Proceedings of the fifth American Peace Congress held in San Francisco, California, October 10-13, 1915 : as the sixth and last congress of the Committee of one hundred (appointed by the Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in America to have charge of the religious activities during the Panama-Pacific International Exposition) and under the auspices of the Church Peace Union--the American Peace Society, assisted by the American League to limit armaments--the American Peace Centenary Committee--the League to enforce peace--the San Francisco Federated Peace Committee for 1915, and the Woman's Peace Party.
| Title | Proceedings of the fifth American Peace Congress held in San Francisco, California, October 10-13, 1915 : as the sixth and last congress of the Committee of one hundred (appointed by the Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in America to have charge of the religious activities during the Panama-Pacific International Exposition) and under the auspices of the Church Peace Union--the American Peace Society, assisted by the American League to limit armaments--the American Peace Centenary Committee--the League to enforce peace--the San Francisco Federated Peace Committee for 1915, and the Woman's Peace Party. |
| Subject | Peace--Congresses |
| Creator | American Peace Congress (5th : 1915 : San Francisco) |
| Description | Proceedings of a conference held in San Francisco, California, October 10-13, 1915, including over twenty speeches on the subject of securing world peace. The stated purpose of its chief sponsor, the American Peace Society, was to "promote permanent international peace through justice; and to advance in every proper way the general use of conciliation, arbitration, judicial methods, and other peaceful means of avoiding and adjusting differences among nations, to the end that right shall rule might in a law-governed world." The APS was instrumental in bringing many peace congresses to The Hague, beginning in 1843; the Pan American Congress (out of which grew the Pan American Union); and to the United States from 1907 to 1915. A coalition with other peace societies was shattered by World War I (which the APS endorsed), and by the postwar debate over the League of Nations. |
| OCR Text | Show 't I F TH AIVIERICAI‘:T PEACE CONGRESS SAN I'Ix‘ANVl‘H'H. HHS} Kvapm‘r {HI' IIH' ngh‘k I)!» chm‘s ix Hun 6‘ Proceedings OF THE Fifth American Peace Congress HELD IN San Francisco, California -‘ October 10-13, 1915 AS THE SIXTH AND LAST CONGRESS OF THE COMMITTEE or ONE HUNDRED (Appointed by the Federal Council Of The Churches Of Christ in America to have charge of the Religious Activities during the Panama-Pacific International Exposition) AND UNDER THE AUSPICES 0F 4 The Church Peace Union—The American Peace Society ASSISTED BY The American League to Limit Armaments—The American Peace 4- Centenary Committee—The League to Enforce Peace—The ‘ San Francirco Federated Peace Committee for 1915, and The Woman's Peace Party Edited by H. H. BELL AND ROBERT C ROOT Joint Secretaries of the Congress Published by THE CHURCH PEACE UNION 70 Fifth Avenue, New York City Price, ONE DOLLAR CONTENTS Foreword nos ........................................................ 5 EDWARD L. PARSONS, D.D ......................... 7 Telegraphic Greetings ............................ . ................. Opening Prayer. 8 What Makes a Nation Great? 9 FREDERICK LYNCH ..................... Internationalism and Democracy. The Patriotism of Peace. MATTHEW S. HUGHES ..................... 17 The Catholic Church and Peace, The Epic of Peace. JAMES A. MACDONALD ............. 13 EDWARD J. HANNA ................ 31 MARTIN A. MEYER .............................. 36 War, Business and Insurance. DAVID STARR JORDAN .................. 43 A League to Enforce Peace. FRANCIS B. LooMIs .................... 58 The Exposition and World Peace. Landlordism the Cause of War. World Organization. HERBERT S. HOUSTON ............. 62 WALTER MACARTHUR .............. 71 HENRY LA FoNTAINE .......................... 85 Why Labor Opposes War. JAMES W. MULLEN ...................... 95 International Misunderstandings. KIYo SUE INL'I .................... 98 Should There Be Military Training in LOCI-INER Public Schools? LOUIS P. ...................................................... 106 A Call of Old Glory for Heroism. America’s Danger and Opportunity. EVA MARSHALL SHoNTZ .......... 117 LUCIA AMEs MEAD ............. 124 World Unity—The Goal of Human Progress. MIRzA ALI KIILI KHAN ......................................................... 134 The Neglected ICHIHASHI Aspect of Japanese-American Relations. YAMATO .................................................... 143 The New Orient and America‘s Needed New Oriental Policy. SIDNEY L. GITLICK .................................................... 148 Constructive \Vork for Peace. CHARLES S. MACEARLAND ............. 153 Two Successful American Models for Europe’s Imitation. EDWARD BERWICK ....................................................... 160 The Temperate Americas and the World’s Work. BAILEY WILLIS. ...165 The Treaty of Ghent and the Hundred Years of Peace. EDWIN H. HUGHES ....................................................... 173 Officers and Committees ............................................. 177 Delegates and Organizations ........................................ 178 Program .......................................................... 185 FOREWORD I I ‘HE International Peace Congress, held at San Francisco, October 10th and 13th inclusive, 1915, was but one of the more than Nine Hundred Congresses and Conventions held in the Golden Gate City during the Exposition year. Never before in one year and in one place were so many Congresses held The great Exposition, which drew to itself millions of visitors from all parts of the world, afforded special opportunity for this up—to-date Peace Congress, as also for the world-wide publicity of its proceedings. The dominating idea of the Exposition as expressed on every notable occasion was World Peace. This greatest of Peace Congresses became possible by reason of two main contributing factors: First, by the generosity of the Church Peace Union in giving, expressly for Peace “fork, to the funds of the Com— mittee of One Hundred on Religious Activities during the Panama—Pacific International Exposition, the sum of Five Thousand Dollars. Second. by the willingness of the American Peace Society to combine its Fifth Peace Congress (which it had planned to hold in \Vashington, D. C.) with this Congress. This dual action of these our two greatest American Peace Societies quickly secured the hearty co—operation of all other Peace Organizations, thus making it possible even while all Europe was plunged in the most appalling war of all history, to concentrate in one powerful impact upon the public mind the sanest and latest Peace thought of the most forward men and women now leading in the all~absorbing, all—commanding cause of \Vorld Peace. That this Congress was timely; that its program met public expectation; that it fully justified the efforts and the expense; and that its platform is worthy, is thought-challenging and lifts sane horizon for International Peace; who that rightly studies its able addresses and weighs its platform will deny? Ebn‘onsi OPENING PRAYER Ofl’cn'd by the Rev. Edward L. Parsons, D.D. Rector St. Mark’s Episcopal Church, Berkeley, Cal. “ LMIGHTY and Everlasting God, eternal light and truth, from whom cometh the heavenly wisdom which is pure and peaceable and full of mercy and good fruits, we beseech Thee to fill with Thy light-giving spirit the minds and hearts of Thy servants who are now gathered together to set forward the cause of Thy peace upon earth. Grant wisdom to those who speak and quick responsive hearts to those who hear. Guide the deliberations of this Congress; exalt its utterances; and so fashion all its work that the peoples of the world and those in authority among them may be led