporate into our empirical approaches" (pg. 65). To assure the trustworthiness of my data, I engaged in several validity measures. The first is that of triangulation, which uses varied types of evidence to identify themes (Creswell & Miller, 2000). Using this method, I collected data from multiple sources during focus groups, interviews and mentor meetings to ensure that my findings were credible. I compared my data to the existing literature and used the theoretical framework presented earlier to make light of the findings. Lather (1986) refers to that comparison as construct validity, which states that validity must also come through relating research to already existing social theory. Chapter Two of this paper included analysis of several social theories related to higher education access to refugees, COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 34 including Bourdieu (1973) and Ogbu (1982). The research findings presented in Chapter Four continue to draw upon the already existing literature, incorporating construct validity. In addition to triangulation and construct validity, I employed "member checking" to ensure face validity (Creswell & Miller, 2000 & Lather, 1986). This method allows for study participants to take on the role of researcher and to confirm the credibility of the study findings (Creswell & Miller, 2000). Lather (1986) argues for the importance of member checking/face validity and that it should be a standard procedure. After transcribing, coding and analyzing the five individual interviews, I held a final meeting with the students on March 11, 2015. Our discussion included an overview of my findings and a summary of the areas where I felt the students needed more information. The students were able to give me some additional detail on specific issues and offered validity to my findings Finally, in my effort to ensure validity, I have reported my analysis using thick, rich description (Creswell & Miller, 2000). Rich narrative descriptions allow those reviewing the research to put themselves in the context of the situation to better understand the setting and experience. By providing "vivid detail" the researcher can establish credibility, and thus provide another layer of validity (Creswell & Miller, 2000, pg. 129). By using all of the methods outlined above in the analysis of my data, I have taken care to assure validity. Ethics As a researcher, it is important to understand any ethical concerns associated with my research. Because my study is focused on working with youth, assuring their protection was of utmost priority. Before beginning interviews, my proposal was approved by the Westminster College Institutional Review Board (IRB). An IRB is a "regulatory body in US higher educational institutions overseeing a process of safeguarding the protection of human subjects" COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 35 (Cahill, 2007, pg. 361). The proposal outlined my intentions for research, including information on recruitment of participants and sample interview questions. The IRB also approved the student participation consent forms that briefly outlined the subject matter, explicitly stated that student participation was voluntary, and that student were able to leave the study at any time (see Appendices B and C). Although the subject matter at hand is very unlikely to harm the students in any way, I have kept their identities protected by referencing them in my findings with pseudonyms (Cahill, 2007). To assure confidentiality, the consent forms, as well as all recordings and notes taken during the focus groups and interviews have been kept on my personal computer. Beyond confidentiality measures, it was important for me to respect the emotional state of the students I interviewed (Cahill, 2007). During our interviews information related to the college admissions process, such as family history and financial status were discussed. I did my best to create a safe, judgment free space for the students to express their feelings. As Cahill (2007) remarked, study participants engage as a way to enhance their understanding of the subject matter at hand and because they have established a trusting relationship with the researcher. This was evidenced by the idea that my time at the school was referred to as "college club," and all the students asked me at least a few questions about future careers, college or my background. As a researcher I did my best to respect their viewpoints, and present the students in a fair and unbiased manner in my paper. During my initial introduction to the focus group and at the beginning of each individual interview, I gave a brief recap of who I was and what my project aimed to do. As Kleinman (1980) shares, she found revealing parts of her identity to her respondents helpful in finding common ground. Rather than her identity being a hindrance, as she said past researchers have COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 36 indicated, she embraced who she was and used it connect with her respondents (Kleinman, 1980). My current position as an admissions counselor gives me great insight into the college admissions process, and I hope that it helped student's better understand their options. Never did I put myself in a position to guarantee any special consideration or make promises on which I could not deliver. Although my identity is an important element of this research, I did my best to find balance between what help I was able to provide and where my role as a researcher prevented me intervening. Summary Before beginning my preliminary research on college access for refugees, I had a general understanding of some of the issues faced by traditionally underrepresented youth. Because my job exposes me to many types of students, I felt I had an idea of what my study would reveal. Over the course of researching this topic it has come to my attention that there are a variety of issues that I was unware of, and that the underlying causes are often complicated and deep rooted. Refugees seeking a college education in the United States face numerous barriers, from English language acquisition to racism and discrimination. The college application and financial aid process is complicated and extensive, and those who succeed navigate the system through social and cultural capital; something most refugees lack. Now that I have a more extensive understanding of the current landscape, I feel confident in my ability to present a comprehensive analysis of the data. The students at Wayside School have a unique story to tell and gaining their perspective on this topic can significantly impact this field. Although there is a great deal of work ahead, college access for refugees is of great importance. My findings are an important contribution to a growing field of work and help to better define the parameters of a college-bound learning environment for refugee students. COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 37 Chapter Four: Findings This chapter presents the findings of a focus group and five individual interviews I conducted with refugee students at Wayside School. My data shows that the message about the importance of continuing to post-secondary education is resonating. The student's future aspirations include a college degree and having resources to support their families. They dream of overcoming their challenging and difficult backgrounds to lead fulfilling lives, while living up to their parent's expectations. Because of insufficient cultural capital, most of the students do not have a clear understanding of how they will go about obtaining these objectives (Kanno & Varghese, 2010). This theme recurred frequently in the interviews I conducted and proved to be the largest barrier refugee students face in their desire to attend college. Limited cultural capital also influences the students' ability to integrate fully into the US educational system. Several of the students I interviewed found adapting to a new country while learning to speak