to calmer judgment in the aflairs of men and to clearer vision of the power of justice and truth and may be inspired to deeper faith in the unity of mankind in Thee their God and Father. “0 Lord, God of Hosts, in this day of distress of nations, when men's hearts faint for fear and expectation of that which is to come, we beseech Thee to have mercy upon all who are now engaged in war. Receive into Thy nearer presence the souls of those who through sickness, famine or battle are brought to death. Give courage and heavenly comfort to the wounded and heal them, we beseech Thee. Make swift and tender those who minister in hospital and camp. Look with heart of love upon the widowed women and the poor and starving and orphaned children Lord have mercy upon them for the sake of A Him who was born of a woman and came among us a little child; have mercy upon them. “Ah, Lord, from the sin of men this cruel and wicked war has sprung. The souls of the dead, the wounds of the dying, the broken bodies of the strong men, the pitiful estate of widows and orphans cry aloud to Thee for vengeance. Visit with the flame of Thy wrath those who in wilfulness or pride or hatred have unsheathed the sword. For— give of Thy great mercy the millions of Thy children, laborer and peasant, toilets in factory and field and mine who in the bitter conflict are burning, destroying, slaying; forgive them for they know not what they do. Forgive the race hatreds, the jealousies, the unholy greed of wealth, the wicked lust of land, the hollow prayer to Thee and to Thy Christ. Forgive and guide Thy children back to Thee. “Out of the depths we cry unto Thee, O Lord, supplicating Thee to turn again these nations into the way of peace. We pray not for the peace of the past. the peace of suspicion and jealousy and armed might; but that out of this hideous conflict Thou wilt enable men to win the establishment of righteousness and justice and the peace of mutual trust among the nations of the earth. 0 Thou who hast made of one blood all nations of men for to dwell on the face of the whole earth, give undying victory, we beseech Thee, to the spirit of brotherhood. “Finally we pray Thee to rouse our own nation to a profound conviction of its own mission of peace. Put frotn us greed and ambition, yealousy, suspicion and doubt. Give to us patriotism of worldwide \ision. Increase in us trust in our brother men and faith in the power of righteousnrss and truth. Grant that armed with righteousness and truth and trusting in the sword of Thy Spirit we may nobly strive to lead the pupils of the earth into one brotherhood, knitting nation to nation in the fellowship of the Kingdom of God, “For this Congress of Peace, for the peace of Europe and for the lasllll}! prztft' rvf the world we offer our prayers in the name of Him \thm we atknv-wledge as the l’rince of Peace. Jesus Christ our Lord." TELEGRAPHIC GREETINGS \\'ashington, l). C, October 11, 1915 1’» at] (iiMMl'lll/l“, Min l’lanrwtti, L'al. “l y’thHl t'M‘tultHgl)‘ that it is impossible for me to participate in \UHT Htt‘tl‘illt'. My llt'llil is with ion in your eiiorts to promote Universal I‘d-4m \Vt‘ should do all in our power to luring the European war to an (titl; illll 11 \\(‘ cannot yet stay the hand of blood over there, we Pilt‘lli'l :it lrast (‘lllliutlt‘ ilt‘l’t‘ the spirit of peace and oppose any policy “liltil mnhl stimulate hatred toward other nations or transplant upon Mutual) «ml the thetit‘) that peace can he either insured or promoted !>\ it‘ltt and it‘m’." (Signed) W. J. BRYAN. Mmmtit‘ from ('ozmt 0181mm, I’rrmzhr, Japan What Makes a Nation Great? FREDERICK LYNCH, D.D. T HE chief reason this terrible war is sweeping the world is this: When we act as individuals toward other individuals we act as Christians, when we act as governments toward other governments we act as pagans. Individuals are largely living by Christian principles, governments by pagan principles. What we call vices and crimes in men we praise as virtues and noble deeds in nations. We hang men for committing the deeds for which we crown nations. We condemn in all decent men conduct which we exalt in nations. When we ask: \Vhat makes a man great? we tnention those qualities which as nations we despise, throw aside and revile. When we ask: What makes a nation great? we name the very things that make men small, vile and cast—offs from all respectable society. It is this double standard of ethics, one for men, one for nations, that is largely responsible for the persistence of war. It will cease between nations when we demand of them the same high rules of conduct that we demand of gentlemen. Fights between individuals stopped when men became gentlemen. To-day men are gentle— men and nations are rowdies. \Ve say that it is wrong for men to steal from each other, but we praise the nation that can steal the most. Most of the colonies' of nations were deliberately stolen, and no one ever thought of condemning the nations doing the stealing until very recent years. Evert now there are thousands of Christians who will justify a nation going to war for expansion, who would shoot a titan who began killing his neighbors on that plea. Stealing is a crime for men, a virtue in nations. We say that it is wrong for a man to kill his neighbor, we say it is wrong to do so even in revenge, or to get certain rights even when greatly provoked. \Ve make it the most heinous crime. In many places we take the life of a man who kills another man, but, even if we do not praise the nation which destroys another, as once we did praise, yet millions of good Christian people condone it and uphold, by their lives laid down, the nation which does it. We have the spectacle in Europe to—(lay of millions of Christian 9 people supporting certain nations in a deliberate act of destruction for which they would have imprisoned any individual for life. Wrong for men to kill each other; perfectly right for nations to destroy each other! We say that it is disgusting, disgraceful, for men to settle their disputes with fists, knives, daggers, razors, pistols. Only rowdies, toughs and savages do it. In most civilized lands even the duel is under condemnation. But almost all Christians in the world believe that this is just the way nations ought to settle their disputes, and see nothing wrong in nations flying at each other‘s throats on the slightest provocation. When a difference ing, imperial, irresistible in its brute strength, which by force of arms can conquer, subjugate, force other peoples to serve it. We call that man greatest who serves his fellow men, and those who are greatest of all in our Christianity are those who have practically forgotten self in the service of the world. But whoever heard of a nation existing first of all for the service of the world? The thing we call meanest in men, selfishness, we exalt in nations. The highest duties of a really great man are toward others; the highest duties of a nation, toward itself. Look Courts; when a difference arises between two nations the thought of these same Christians is war. When a man makes certain claims against his neighbor and his neighbor makes counter claims we think of arbitration: when two nations cannot agree upon a question our first thought is that they should seek justice through how from many high Christian sources we are hearing this: “The first duty of a nation is the protection of its citizens”; “the nation must brook no insult": “the nation must uphold its honor." What would you think of a man who thought his chief duty in life was self—protection or arranging his honor? \Vould we call him great? And yet notice how when President Wilson, rising above this low and universal conception of national greatness, and carried up into that level where we judge great men, insisted that the first trying to kill each other, duty of the United States was not retaliation, not revenge, not We praise the man who forgives. The books on which we base our religion have forgiveness running through them like a thread of gold, lle whom we call Master practised it, even to death. lint whoever conceived that a nation might forbear and forgive? You smile at the thought, You would be indignant at the act. Marri- of you were indignant because Mr. Wilson and Mr. 