English, and the oral culture of school, overwhelming. Despite attending a school designed to support refugees, a great deal of information is not getting through. Messages about college are coming from many different sources including parents, teachers, siblings, and caseworkers; but my data shows that the information is not comprehensive. My findings are reflective of those outlined in chapter two, and this disjointed puzzle of information in many ways hinders a student's ability to clearly understand how to accomplish their goals. Despite the challenges they face, the refugees I interviewed were optimistic. Encouragement is vital. Unlike other traditionally under-represented students who may feel oppressed by the system, the refugees I interviewed spoke with enthusiasm. COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 38 America is the land of opportunity Overcoming humble beginnings to make it big is the narrative of the "American Dream." Statistics show that for most Americans, this idea is only a dream; the gap between the rich and the poor is larger and more difficult to bridge than ever before (The Economist, 2015). For the refugees I interviewed, though, the American Dream is still the reality. Before Rose arrived, she had specific ideas about what it would be like in the United States: When I was in Thailand I thought if I came to America I am going to get a big house and then two puppies and a bicycle and car and everything. So that was my plan when I was in Thailand….and then I went to this apartment and it was so different because, like, I don't know-it's just like so different than Thailand. Rose had an idealized image of what her life in the United States would be, mostly relating to the material goods she would have. Upon resettlement in Utah, she was less impressed with the apartment complex her family moved into, but it was still vastly different from her living conditions in Thailand. Feeling safe and protected at home in a refugee camp can be challenging, and once families have been resettled, there is an expectation of increased opportunity for freedom and success. Especially for parents with young children, the idea of moving to the United States comes with implications of attending college, building a career and generally having a better life than previous generations. These messages resonated with the students I interviewed and all felt an increased sense of pressure to do well and live up to their parents expectations by achieving the American Dream. Life in a refugee camp In order to better understand the mindset of refugee students, it is important to recognize what they have already overcome at such a young age. The five girls I interviewed, despite how COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 39 old they were when they were resettled in the United States, spent at least sometime living in a refugee camp. Rose described living in a bamboo house with her grandmother while her mom was absent for a significant period of time. Kira talked about the death of her aunt and cousin, and having to hide under her bed for fear of being killed when militant groups came through her village. Although none of the girls outwardly had signs of post-traumatic stress disorder, their experiences prior to resettlement have had a lasting impact that cannot be fully measured (McBrien, 2005). Shelia described in detail the process of having to collect wood to light a fire for dinner after spending the day in the field with her mom "digging, digging, digging." As rural laborers, they spent the majority of their day gathering cassava, maze and beans by hand with hoes. For her, the American Dream was coming to a country where she could attend school rather than working as a laborer in the field. "Like in my country," she said, "no jobs. Only digging, only, only." Shelia has a limited idea of what she wants to do in the future, but indicated that living in the United States opened doors that were unimaginable before. All the students I interviewed spent time reflecting on the process of adjusting to life in the United States. Kira recalled feeling "scared, lonely and depressed." When her family first settled in to their new apartment, her caseworker had to show them how to turn on the gas stove and run the shower. Asiya cited other complications of resettlement: "When we were new it was so difficult because my mom-none of us, I knew English a little bit, but all of us knew little English and then like my mom didn't know how to drive and my sister didn't know." For her, the challenges of resettlement, especially adjustment to a new language and culture were more difficult than anticipated. After a short time in Utah, Asiya's family temporarily relocated to Minneapolis, where they found many services directly geared towards Somali refugees. Using COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 40 these resources, along with the support of the community, her mother and sister were able to earn their driver's licenses before returning to Utah. Resettlement in a new country can be demanding and requires refugees to leave the familiarity of their own language and culture. The downsides, though, far overshadow the benefits, especially prospects for jobs and education. Because educational opportunities in refugee camps are often limited or non-existent, physical relocation creates many new opportunities (Dryden-Peterson & Giles, 2010). A study of refugee youth resettled in Canada showed that the simple act of moving greatly increased the student's desire to attain higher education (Shakya, et al., 2010). The notion that there are limitless opportunities for success in the United States is still pervasive throughout this population. Among the students I interviewed, most felt a great deal of pressure from their parents to succeed and live up to the American Dream. Living up to parental expectations Rose, who has been in the United States for seven years, said that her family has clearly stated that one reason they relocated was to increase opportunity for her and her sister: Sometimes she [my mom] tell me every single day [to go to college] and I kind of get tired of it and I be like I want to quit on it, like I don't want to go to University or college anymore, but sometimes when I think about it, back then, when I think of my parents life it's hard for them and then like they have to work so hard for us so that we can come to America, so I have to do something good for them too. Because her parents worked so hard to bring her family to the United States, Rose feels pressure to live up to their expectations; in this case, to do well in school and eventually graduate from college. Hawiwa's father relays the same message to her: COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 41 He said that ever since he came to America, ever since he was a little boy so he was like, you guys are lucky that you can go to school and stuff like that because when they were little they didn't have that experience of going to school. Hawaiwa, like Rose, feels pressure to do well in school in order to build a successful life and meet her father's expectations. Asyia's mother also frequently discusses the importance of education and associates it with freedom for her children. Overwhelming parental pressure can lead to circumstances where students feel ashamed to ask for support or call attention to the issues they are having, rather than admitting they need help (Roxas & Roy, 2012). All of the students I interviewed cited their parent's desire for them to attend college as a means to stability. Their parents moved their families to the United States to create opportunities for their children, and it is expected that students will do well and succeed. Education as a means to achievement Throughout my interviews, the notion of a college education was associated with future success, freedom and respect. The students believe earning a college degree will give them better job opportunities, which, in turn, they will use to help to support their families in the future. In fact, three of the girls I interviewed specifically cited wanting an education because they believed that it would allow them to support their parents. As Kira stated: After I graduate and stuff and have my money…you see how my mom and grandma and dad and everybody work a lot for me to come to school and stuff? So I was planning on having a lot of money, I could help them with the things they need by going to college first. Kira intends to repay the efforts that her family made to move to the United States by doing well in school and finding a job where she can make enough money to take care of them. Rose also COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 42 commented on using her future earnings as a pediatrician to help her parents, and talked about returning to her home country of Thailand to use her skills to aid Burmese refugees: "I feel like I want to help my people cuz they have had to run away from Burma and they have had to live hard for their life and then if I like, do something good for my people then I will feel good too." Not only does she feel obligated to help take care of her family in the future, Rose intends to help out those who are still struggling in her home country. The students I interviewed did not have a desire to move back to their home countries, but several remarked on returning to visit and help the people living there. Angelique, the most recent refugee, who came to the United States six months ago, said that once she earns money she will return to Uganda and help the orphans who are suffering because of the war. She only recently left, but feels like one of the lucky few who made it out and intends to give back, reflecting the commitment made to those left behind. These ambitions are inspiring and the literature shows that refugee students who are able to access higher education do positively contribute their communities and are able to reverse the effects of militarized violence (Dryeden-Peterson & Giles, 2010). Additionally, their understanding that college degrees lead to better paying jobs is correct (Kanno & Harklau, 2012). Unfortunately, getting into college, and being able to succeed in their desired careers is not a guarantee. The students I interviewed desire to go to college, and feel pressure from their parents to attain a higher education as a means to a future success. Despite their drive, they lack much of the necessary information needed in order to bridge the gap between high school and college and express frustration with learning the process. This absence of information is typical of those who are deficient in cultural capital. COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 43 Lack of Cultural Capital The students' lack of knowledge about higher education and careers can best be explained by the absence of social and cultural capital, as described by Bourdieu's theory of social reproduction (1973). Despite encouragement to attend college, and the desire for professional careers, their networks, or embodied social capital, have been unable to provide the necessary experiences to make accessing post-secondary education a "natural choice," as it is for many middle and upper class youth in the United States (Maton, 2008). "But I'll just try" Rose feels pressure from her parents and community to go to college, but does not have a clear understanding of what she needs to do in order to get there. "I think it's kind of hard to me [to become a pediatrician]," she said," cuz I'm just refugee girl and I don't know if I can make it or not, but I'll just try." This statement embodies what the refugees I interviewed are going through. Rose wants to go to college and become a pediatrician, but she does not have the necessary information or networks to create the path. Despite that, her desire to succeed, please her parents, and achieve the American Dream, give her the drive to try. Rose faces an uphill battle to combat what Morrice (2013) calls refugee habitus. Because of her refugee status, she is immediately seen as disadvantaged. Not understanding the sequence of events needed to achieve a specific career or educational goal creates an environment of inferiority, which these students must fight to overcome (Morrice, 2013). Asyia too had to struggle against the shame and embarrassment of being different: I'm not afraid of speaking [now]. I used to be, like whenever someone talks to me in class I'm like oh, my English is not very good. I'm like I don't even want to talk because I think I might embarrass myself. COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 44 When she first arrived, Asyia felt very self-conscious about speaking up in class because of she was not fluent in English. After years spent in a US classroom, and with the guidance of her older sister, Asyia has now built enough assurance to speak her mind. Her English has improved and she has been able to learn the culture of school (Ogbu, 1982), which has increased her cultural capital as well as the likelihood of her succeeding in attending college. Unlike several of the other students I interviewed, Asyia has an older sibling to help guide her through the process. Being able to follow in her sister's footsteps provides Asyia with cultural capital that others are missing. First-Generation Students One reason refugee students are deficient in higher education knowledge is because their parents did not have the opportunity to attend. Being able to rely on outside sources for education information is especially important for the refugee students I interviewed since none of their parents have completed a college degree. As the literature indicated, refugee students are at a distinct disadvantage being the first in their family to go to school (Kanno & Arva Grosik, 2012). A few had siblings and cousins that were attending local colleges, and I found that those with access to family members in school had a greatly increased understanding of the process. Hawiwa remarked that her family rarely talks about going to college "because my parents really never experienced going to school." Asiya elaborated on the reasons her mother was unable to gain an education: "she says she never really got the freedom, cuz she never really lived with her mom. She grew up with her oldest sister, but then her oldest sister forced her to hold the kids …and then when she was cruel to her and she never went to school and then she got forced to marry." Her mother's story resonated with Asiya and she said that they often talk about her COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 45 history of being forced to care for her nieces and nephews at home. Because her mom never had the chance to be educated, Asiya feels extra pressure to get an education. Kanno and Arva Grosik (2012) discuss the added challenges of being a first generation student, or the first in their family to attend college. Because the parents of refugees do not have personal experience with college, they have a limited ability to offer advice. This lack of cultural capital put refugees at a distinct disadvantage when compared with their peers (Bourdieu, 1973). Wayside School opened with the intention to serve refugee students in their efforts to better integrate into the US school system. By eliminating some of the initial barriers new students face, Wayside School is creating a learning environment that allows for easier and more holistic integration. Understanding these student's unique backgrounds enables educators to teach in way the helps to build cultural capital. In this way, they are attempting to break the negative cycle of social reproduction. Learning the US educational system For newly resettled refugees, learning the oral culture of the US education system can be overwhelming (Ogbu, 1982). Most are adjusting to living in an entirely new and different culture, as well as learning to speak English. As the literature shows, refugee students must also learn to find their place among their Western peers at school, which