'tryan even suggested forbearance and investigation when (it‘llllfllly sank the Lusitania. Your only cry was: “Let us wallop (it‘rlllally. Let us revenge ourselves for the lives of American viii/ens ()iir honor has been insulted.” This cry was in religious protecting her honor. not even seeking reparation, but was in the securing of safety on the seas for all innocent people, and the rescuing of Germany from her mad course. Notice, we say, how many Christian men in high places excoriated him and spoke with sneers and jeers. When men put self first they fought day and night. When they learned to ptit service first they had peace. The same law will hold with nations. There can be btit one great- arises between two men, we all think of conciliation, law and newspapers, in t‘hristizm pulpits. to say nothing of the mouths of mobs and deiiiagogiies. lint you can have no lasting peace until \iiii can get nations which will act like Christian gentlemen when itllrtmlfll. l‘t‘l‘llilltk the gren‘cst lesson of modern history has just tx , t ' ., , S:ill‘lc'ldliilll'llll:”ll: , , this regard. \\llLIl the l’resident of the _United r . , . g toiiard (Jerinarrv with reason, good—Will and forbearance. has won the greatest victory of the present war. is a much It greater victor) to convert a man than to kill him. ‘lHw\\fl::i81:ixiii-:3;impi‘nlgi lp’iplns al;ont the meek and lowly, and units {in “1.0.,” \\ e call lh“.11m0111ii."t hmmm” the same: lle‘t'E limb ha's demandEd i ltfivlll a nation weak and m its pusrl. . . i great Much is mighty, overwhelm10 ness, whether it be of men, gods, angels or nations. Perhaps nowhere is this contrast more widely outstanding than is the doctrine of rights. No Christian lives by a doctrine of rights. He lives by a doctrine of duties. He is not worried over getting his rights. He does not go about clamoring for them, any more than did his Master. Even if he (lid believe he had certain rights which ought to be maintained he will not, if he is a gentleman, insist on obtaining these rights at the expense, hurt, or death of others. The state considers him a criminal if he attempts it and condemns him. The question then immediately arises: llas the time not come when nations should be compelled to respect these same laws? Has one nation a right to plunge all Europe into hell, or even to make all the other peaceful nations suffer—for all nations sufi’er vastly from the war of even two—simply to secure its own rights, 11 even where it is recognized by all that the rights have been violated? Has any nation the right to go to war to-day without first consulting all the other nations and exhausting every existing means of securing justice when such a course invariably means the ruin of thousands of disinterested and innocent people, and may mean the drawing of many other nations into the war? \Vhat Mr. Taft said at the dedication of the Pan-American Peace Palace in Washington must be applied to all nations. He said that no two nations on the American Continent had any right to go to war and disturb all the others, and that he hoped the time would soon come when the nineteen nations would say to any other two con— sidering war, "You must stop.” It is time this came in all the world, Any nation which to-day, with the present oneness of the world, declares war against another country thereby declares war against every other country, and the time has come to recognize this fact. No nation can go to war to-day without going to war against all humanity. Has not the time come to say to nations, just as we say to individuals, “If the securing of justice, the obtaining of your rights, the upholding of your honor, promises in any way to disturb the peace of the rest of the world and make all the innocent nations suffer, you must refrain from individual action and do as individuals do—try your case before some competent judicial body by orderly processes of law.” As a matter of fact. this is the surest way to get justice in the end. For instance, what is Austria getting now? What might she not have had it she had taken her dispute with Serbia to The Hague, as Serbia was willing to do? Internationalism and Democracy JAMES A. MACDONALD, LL.D. NDEPENDENCE was the great idea of North America in I the day of George Washington; interdependence is coming to be the far greater idea of North America in our day. Nationalism was the note of the world of yesterday; internati onal— ism will be the keynote of the world of to—morrow. Autocracy and mastership were organizing forces among the nations in the century before the war; democracy and liberty will be the reorganizing forces, among all nations and over all the world, in the new century after the war. Liberty! Democracy! Internationalism! These three must be the dominant ideas in the politics of all peoples it' the shattered fragments of the old world’s barbarism of armed peace are to be gathered together into the New VVorld’s free and enduring civilization. It is not that old ideas are repudiated: it is rather that they are being outgrown. It is not that national life is decaying; it is rather that worldelife is beginning to emerge. When the world was a jungle each tribe counted every other tribe its enemy, each race lived at the expense of every other race, each nation thought to come to power by the overthrow of other nations: but as the world becomes a neighborhood the fact of mutual dependence overcomes the impulses to tribal war, the law of social love casts out the bondage of racial fear, and the ideal of international co-operation sets a new standard of national greatness in the neighborhood life of world nations. Nationalism is not rebuked; rather it is justified, and comes to its own in the broader international life. The best seeds of nationalism come to flower and fruit in the world achievement of international service. These are the essential principles of world life and world progress. They are set forth and illustrated in the history of the two great English-speaking groups of nations—the British Empire and the 'L'nited States of America. The unmatched illus— tration is in North America. The great fraternity of the Englishspeaking world has to its credit an achievement on this North American continent which is without precedent or parallel elsewhere in all the world’s history—the marvel and the inspiration 13 ) of the war~stricken nations. It is the liberty, the democracy and the internationalism of the United States and Canada at their boundary line across the continent through more than a hundred years. WHAT Nonrn AMERICA HAs DONE A civilized international boundary! A hundred years of international peacel ’l‘wo nations, not at war because of the arrogant autocracy of their powers, but joined in a noble fraternity by the self-respecting democracy of their peoples! That is the distinction of North America among the continents. It is the distinction of international civilization in the midst of a world of international savagery. It is the supreme message of North America to liurope and the u orld. In other things other continents may have pre-eminence. Things done elsewhere, mere things. eccentricities of Nature, triumphs of invention, applications of physical science, achieve< ments in art and arcliitecture—things done elsewhere may fill larger space in the wotld's records. And it may be that the things in the l‘anamad’acihc lixposition, about which Americans themselves make loudest boasts, are httt replicas, reproductions, evolutions of old world suggestions and creations. ()ther races and other :lgt's labored, and America has entered into their labors. lhtt in one thing North America blazed a new trail, staked a new claim, In one achievement North America stands alone. It is the greatest :uhievcnient, the joint international achievement of the two nations holding this continent from the Gulf of Mexico and the Rio (mantle to the Arctic seas. It is the product and the expression of the continued and unified life of the United States and (anada through their marvelous century of international history, '1 hat stupendous achievement. that world—idea, is expressed in a boundary line between these two young, proud, apgtessne nations. four thousand miles from ocean to ocean, artth which, in lltttlt thatt a hundred years, neither nation ever oncc inarthed a lllt‘ll.l\ 111;! arnn ot tired a hostile gun, litasp that ‘ “it‘ll _ “ensure that achievement A thous and ‘ miles up the tntghfl St launnct‘l A thous and miles along the (treat lakes” .