presents an added set of challenges (Earnest, et al., 2010; Roxas & Roy, 2012). Rose elaborated during our interview, "like you know how some students when they go to a big school the teacher went too fast and then some refugee people don't really understand it? So yeah, refugee people need a little bit to slow down." Rose indicated that she feels that she has benefited from the learning style at Wayside School, because it is specifically designed to accommodate the needs to refugee students, such as describing concepts in detail and speaking at a slower pace. COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 46 My mentor explained how Wayside School uses a differentiated instruction teaching model, which they believe helps students access the highest quality content. Rather than using a homogenous model, grouping all the students that speak the same language regardless of level or age, Wayside uses a heterogeneous model. Here, they group students by level and identify student leaders to serve as mentors. Often mentors are chosen by language ability and frequently serve as a new student's translator for the first few weeks or months (mentor, personal communication, January 28, 2015). As Ogbu (1982) showed, it can be very difficult to learn the oral culture of school, especially when students enter the education system later in childhood. By placing students in a classroom with age appropriate content and access to a translator, they provide a dedicated guide, who understands the student's past to assist into the integration of the US school system. The heterogeneous model is quite effective in helping students learn to become more comfortable speaking English in the classroom. A fluency in academic English, though, is still missing among the students I interviewed. Speaking English When she was seven years old Shelia's father died of dengue fever and in order to help support her family, she was pulled out of school to work beside her mother in the fields. As she explained, "She [mom] said stop [school], you will dig for me because my mom is 55 years, [s]he have the problem of back bone and the arm pain and they say, stop school, you will go with me digging. I stop." As the oldest daughter, she was expected to stop her education when her father died in order to help her mother cover the family expenses. Her experience is reflective of the girls interviewed in El Jack's (2010) study of Sudanese women, where patriarchal gender roles prevented them from gaining an education. When she was resettled in the United States, COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 47 speaking virtually no English, Shelia was placed in an 11th grade classroom, which was age appropriate, but challenged her academically. Although some English is spoken in Uganda, she was unprepared for the academic English used at Wayside School: Oh, I think like because I came here first time they tell me something, I don't understand. I say, how can I understand this English? Because if you tell me the English of Uganda, I will hear, but here, the first time I don't understand. They give me translator. In this case, Shelia faced two challenges, adapting to a classroom environment after nearly ten years away from school, and learning to speak English. Her translator acted as not only a language interpreter, but also a cultural guide. She says now English is her favorite subject in school: "I like teacher because if I don't understand the sentence they explain for me; I understand." Because of the support and mentorship she received in adjusting to the school environment, Shelia now feels happy at school and more comfortable speaking English. A Kanno and Karklau (2012) study showed that students who immigrate before middle school often have a greatly reduced learning curve, as was the case with Hawiwa. Having resettled in the United States when she was six, she was enrolled in ESL classes "and then when I went into third grade my English was perfect," she remarked. Now at home she speaks English with her siblings and only uses her native Swahili when talking to her mom and dad. Hawiwa's mother does not speak English and upon reflection she suspects "I guess she didn't really want to learn English. And plus she always tells us, cuz when I was in the house speaking English she says no, you guys need to learn your native language, so you don't forget." Hawiwa feels conflicted about the language in which she chooses to communicate. At school, among her peers and teachers, English is encouraged, but at home, her mother, who does not speak English, puts COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 48 added pressure on her to continue speaking her native language. Rose also remarked that her parents and grandmother have encouraged her to continue to speak her native language, although she said she feels more comfortable with English. Balancing family expectations was a theme explored in the literature review (Shakya, et al., 2010), and language is one area where refugee students feel pressure to maintain ties to their native culture. Because many of their parents choose to not learn English, or never fluently speak English, the students have limited opportunities outside school to practice. Despite feeling comfortable speaking, these students will most likely lack the necessary academic English required in college (McBrien, 2005) as their parents do not speak English fluently, and therefore that element of cultural capital is absent from their homes, which impacts their ability to flourish in the future. Upon enrollment in college, their inability to use academic English will likely impact their success (Kanno & Arva Grosik, 2012). Although Wayside School is unable to provide all the necessary structure for increased cultural capital, there are areas, such as integration, where the students greatly benefits. A community of integration Not all refugees are lucky enough to be resettled in a community with people predominately from their own culture. Fortunately, because Wayside School serves a primarily refugee population, the students attending are surrounded by other youth who understand their background. As Kira put it, "well what I like about this school, I get to meet a lot of new people. I get to communicate with people that I feel good around and I have good teachers and they are really good at explaining things." Unlike the public schools she attended previously, Kira feels a sense of belonging among her peers at Wayside. She cited these positive conditions as being COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 49 influential in her success at school. Making social connections with individuals who can relate is a key component to successful integration (Ager & Strang, 2004). Berry's (1997) four acculturation strategies favor integration, as it leaves room for refugees to maintain their cultural heritage, while at the same time finding a place in their country of resettlement. Phillmore and Goodson (2008) expand on this definition viewing integration as a "two way interchange of culture and understanding" (pg. 309), while Ager and Strang (2004) indicate that building social connections is a necessary condition. Specifically being able to make connections with like-ethnic individuals is indicative of maintaining lower levels of depression in refugees and increased milestones of integration. Wayside School's ability to bring together students from all over the world who are having a similar experience of resettlement is useful for integration. Additionally, the teaching model of the school favors a mutual exchange of information, allowing students to learn the oral cultural of the US school system (Ogbu, 1982). Unfortunately, not all students make the same positive connections as Kira. During my interviews at the school, a 15-year old Nepalese student who had been in the United States for five years committed suicide. The news shook the community, and teachers and staff were forced to reevaluate their programming. At the time this project was completed, no new changes were being implemented, but the act does shed light on the importance of giving resettled refugees the space and conditions favorable for successful integration. Beyond forming social ties with their peers, it is critical, both for integration and to build cultural capital for a successful transition to college, that refugee students find positive mentorship outside their family. COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 50 Teachers and other positive outside influences Teachers in general have had a big influence on the students I interviewed and several were referred to by name during my interviews. As Earnest, Joyce, de Mori and Silvangni (2010) showed, supportive teachers who express a desire to get to know their students are a critical aspect to refugees thriving in their new school culture. In this way, Wayside School helps by creating an educational environment that supports refugee students in a culturally sensitive manner. Several of the girls specifically discussed how well their teachers were able to explain concepts, especially in relation to their friends and siblings attending other larger, public schools Beyond teachers, there are several other important voices that play a role in the way refugee students seek out educational opportunities. Each student I interviewed seemed to have a similar story about how they found Wayside School. Kira was referred by a lady at her church and Rose applied at the suggestion of a Karen leader in her community. Caseworkers have also played a large role in helping the students set expectations for the future, such as the case with Kira who recently had a conversation about becoming a cosmetologist. "Well my case worker said we are going to talk about it some more, so she told me I have to get good grades, like really good grades and concentrate in school and focus on my future." Kira was very excited to talk to me more about the necessary steps to become a cosmetologist during our interview and wanted to know specifics about the path she would need to take. Getting messages about the benefits of succeeding in school from multiple mentors gives it greater importance and more opportunity to permeate. Interactions with student volunteers at a local community center and programs such as AVID and LYFE, which focus on college preparation, have also left impressions on the students. Each positive interaction a refugee student has with a knowledgeable community member, even COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 51 a brief one, makes it easier to overcome the barrier in higher education access (Kanno & Arva Groskik, 2012). Based on the information coming their way, the refugee students I interviewed expressed a strong desire to go to college, as well as pressure to succeed in the future. Achieving their aspirations will allow them to positively contribute to their communities. Unfortunately, there are still huge gaps in information. Some of the necessary conditions for a successful college-bound learning environment are being met, but overall a clear picture is not being painted. What's still missing? Although the teachers at Wayside School talk about college in a positive way, the lack of clarity provided to the students is doing them a disservice. As discussed in chapter two, teachers who do not emphasize the importance of a college curriculum do not adequately prepare students for the transition to post-secondary education (Kanno & Arva Grosik, 2012; Kanno & Varghese, 2010). During my interviews, students mentioned instances when general behavior issues were dealt with by holding college entrance as a gold standard. For instance, Hawiwa was recently pulled aside by a counselor for being tardy to class. He had tracked her progress over the term and she had recently succeeded in showing up on-time to class more than 90%. She elaborated, "and he was telling me that in order to get to college and stuff like that you need to come to school on-time, come every day, get good grades and stuff like that." Although she could remember what he had told her, Hawiwa could not understand the link between being tardy to class with going to college. A student with parents who better understood the system, and therefore have more cultural capital, would be able to elaborate that getting to class on time and attending regularly helps build good habits, which then carry forth through college, helping students succeed at a higher level. Because Hawiwa's parents do not possess the appropriate COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 52 cultural capital, they are unable to create this link. Despite some attempt from a counselor at Wayside School, Hawiwa's understanding of the issue was limited, creating an even larger gap. She was not the only student who mentioned being told that good grades were important to getting to college, but when questioned further, the students could not elaborate on what good grades meant, or why they were important for getting into college. While I believe the teachers at Wayside School have the best intentions in encouraging their students to do well in school, inaccurate information does not set realistic expectations. Bunch and Endris (2012) indicate that students who do not receive guidance in high school are ill prepared to navigate the matriculation process. Simply telling students they need to arrive on time and get good grades is not the same as offering information about the grading standards of the ACT and how colleges use GPA's and test scores for college entrance and scholarship consideration. For refugee students working towards a college education, providing accurate and specific information will greatly benefit their efforts. Mastering the terminology Despite the numerous positive influences and messages that came out of my interviews, there were several important areas of knowledge where the students were deficient. College terminology was a common topic where several students struggled, such as with Rose: "they just say that like to go to college you need to have a scholarship, but then they try to explain what a scholarship is, but I never understand it." Although she knew that a scholarship helped pay for school, she did not know what it was or how she would go about getting one. Other confusing terms that the students have heard, but were unable to define included letters of recommendation, personal essays and diplomas. During the initial focus group, we spent a significant amount of time discussing the ACT, a college entrance exam. Asiya summed up the feelings of the group COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 53 when she said "the ACT, I'm like, when I hear about it, it makes my head hurt." She expressed frustrations with the length of the test as well as how much influence it had on her ability to attend college. Although Wayside School participated in the state-wide initiative to require all juniors to take the ACT, the students I interviewed were confused about how it was scored, what the scores meant and how it would be used in the college application process. During my interviews, the students talked about career aspirations for themselves and for their friends and family eleven times. Collectively the group mentioned becoming a doctor four times, a lawyer three times, a teacher twice, and a cosmetologist and nurse once each. Although they know the names of these jobs and can, in some instances, vaguely describe the position's responsibilities, none had information about how to work towards these careers. Rose and Hawiwa both said they wanted to become pediatricians because they liked working with children, but when prompted, neither could tell me the steps to becoming a doctor beyond "going to college." Shelia said she wanted to be a lawyer because she saw a movie about a lawyer, but could only vaguely describe what a lawyer does. Being able to work toward career goals is an excellent motivational tool for refugee students, but if they are unsure about how to reach those