\ thousand miles across the open prairies! A thousand nnlcs met the world's ere atcst mountain ranges! Four thousand Halts limit the \Ilantit‘ to the l‘acitic. and nearlv a thousand more front the Pacific across to the Arctic! More than four thousand miles where nation meets nation, where sovereignty greets sovereignty, where flag salutes flag, but never a fortress, never a battleship, never a gun, never a sentry on guard. More than four thousand miles of civilized and Christianized internationalism. That is North America‘s world-idea. That is North America’s message to Europe. EURope’s INTERNATIONAL COLLAPSE Over against that international achievement of North America stands the international collapse of Europe. The world’s history presents no spectacle so pitious as the unspeakable tragedy of Europe at this very hour—the tragedy of Belgium, the tragedy of Poland, the tragedy of the Balkans, and the still more staggering tragedy of Germany. All the achievements of Europe’s civilization, all the things that make for human progress and freedom and justice, the work of a thousand years and the hopes of a thousand tnore—all have been crowded back into the melting pot of hideous and brutal war. No matter who is responsible for it, the lining up for mutual slaughter of millions ttpon millions of the best breeds in the greatest nations of Europe; the wanton destruction of the treasures of all the ages, the wholesale squandering 0f the wealth of more than half the nations of the world, and the sowing of the seeds of international hate for generations yet unborn: all this for the alleged purpose of settling some dispute between Austria and Servia, or some race enmity between the 'l‘euton and the Slav, is a blank denial of civilization; it is a crime against humanity: it is an apostasy from Christ. As if to speak the condemnation of Europe's failure there is presented at the very same time in North America the celebration of a full century of unbroken peace between the two great sections of the English-speaking world, the greatest empire in the world's history and the world's greatest republic. This is indeed the sublinn-st wonder of all the world to—day— this gigantic human spectacle of more than 400,000,000 of peoples of all races and colors and languages. covering more than Ottequarter of the land area of the globe, livingr at peace under the l'nion Jack: and under the Stars and Stripes, 100,000,000 of as free and as enterprising peoples as civilization has produced, and 14 lfi these two flags, both of them “Red, White and Blue,” entwined for a hundred years to promote the freedom and progress and peace of all humanity. Earth sees nothing more marvelous or more splendid than that, And in these days, these awful days of staggering and bitterness, when the war-clouds of Europe loom blackest, when their thunders speak of death and their lightnings flash a hell, the grief—blinded eyes of Europe may turn again to America. and in the after—glow of an unparalleled century of Anglo—American civilization the broken heart of humanity may yet praise God and take fresh courage for the redemption of the world. That is. the meaning and the message of North America’s political watchwords: Liberty! Democracy! Internationalism! The Patriotism of Peace MATT. S. HUGHES, D.D. HE writer's earliest recollection of the Fourth of July goes T back to the centennial year of 1876. He was then :1 small boy in a little community south of Mason and Dixon’s line. There was a great patriotic celebration with that typical institution of the South—a barbecue. The national hymn was sung, the Declaration of Independence was read, and a patriotic address was delivered by a citizen who had been a general otficer in the Federal army during the Civil War. The orator of the day made a profound appeal to my childish imagination because he came upon the platform in full regimentals. He observed the day by wearing his military uniform, despite the fact that more than a decade had passed since the smoke of battle had lifted frotn the field of Appomattox and peace had been declared between the North and South. That military uniform, worn by my first Independence Day orator, is mentioned here because it symbolizes a characteristic of our national thought. \Ve associate patriotism with war. We see its distinctive manifestations in military service and military achievement. Our patriotic celebrations are characterized by military display. Our fighting forces are paraded; our regimental bands play our national airs, and our orators are prone to describe our wars and eulogize our military heroes. These are the familiar accompaniments of our patriotic Observances. There is good reason for this intimate association of patriotism and war. The dramatic chapters in our history describe our conflicts. The war of the Revolution gave us freedom from England and imlepenrlency of government; the war of 1812 gave us freedom of commerce and our rights as a sovereign nation upon the high seas: the war of 1861 gave us human freedom in the abolition of slavery and a united country by the annihilation of the political dogma of state sovereignty. In addition to these real wars and their fruits. the Mexican war, about which we are not so sure and not so proud, gave us the Pacific empire, including our commonwealth of California. and the war with Spain relieved us 17 of an unwholesome presence in the western hemisphere and initiated our career as a world-power. We celebrate Memorial Day among our national holidays as second only to Independence Day. On that anniversary we pay solemn tribute to all our soldier dead, But we have no day on which we honor the memory of those who have served our country in times and ways of peace. Thus it is a natural outcome that the American people should associate patriotism with war, and patriotic senice with military aChieyement. In tontrast with this popular conception, I wish to present as our subject, "The l‘atriotism of Peace.” In these days it will be good to emphasize the poet‘s declaration that “Peace hath her victories no less renowned than war." A little reflection will convince the thoughtful mind that the patriotism of peace must respond to heavier demands than the patriotism of war. This conclusion must be drawn from such considerations as these: The umlc only begun in war must always be completed in peace; the extraordinart cost of \\ar nmst al\\ ays be paid in times of peace; the penalties of war must always he suffered in peace; the evils (in ated by \\:ir must always be dealt with in peace. These propositioiu indicate the yital importance of our study. 