goals, it leaves them with few specific actions on how to proceed Hawiwa made a point during our interview to tell me how important it is that refugee students continue to receive encouragement. It is inspiring to see how far these students have come in their short time in the United States and it was joyful to hear their future dreams. All the girls displayed enthusiasm and positivity, even when discussing difficulties they have had to overcome. In order for them to achieve their aspirations of attending college and taking care of their families, more needs to be done to create sources of cultural capital in their communities, COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 54 schools and homes. Dreams are important, but unless resources are available to give refugees the necessary information to make those dreams happen, they will only remain dreams. COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 55 Chapter Five: Conclusion This thesis is the culmination of my degree in Community Leadership at Westminster College. Throughout my time in school I have had the opportunity to collaborate with community organizations and leaders on important and relevant work. This project came about through a connection at Wayside School and I am thankful that I have been able to work closely with the teachers and students there for the past two semesters. Personally, I have gained a great deal of knowledge about higher education for refugees as well as the refugee community of Utah in general. The final chapter of this paper outlines my thoughts on the research presented, including recommendations, suggestions for future research, and reflections on my personal growth throughout my Capstone. Subjectivity As a researcher, I found the balance between what the students I interviewed at Wayside School want to do and the lack of information they have to accomplish their goals to be the most frustrating. Several times during the interviews, students directly asked me questions related to the requirements for certain careers. For instance, Kira's caseworker recently suggested she consider a career as a cosmetologist and as soon as I arrived at the school for her interview, she started asking me questions about what she needed to do to become one. I was happy to provide some insight, but I had limited information about the subject and it took time from my prepared questions. Shelia was fixated on becoming a lawyer because she had recently seen a movie about a lawyer and she sidelined our interview with questions like "…but I have a question. An hour, how many dollars a lawyer get?" and "But in what subject do you take to become a lawyer?" During the first two interviews, I spent time answering these questions in detail, but after a COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 56 disheartening conversation with Rose about the amount of education required to become a pediatrician, I realized I needed to restrain myself. Although I was there to discuss college, I could see her spirit waning as I described the process of medical school and residency. I think the students saw me as an outside authority and the manner in which my mentor introduced "college club" gave my presence at the school extra importance. They felt like I was in a position to give them the scoop, and when the details I provide were not entirely positive, it was hard to swallow. Following my discussion with Rose, I decided that in order to successfully execute my research, I could answer the student's questions, but needed to stay focused in order to address my research question. I did my best throughout the interviews to remain unbiased and as they progressed, I was able to speak in a more neutral voice. Their many questions about careers, salaries and college did factor into my findings as well as my recommendations. Implications The findings of this project will be compiled and shared with the teachers and administration at Wayside School. The school will graduate its first two seniors in June 2015 and intends to use my suggestions and recommendations in advising future students. Schools that serve a refugee population can benefit from my findings by gaining a better understanding of the unique circumstances refugee students face in their efforts to access higher education. Creating a college bound learning environment extends beyond high school, and for policy makers, getting a better picture of who and what is influential in refugee student's life can help direct the allocation of funds. Simply bolstering one area of support may not have the desired effects, unless the impact on the entire community can be determined. Parents and community leaders are extremely influential in the lives of refugee students and educating them about the process is as important as educating the students. COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 57 My findings show how important cultural capital is in creating a college bound learning environment. Although Wayside School is attempting to create favorable conditions for refugee integration into the US educational system, not all the pieces are coming together. The idea of cultural capital in its purest form is so innate, that it cannot be easily transferred. Despite the efforts of those around refugee students to infuse their surroundings with better language acquisition and educational advancement, their family history and backgrounds continue to impose limits. All the while, refugee students believe the United States is the land of opportunity and move forward despite the obstacles. It is relevant to think outside the traditional boundaries and consider new ideas for the transference of cultural capital. I am hopeful for the girls that I interviewed. It was a pleasure to be a part of their lives for the several months I spent at Wayside School. Although I will continue to make a conscious effort to serve the refugee community in my current role as an admissions counselor, I will not be visiting the school on a regular basis. I believe that their brief participation in "college club" exposed them to new ideas and future opportunities. During our interviews I was able to share some of my knowledge on the subject and I kept the door open to all of them to contact me in the future. Recommendations Based on my time spent interviewing students at Wayside School, I have four recommendations on how to increase the effectiveness of college access for refugees. Most of these suggestions are rather broad and apply generally to the refugee community. Some are directed towards organizations that determine funding and how resources can best be allocated. During the year I devoted to this capstone project I had the opportunity to meet wonderful individuals working hard to advance this cause. I also encountered several refugee students who COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 58 were enrolled in college persuing degrees in important and difficult fields. They prove that it is possible for refugees to overcome the challenges they face in getting to college, but what is clear to me is that with additional support, more students would be able to make that leap. Broadly, the most important message that I want to convey is that of encouragement. The refugee students I interviewed talked in vivid detail about people who had provided encouragement in their lives and remarked on its importance. Encouragement must come often and early on, and the more voices that carry the message, the more influence they have. My research shows that college access programs such as AVID and LYFE can be very effective in teaching students about college, especially if they enter the programs early on. The girls that had the opportunity to visit a college campus and meet successful refugee students in college, had a much more concrete idea of what attending college would like for them in the future. Most of the college visits had been coordinated through college access programs at school. Continued funding for these types of programs is vital, and as long as the state of Utah continues to create favorable conditions for refugee resettlement, they must also assure that college access programs receive support. Increased federal and state funding for refugee students attending college is another area where I see room for growth. The parental income of refugee students often makes them Pell Grant eligible, but applying for federal financial aid can be very complicated, especially with a language barrier. None of the students I talked to at Wayside School were aware of FAFSA, let alone how to go about applying for federal aid. Assuming the federal government continues to support the student Pell Grant program, it is an excellent resource for funding, as long as refugee families know how to gain access. Developing a more simple application process would be favorable, as well as increased workshops and information for families. Beyond the Pell Grant COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 59 program, additional monetary resources for refugee students are needed. LYFE program, through the Department of Workforce Services does provide some money for college, but my mentor at Wayside School was unfamiliar with the service. Because teachers are vital sources of information for refugee students, unless they are aware of existing programs and sources of funding, it is likely their students are also in the dark. A greater effort needs to be made to better educate the parents of refugee students. Seeing as many adult refugees have not had an opportunity to attend college, they have limited cultural capital to pass on to their children. Although the parents of the student's I interviewed put pressure on their children to get an education, few could offer specific advice or help. In order to effectively provide for their students, energy needs to be spent on educating parents about the college application process, as well as how families can best support students once they are enrolled in college. To encourage parent participation, accessibility is key. Programs for parents must be offered within their ethnic communities, in their native language at manageable locations with easy transportation and free childcare. Parents would greatly benefit from speaking to successful college students from their community in order to better understand how to encourage their own children. Programs such as this are beginning to emerge, but there is still a great deal of work to be done. Finally, more resources need to be provided for additional professional development for teachers. During my interviews, almost all the students cited at least one teacher by name that has had a major influence in their life and decision to pursue higher education. Most refugee students are not lucky enough to attend schools that support their specific needs, and teachers are the most effective and personal influence in student's life. Parents and students respect teachers, COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 60 and those that have the training and resources to most effectively advise refugees can provide crucial encouragement, advice, and access to resources. I believe that current efforts are slowly shifting college access for refugees in a positive direction, and because so much of this issue involves social change, nothing will happen quickly. There are many individuals currently working at Wayside School and in the surrounding communities who have devoted their careers to improving the lives of refugees and their efforts are not unnoticed. As long as refugee students continue to receive encouragement and support, their work is not fruitless. Limitations Because the data collection portion of this project took place over one semester, it was limited in scope and depth. I was able to complete one focus group and five individual interviews, which provided a great deal of data, but ultimately, more could be done. As I explained previously, I was only able to find female participants for my individual interviews. This is a notable limitation and has unknown influence on my results. It is very possible that the message male refugee students are receiving from their family and community is different than that of females and this must be taken into account when reviewing my findings. The students I interviewed ranged in age as well as length of time in the United States. Shelia was the newest arrival, having only resettled six months prior. Her English was difficult to understand and she spoke in incomplete sentences, but overall we did not have a problem communicating. The four other students spoke fluent, although imperfect, conversational English. Many questions remain. The research I did focused on current high school students and their aspirations, but ultimately, in order to best understand the most favorable conditions for college access, I would need to incorporate the voice of those refugee students who are in COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 61 college, or have already graduated college. Because of my intimate relationship with the process, I am able to see where gaps exist in college access information, but ultimately, I do not know if it will prevent a student from actually attending college. There are a handful of studies focused on refugees who attend college, but few that outline or pinpoint what information and resources were most useful to those students when they were in high school. I think this is an area where many questions still exist for me and ultimately would be worthwhile to pursue in the future. Future Research I see many opportunities for future research in this field. First, adding a male voice to the interviews would be an area for growth. I am unsure how my findings would have differed with male influence, but it is a gap to be filled. Secondly, it is clear that the students I interviewed were heavily influenced by teachers, parents, caseworkers, and other community members. Because my study was limited by time, I did not have an opportunity to interview any of these individuals and believe this could be a fruitful source of data. While conducting my research I was able to attend a panel featuring three current refugee college students. During the question and answer period, four Somali fathers asked questions that all had the same intent; essentially, how did the parents of the students on the panel cope with allowing their children to freely attend college, while still maintaining ties to their cultural community, religion and language? I find this subject fascinating and there are many questions that exist in relation to balancing parental and cultural expectations, while students find their own place and voice in the United States. This is an area where I believe much more research could be done and could provide more insight into the pressure refugee student's experience. COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 62 Learning Goals Working with an international population, such as refugee students, seemed appropriate for the completion of my degree in Community Leadership. Interviewing and immersing myself with these students gave me an incredible look into the lives and backgrounds of refugees and helped meet my program learning goal of global consciousness, or understanding the world through a variety of cultural lenses and domestic diversity issues. In working with a population very different from my own, this study forced me to think critically and analytically by making connections between the students' different perspectives and finding common themes that related to the existing literature. Collaborating with Wayside School allowed me to partner with a growing local organization and held me accountable for completing my project within an agreed upon timeline with actors already active in the community. Finally, this project challenged my organizing and advocacy skills by helping me to address root causes within the refugee population and build programming with assets to grow the existing community. Professionally, this