'I ll( re is a remarkable chapter in our history which illustrates the propmition that war is only a beginning in the solution of national problems. The Declaration of Independence had to 2:](iil:”:,3l,:2:::1:12 ll);x;\ilr:\ Thefight foyr ffreedom on the battle- Under pressure of such a distressing state of affairs, the federal convention met in Philadelphia in May, 1787. This marks the real beginnings of our national life. The sessions of the body were secret, and the outcome was awaited with the greatest interest and the wildest speculations. At last the constitution was completed; was ratified by state after state, and in January, 1789, \Vashington was called to the presidency of the United States. As commander-in-chief of the army he had compelled the acknowledgment of ottr independence, but no nation can live by independence alone. With all he had accomplished in the field as military chieftain, under the impulse of the patriotism of war, our land would have been worse off after the Revolution than before had it not been for what he and his compatriots accomplished under the pressure of the patriotism of peace. The achievements of war were only valuable as they were followed by the achievements of peace. The expenditures of war in men and in money would have been wasted had it not been for the conservation of peace. This same lesson, that war is only a beginning, has been pressed home upon the American people again and again, with the sober hours following the jubilations at the declaration of peace. In the war of 1812 we secured freedom of commerce, but there remained to the patriotism of peace the more arduous task of achieving commerce and the conquest of the markets of the world. That belonged to peace, and it may be added that the task has not uith lingland; the rell-coateldL:ijiiiiéfm-‘m? ISZCCf‘l'aS COHCIUdCd country : \\'a>hinqton . , the commander—iiCi—clifi;e . 'Or thehis . , restgned "mower comllllh'lt‘tll and retired to well»earne<l rest at Mount Vernon The Revolution uas over, but lllls “as only a beginning, The thirteen colonies were bound ttrgt‘tllcr' with ropes of sand: they sought to establish a league of friendship" by means of articl es of confederat ion‘ they «ould . . rai~t no lt'\t‘llllt‘_\ and the army was unpaid and mutinouS' .lll\\('.l\\l(ll . l\ :tr‘Hw . between . the colonies, and there was no court ofl appeal. .\mer1can credit had failed, and we were fast drift in ' t .t‘\lill(' of anarchy, The outlook was dark and almo st ho glm 0 l he period of seven tears following the cessa tion of hosPtiTe'SS. 1: called by one of our historians, Professor Iohn F' k i t‘ltles ( ritical I‘eriml of .\merican History." War had acco lsl'eh T'he mtermmt, but at this point its limitations were acute?) realize]: been accomplished in one hundred years. settlement and the building of great commonwealths like California. That belonged to peace, and it may be remarked that each year shows us how tremendous is the task demanded of us in peace as compared with the march of a handful of soldiers to the capital city of our neighbor on the south. That campaign was soon over, but every year since that time the patriotism of peace has been making increased demands upon the citizenship which followed in the wake of the soldiers’ campaign in Mexico. The Civil “'ar left us with the problems of reconstruction, and we have been discovering that the Emancipation Proclamation, issued as a war measure, was only a beginning. The negro is more of a problem now than he was before the war, The Spanisermeri19 lh‘ The war with Mexico gave its territory, but there remained the more important tasks of can war was only a beginning, and its results are pressing large claims against the patriotism appeal. It tossed Porto Rico and the Philippine Islands into our lap and placed Cuba under our tutelage, thus enormously increasing our responsibilities, and the end is not yet. The sufiiciency for these things must he found in the patriotism of peace. The lesson is that war plays a necessary but subordinate part in the working out of a nation’s destiny. Opportunity may be won in conflict by force of arms, but that opportunity must be improved under the inspiration of the patriotism of peace. Enemies may be driven from our territory by gun and bayonet, but republican government and its institutions can never be constructed by such means. Political dogmas may be blown to destruction from the cannon’s mouth, but a strong, loyal, intelli- gent citizenship is not the product of the armed catnp, but must be evolved by the institutions and the processes of peace. War is destructive and may be necessary in overcoming enemies and removing obstacles threatening national life and progress; but peace must be constructive, and the best thing to be said about war is that it sometimes conquers a peace which gives patriotism its highest opportunity for its noblest tasks. War may give us freedom from England, but only peace construct a strong and stable government; war may warn nations against interference with our shipping, but only activities of peace can carry our flag into the harbors of world; war may give us vast stretches of territory, but only can the the the the ministries of peace can banish the wilderness and make the deserts to blossom as the rose: war may decide that the republic is one and indivisible, but only the intercourse of peace can exorcise the evil spirit of sectionalism: war may give us new possessions in the Atlantic adndl the lPacific, but it is the long, hard task of the s atcsman an tie scio lm. s ' Philippine Islands V . for (:elfq-gtcfjei‘finijerflmd: . :01.th and the paceRICO among states of the 1 mon. The lesson is plain that war is never any- thing more or better than a beginning: the work begun must be carried on and completed under the auspices of the patriotism of peace. One of the wise utterances of Benjamin Franklin is to this effect: "\‘t ars are not paid for in war times ; the bills come later ” The statement. of course, is only parti ally true. There are certain items of war expense that are due and payable at the time. The payment is exacted on the battlefield, in the hospitals, at the home and in the prison. The heaviest payments on account of war are made by those directly engaged, and these claims are liquidated by those of past generations. There are other expenses of war that drag themselves out over succeeding years. The fact that Revolutionary claims have scarcely ceased in our own country, while bills for the war of 1812 still come in occasionally, will give us some idea of the persistence of this feature of war and the burdens it lays upon the patriotism of peace. Our great—grandchildren will be taxed to pay for the wars we have already fought when the twenty—first century dawns. The accounts of past wars will not be declared closed until we are well on into the third century of our national existence. And let us have this fact indelibly fixed in our minds: Every dollar of the cost of all the wars in our nation’s history must be paid by the toil of men’s hands. Consider only a few of these items: North and South, during our Civil War, several million men were withdrawn from gainful occupations for four years. In a rapidly developing country such as ours, four years of industry and commerce is a tremendous item. Yet this was only a negative item of expense, not missed by us, though we have been poorer by so much as a nation ever since. We cannot place the item on any ledger, and the expert accountants cannot help us much in the figuring; but however it may be with an individual, the income of a nation ceases when its work stops. It must either draw upon its reserves or mortgage its future. We did both. Consider as another item in the account the economic loss to the nation by the destruction of its men in war. Never in our history have we accepted the old, false theory that war is a bless— ing because it prevents the accumulation of a surplus in population. The men killed in our Civil War were nearly all young and vigorous, and of the best American blood. If they had lived they would have become the heads of families, the farmers, the craftsmen, the men of trade and commerce, the professional men of the next generation. Many of them, in all human possibility, would have become important factors in the opening up and develop— ment of the great west. If we estimate the earning power of the million men, North and South, who perished in the war, at the 20 21 low figure of only $400 per man annually, the nation lost by their death $400,000,000 