research is relevant to my career in the field of college admissions. As the face of high school graduates continues to change in the United States, colleges and Universities must be prepared to accommodate the needs of non-traditional students. Gaining a better understanding of the challenges refugee students face in the college admissions process will help me in my future interactions with students and their families. Although this study focused on working with students in Utah, the findings are applicable to refugee students nationwide. I will submit my research for presentation at the annual National Association for College Admissions Counseling (NACAC) conference, whose members are high school counselors and admissions professional from around the country. My data provides higher COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 63 education institutions across the United States the opportunity to re-examine their policies and practices regarding the admission of refugee students and available financial aid opportunities. Personal Reflection Beyond the program learning goals, this project has allowed me to see a different side of the college admissions process. Frequently in my role as an admissions counselor I work with upper and middle class students who have been raised in an environment rich with cultural capital. Gaining a better understanding of what specifically differentiates populations of students gives me the ability to tailor my messaging and efforts towards those most in need. As I consider future job opportunities, I am likely to seek roles that would allow me to work directly with students whom I feel I can most benefit. Overall, I feel the findings of my research to be insightful and contribute to a growing body of work. 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B., Guruge, S., Hynie, M., Akbari, A., Malik, M., Htoo, S.,…Alley, S. (2010). Aspirations for higher education among newcomer refugee youth in Toronto: Expectations, challenges and strategies. Refuge, (27)2, 65-78. Tzanakis, M. (2011). Bourdieu's social reproduction thesis and the role of cultural capital in education attainment: A critical review of key empirical studies. Educate, 11(1), 76-90. Wayside School. (2014, October 8). Meeting minutes of the Wayside Board. Wayside School. (2014). Retrieved from: school website. COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 67 Appendix A: Interview Protocol Focus Group Imagine that it's two years from now and you are finished with high school, what do you see yourself doing? How do you get there? What do you need to do that? When you hear the word college what do you think of? What kind of people do you think go to college? Have you heard about the ACT? Do you think those types of tests are important? Why or why not? Have you visited any colleges before? -Where did you go and what did you think about your visit? -Why did you visit? Who scheduled the visit? What questions do you have about college? Has anyone in your family gone to college? Tell me about their experience. Individual In-depth Interviews: Please tell me a little bit about yourself and how you ended up at this school. How do you like this school? Do you think it's a good fit for you? What are your plans after you graduate from high school? How often do teachers and counselors at your school talk with you about your plans for after graduation? What kind of information do they share? How often do you talk with your family about your plans after high school graduation? Has your family offered any suggestions for what they would like you to do once you graduate? Do you know anyone that has gone to college? If so, who? What did they tell you about the process? Do you think it is important to have an education or go to college? Why or why not? COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 68 What are the differences between someone who goes to college and someone who does not? Do people in your home country go to college? What kind of people? What is the process? If/When you (were to) go to college how do you think you would pay for it? Other questions based on responses: Why is respect important? What does rich mean? What is the difference between someone who makes a lot of money and someone who does not? COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 69 Appendix B: Parent/Guardian Permission Form Research Involving Minors (under age 18) Before agreeing to participate in this study, it is important that the following explanation of the proposed procedures be read and understood. It describes the purpose, procedures, benefits and risks of the study. It also describes alternative procedures available and the right to withdraw from the study at any time. It is important to understand that no guarantee or assurance can be made as to the results. It is also understood that refusal to participate in this study will not result in negative consequences for you or your child. Your child is being asked to participate in a research study about college access options for refugee students graduating from Utah International Charter School. As a participant, your child will be asked to join a focus group that will take place in a classroom at the school after class hours. This focus group will last less than two hours. The focus group will be audio recorded, but your child will not be identified by name. If your child expresses further interest, they may be invited back to participate in a one hour long in-depth interview. This interview will take place in a classroom at the school and will last no longer than one hour. The interview will be recorded, but your child will not be identified by name. For their participation in an in-depth interview, your child will receive a $10 Smith's Marketplace gift card. This interview and focus group will help develop future college access programming at Utah International Charter School. All students in grades 10-12 will be invited to Westminster College to participate in an on-campus information session and campus tour in April 2015. There are no foreseeable side effects/ risks associated with this project. However, some side effects/risks may be unforeseeable. Your child's participation in this study is entirely voluntary, and he/she may withdraw from the study any time he/she wishes. COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 70 The contact person, should your child wish to withdraw from the study or should you or your child have questions about the study, is: Jamie Joanou 801-832-2485 Principal Investigator's name Phone: If you have any questions regarding your child's rights as a research participant, please contact: Peter Ingle 801-832-2481 Chair of IRB Phone: All personally identifiable study data will be kept confidential. However, the results of this study may be made available to you upon request or used in formal publications or presentations. If the risks and benefits associated with this study have been explained to your satisfaction, as well as your child's rights as a research participant, and you wish to allow your child to participate, please sign and date this form where indicated. You will be provided a copy of this form for your records. Signature of Parent/Guardian Date Signature of Witness Date Signature of Primary Investigator Date COLLEGE ACCESS FOR REFUGEE STUDENTS 71 Appendix C: Assent Form for Minors You have been asked to participate in a research study called: College Access for Refugee Students in Utah: A Capstone Project This study will help to develop a guide for teachers at Utah International Charter School to use in advising students in the college search process. The study has been explained to you by: _______Carolyn Lyons_______. You don't have to participate if you don't want to, and you can quit at any time. All of your information will be kept private. If you want to participate, please sign your name below and write the date next to your name. Signature of Participant Date Signature of Witness Date Signature of Investigator Date