per year. In forty years, which they would have lived on the average, they would have been worth to the nation the enormous sum of $16,000,000,000—-a sum twice as great as the total original cost of the war to the nation. And to this we must add the economic values of the offspring of these men. which would have been continued to the nation after the death of the sires. Consider the cost in another aspect. In 1857 our public debt had been reduced to $28,000,000. In the prosecution of the war, Congress enacted our highest tariff bill in 1861, and we paid some of the expenses during hostilities. But in August, 1865, our national debt was $2,846,000,000, and that amount remained to be collected from the people of the United States in times of peace. This means that, notwithstanding heavy taxes were levied upon many articles of sale and large fees exacted for many business documents, the debt increased at the rate of $700,000,000 a year during the war. We are engaged in paying the bills to-day. Nor is this all. Our government has paid in pensions since the close of the Civil War, to say nothing of the cost of soldiers’ homes, more than $3,000,000,000. Before we are through with it we shall have paid not less than $5,000,000,000, or much more than one-half the total war expenditures, North and South. In addition, we have paid in interest on the public debt—nearly all war debt—during the same period not less than $2,500,000,(XX). Our yearly interest bill is still about $25,000,000, and this account, decreasing of course, we shall carry for many years. In addition to these government expenses, the states have, during the same period, paid out in bounties and to indigent soldiers and sailors sums aggregating more than $800,000,000. One state, New York, has expended in this way over $200,000,000 . In other words we pay for war in times of peace. ’ Sh()Lllléiertisrdoefr :2? thisistxhibit (fJf the war burdens laid upon the appreciated . we mupst. use :m 0 Peace may ompa‘risons. be un‘derStOOd The story is told by and the comparative expenditures of the national treasury for the thirt one years from 1879 to 1909. Durin t1 t ' y army, navy, pensions and interest $12g21103491396770;i W;hSP:nlt for of the national $3,479,696 . 805. income for ,these th‘rt Y— i e a ance This. was s pent 1 'y administration one. years was upon the c1v11 of national affairs, legislation, law, justice, customs service, Indians, and all other miscellaneous activities of the nation. In other words, during that period of thirty-one years of peace, broken only for a few months while we administered a needed lesson to Spain, we spent 71.5 per cent of all our national income in paying war expenses, and only 28.5 per cent for all the other work of our government. Almost three dollars out of every four of our national revenue was used to pay the claims of war, past or prospective. During the entire life of our republic we have spent more than three times as much for war and its incidents ($16,567,677,135) as we have devoted to the activities of peace ($4,951,194,216). Further, the money raised and expended for war during the political life of the republic exceeds the gold production of the world since the discovery of America—thirteen and a half billions of dollars—by three billions of dollars. I ask you to remember that I am not discussing the philosophy of militarism. I am not an advocate of peace at any price. I am in favor of international arbitration, but there are some questions, it seems to me, that do not lend themselves to that method of settlement. Neither would I be understood as arguing in favor of withholding one dollar for which we have been obligated as a people because of our indulgence in the costly pastime of war. These things are only mentioned in this connection that we may understand the truth of the proposition that the patriotism of peace has to pay the extraordinary cost contracted under the patriotism of war. And every dollar of which I have been speaking has to be earned by the toil of the citizen in peace. 'We also lay down the proposition that the evils springing from war have to be faced and dealt with by the patriotism of peace. Here our confirmation and our illustrations may be limited to the Civil War and its legacies to the American people. Out of the Civil War came the war tariffs and the beginnings of the high protective area of our history. After the war, when the expenses of government were enormously increased, the war tariff rates of 1864 still prevailed. A 10 per cent “horizontal” reduction in 1872 was revoked in 1875. The theory of nurturing infant industries has been used to saddle war tariffs upon the people for nearly fifty years. The spectacle of these lusty children of the tariff, grown to bloated and belligerent manhood, 22 23 and still clutching the nursing bottle of the tariff, finally appealed to the people’s sense of the ridiculous, and party platforms began to contain promises of weaning. In addition, the people began to inquire into the mysteries of tariff—making and were properly scandalized as the result of their investigations. The abuses of the tariff and the evils flowing therefrom for nearly half a century, we may regard as a war legacy to the patriots of peace. by private interests. Our national wealth has not been admin~ istered in the interest of the people, to whom it belongs. Our great ranges were taken by cattlemen, and we grew a crop of cattle kings; our coal fields were seized by a handful of men, some of whom regarded themselves as trustees of the Almighty, and we developed a dynasty of coal kings, both bituminous and anthracite; our hills and valleys were denuded of their forests, and the During the Civil War, too, our statesmen saw the political necessity of attaching the Pacific coast to the far east by rail. California was at that time so far out of communication with the rest of the republic that its adherence to the Union was a matter of sentiment rather than of direct connection. Here began the national railway subsidy system, so fruitful in corruption and scandal. The Pacific railroad bill, carried by Thaddeus Stevens in 1862, gave to the Union and the Central Pacific railroads a money subsidy of over $25,000 a mile, and more than 30,000,000 acres of land in addition. The money subsidy took the form of a loan, but it was not expected that it would be repaid, which was a fortunate lack of expectation in view of subsequent developments. Some of my readers will recall the scandal of the construction company, formed for building the road, the Credit Mobilier, stock of the company being found in the possession of many congressmen, who had furnished no consideration therefor. The Northern Pacific road did not succeed in getting a cash subsidy, but its promoters secured a double grant of land per mile, amounting to about 47,000,000 acres in all. The two southern routes-secured about 70,000,000 acres in all, so that there have been given to railroads something like 160,000,000 acres of territorial land. Up to 1892 the railroads received from Concress 960 acres of land for every mile of road constructed unde: the grantmgtacts. The immense power given into the keeping of the corporations thus created under the pressure of war necessity gave rise, especially here on the coast, to problems with which every intelligent citizen is more or less familiar. It has been a matter of doubt for more than a generation as to whether we were :‘lllZCllS’l‘lndCr a government or subjects under certain corporaWe trace back to that 5 mac inery of government. ture the beginnings of the ejme' pe'nOdof0four . plOitation eXtravagant expendinational resources 24 results were the ravages of annual floods in some parts of the country and the establishment of a line of timber kings; our water-power sites have been largely seized in the same way, and now we have a collection of would-be light and power kings struggling for thrones. These are legacies of the free-and-easy period, when our legislators were busy with war tariffs and reconstruction schemes. Out of this same Civil War came the unholy alliance between the liquor traffic and the United States government. Our government raises its funds by customs duties and internal revenues. When in 1901 the internal revenue receipts reached the highwater mark of $301,000,000, four—fifths of that enormous sum, or $254,000,000, came from tobacco and spirits. That explains why the national government has allowed the liquor traffic right of way in prohibition communities and states, and why the will of the people, legally expressed at the polls, is violated by lawless persons under the protection of a federal license. I am not making an anti—liquor appeal. I am simply tracing back to their beginning in war some most remarkable features of present-day conditions. Only one thing more let me mention. Naturally during this period following the Civil War there grew up a most intimate alliance between high finance and the government. Our legisla— tion had to do with business interests in framing tariff schedules. Our political discussions were usually limited to the clashing of crude economic theories. Business in America found its most useful ally in politics, and business men regarded political contributions as belonging to the overhead charges of their enterprises. Now naturally, when business furnishes the money to elect the legislators, the legislators are expected to furnish laws to suit their patrons. The result was that the moral element, which was strong in our national life in the ante-bellum days, became so weak and flabby that one of our distinguished public 25 men thought nothing of boldly proclaiming that the authority of the Ten Commandments in American politics was ”an iridescent dream.” I have always been glad to believe that the gentleman was infinitely higher in character than in his sentiment. The climax in the ascendancy of the new order was reached in the middle nineties with the rise of a modern captain of industry to supreme place in the counsels of the dominant party. Mark Hanna declared that this was a business man’s country and that we must have a business man’s government. That meant that our national emphasis must be laid on property and not on the person. The drift has been in that direction in our courts of justice, in our halls of legislation, in our administration of government, and even in our international relations, characterized of recent years by what has come to be known as “dollar diplomacy.” The struggle of long years to secure the adoption of safety devices on our railroads to prevent the needless slaughter of trainmen, and the impossibility of securing a federal law against child labor because business demands the juvenile sacrifice in the interest of dividends, are only cases in point. Of course our drift toward a system of government by check book was accompanied by graft of all descriptions, for if business is. the end of government it is an exceedingly stupid public otfiual who does not recognize business opportunities for himself in office. lint all of this is Only brought to your attention that you may realize how war lays its burdens upon peace. carried as colonel of the regiment; how they took it down from the wall with reverent hands and, inspired by the memories of the stirring scenes through which they had passed together, shed their mutual tears over the relic of their comradeship. To be perfectly frank, the pathetic recital made no more impression upon me than the bark of a dog or the sound of a horse’s boots on a plank road. For that man, who had been a patriot in war and who still shed tears over his sword, was simply the tool of predatory interests in the times of peace, using an impregnable position to betray his unfortunate countrymen into the hands of greed, and his service for his private masters was so well understood that his name was a hissing and a byword among his fellow-citizens, against whom he wrought injustice in the sacred name of the American republic. He was a patriot in war and a traitor in peace. As an officer of the army he bravely faced his country’s foes; but as an official of the government in times of peace he used his place and power to betray his fellowcitizens into the hands of the enemies of the republic. More commendable was the action of General Lee, who, having manfully fought against the government in time of war, exemplified the finest civic virtues in times of peace. Better still, the example of General Grant, who served his country with honor and fidelity in both war and peace. He was as patriotic from 1865 to 1885 as he was from 1861 to 1865. His devotion to the highest ideals of citizenship was not compressed into one quadrennium of war. peacrzl-‘nriZliiaasmiststooyiiii StigclulivzitrhdeeliiipaiitadSis that “he PatriOtism o‘f country. The patriot of war ma fail 5 “P0“ t‘e IOVCT Of his remember attending a Io val Le iy b 35 a PamOt Of PEaCC- I make an address. One‘o)f the sgonk anquet some years ago to gentleman holdinga most distin ulifla (in-S 9“. the program was a ment. lie had been the colonelg f” 1: $051M“ Pndfir ihe gOVerIII\\'ar. lie was an eloquent S) (1: a ederal reglment m the CW1] sonalitt‘. That night he canieeziv'fir 2:: 8 Ta” Of attliaCtllVe per- most pathetic interest. He ullt:d1 te Ibecnal Of an mCldent 9f voice, and the tears of emotidii li t011 dt'6 YFEmOIO Stops 0f hls a recent Visit by a member of hisgr: (inc m hlls e-VES' He t01d Of since they were mustered out of q gITEIlt, W 10m he had not seen After they had exchan ed rem' "emce at the C1958 Of the war. went together to his libf’lfl' \‘l mlscences he dCSCrled how they . . , \ iere hung the sword which he had Even in times of conflict we are led to recognize the value of forms of national service other than military. All our great wars have raised up servants of the republic, whose claims to grateful remembrance as patriots are not associated with field and camp. Samuel Adams was not a soldier, but there were times when he seemed to be the very incarnation of American independence. The desire of General Gage to suppress the uprising in the person of this notable champion had to do with the British expedition to Lexington and Concord, and to Adams a warning was carried by Paul Revere on his famous ride. Benjamin Franklin did not fight in the war for independence, but his services at the court of France meant more to the cause of American liberty than the achievements of an army corps in the field. Robert Morris was not soldier or sailor, but he was the financier of the Revolution. He pledged his personal credit to support the public credit, and 26 27 h ~ .n in at one time was pledged for the enorm ous sum of $1 400 000 for supplies for the army, In 1781 he suppl ied almost everythin to carry on. the campaign against Cornw allis. In the Civil \i/a Henry \\ ard Beecher fought with his tongue while others wielded the sword, and his English campaign must have recognition as of the successful strategic movement s of that great stru 1e 1‘31“ colossal figure of the Civil \Var is not that of a soldier gfbr h 1e Lintcoln slegrved in the Black Hawk campaign as private3 3:; cap am. y virtue of his ofiice as president he was in—chief of the semi . federal. forceS'. but histo . ry, records thcom at his rimndreat ersworge to his country and the world was not wrought bf the . All of thisshows that we need to get away from the l potion. asutyplfied in a recen t painting called ”A Lesps opu {if A:tlriotism, whgre an old man is teaching a boy to handl e :Iguiin . ong as ouri ea of patriotism is associated with uns 'u lizgttlxiletsense of Civic respon ’ sibility will languish aid ti]: 5:62: . c He interests of our natio n will be neglected. As long 0f )cace q" . “l’liilocopliikmtg [the iiuesnon’ as does Profit-“Of Royce in his , _' 0 .Oya t 7.” “Ar . patrioticpeople?” He {3110“,qt11eiq“e :eally at Present a highly .. sclf»cxa - . . - ~ (lites ion witl 1 One that dem m”. 1.11””?“011 0” the Part of every man who thinks hands . V e or1 inmmit‘: 1‘ “ n other words how often, in your own c n... , . present l‘fls .. . 1 it ”K ‘15 Of ,‘0111 fellow—citizens, as now you know th ‘cnsctit 63, ' ~ 1)”qu rixlntfyou ‘ -'y em 1 dp something critical, significant involvingS ‘ ‘ . »\ O sacriice to yourself ~ ’ and . moanwluh ‘ ' . ' ' ’ somethm W ' thu ‘ L 5" “NW6d b)‘ your love of your nation is a he: is « youmcm 1 -, . ' “mane 531‘) that just then you have eyes to, .sew 0e . .. , as , the country itselfneither e nor C . me' l a , sue in Vour (I l ll(‘ «i . s you to see and to speak?" ~ It is- not I Opinion, re— a w 110‘1 esome sym ptom C) (l t (.KllO 1: (all )6 add: d l) \ ill U 5 6 Vi ll() .9'! 1 Hellg j 16g 3.1 01.11 There are indicatio ns that w e. are supreme im por coming to realize tauce of the the patri Ohm] of pea thought are soo ce. Changes in n reflected in lit era ry phrase and You , . will . not ice that toda popular speech y we do I iot have patrio . tis as much to sav abo . m as former ut ly an ' d , , inst d we are 1 ihnst 7mg “ good discussing and em Cit ' 'izenship," Th \ ea e exp lanation of the cha tcr ms' 1\ " not ' that we nge in are losin<Y the ‘ feeling for which patriotism b stands, but rather that we are putting vigorous emphasis upon the performance of patriotic service in times and ways of peace. Real patriotism is the animating spirit of good citizenship; on the other hand good citizenship is the practical and working side of patriotism under conditions of peace. This change of terms indicates a hopeful trend from the glorifying of an abstract virtue to the concrete application of the same virtue to the problems of the nation and the service of the republic. There is a new passion in the demand that the citizens shall be actively interested in the welfare of the state. The call to political activity in our times is not unlike the call of a past generation to military service. It may be that certain threatening dangers have evoked this new passion; at any rate, the passion is in evidence. With this understanding of the meaning of the change we shall find no fault with the fact that to-day we are hearing more about good citizenship than about patriotism. It is simply an indication that our emphasis is shifting from war to peace, and that we are coming to a realization that faith in our country’s destiny, which has been a sort of blind belief, must be accompanied by the works of peace, or it is dead. There will be some characteristic changes in the new order. Under the inspiration of good citizenship, the patriotism of peace, we shall not hear so much about the sweetness of dying for one’s country, but we shall hear a great deal more about the duties of living for our country, which is always as heroic and sometimes more difficult. Our orators will not have as much to say about rallying round the flag, but they will have some plain, pungent truths to utter in characterizing the citizens, who fail to rally around the ballot—box on election day. \Ve shall not hold our reunions and tell of the fierce charges in which guns and bayonets drove back the enemy and broke its proud strength into flying fragments; but ever and anon we shall hear the gosd news of the breaking of a “political machine” under the iiupa: of good citizenship and the consignment of disabled bosses to the care of the ambulance corps. We shall not take the laurel wreath from the courage which charges the cannon's mouth, but we shall speak in glowing terms of the heroes who in the interest of the public good have been brave enough to defy the unscrupulous hatred of private-interest politicians and have dared to be unpopular and abused in behalf of the common weal. When 28 29 we have such a grand army of the republic driving the enemy, winning the victories of pea cc, and standing like sentinels of cmc righteousness guarding the nation al honor, it may be said of our nation, as of an inst itution of old: “The gates of hell shall not prevail against it.” The Catholic Church and Peace ARCHBISHOP EDWARD J. HANNA N the momentous crisis through which the world is passing, 1 in the final decision of the war which is devastating the earth, the attitude of the Catholic Church must necessarily be largely a determining factor. For in the struggle her children number millions, in the councils for peace they must have large repre— sentation, and her guidance will be sought in the adjustment of a cause where justice and mercy and right ought to prevail. To—night there sits in a little room in one of the world’s greatest palaces a lonely man, upon whom the burden of a world, upon whom the sins of men rest oh! so heavily. Of noble lineage, of high place in men’s esteem, he is nobler, he is higher than kings and princes by reason of his priestly ofi'ice. His rule is vaster than that of all the kings on earth, and his cause more sacred. The confines of the earth are the boundaries of his empire, and hundreds of millions of the noblest, the purest, the truest, the most cultured of earth's sons give to him loyal, faith- ful obedience. He has been shorn of all temporal sovereignty, he rules in the world by truth, by justice, by kindly mercy, by love. The kings and warring princes of earth listen to his voice, and he has been able where others have failed, to mitigate the awfulness of the present struggle, to obtain an exchange of prisoners, to protect the aged, to give comfort to the wounded and to the dying, to solace the last hours of the fallen, to accentuate the greater brotherhood of mankind in spite of war’s opposition. In his messages, which go to the ends of the earth, he implores his children to pray that peace may come, for he feels that there are crises in human affairs when there is naught to do save to get on our knees, as Lincoln once said, and to beg the God of battles in mercy to end the struggle. Listen, if you will, to his prayer addressed to Christ: “Dur— ing Thy life on earth Thy heart beat with tender compassion for the sorrows of men; in this hour made terrible with burning hate, with bloodshed and with slaughter, once more may Thy 31 divine Heart be moved to pity. Pity the countless mothers in anguish for the fate of their sons; pity the numberless families now bereaved of their fathers; pity EurOpe over which broods such havoc and disaster. Do Thou inspire rulers and peoples with counsels of meekness: do Thou heal the discords that tear the nations asunder; do Thou bring men together once more in loving harmony, Thou \’\'h0 didst shed Thy precious blood that they might live as brothers. And as once before to the cry of the Apostle Peter, ‘Save us, Lord, we perish,’ Thou didst answer with words of mercy and didst still the raging waves, so now deign to hear our trustful prayer, and give back to the world peace and tranquility.’ " lie implores Christian kings and Christian rulers to consider the value of human life, and the inalienable rights of men to the pursuit of things that have greatest worth. He tells them that war has come because men no longer love, but hate; he tells them that to slaughter men, and to destroy the monuments of their genius for race or national predominance is wrong; he boldly asserts that money and treasure and commerce cannot justify the ltilling of millions of men made in God's image and destined unto the vision of the Most High: he insists that a war of mere conquest in uhich kings tight for material aggrandizement only, must lie beneath the censure of heaven as an offense against lunnanltiinl: and finally, he hesitates not to tell the world that \mr and ruin threaten the land because men have not hearkened unto the voice of God, because men have hardened their hearts, because men have risen up against God and against His Christ, because men have despised revealed wisdom, and fashioned “Iii” tjheinselvis strange Igods. iIn his prayer for peace, in his a nm e mvan s war, in iis ent eavor to miti ate war’s h r tenedit-t .\‘\ is but following the traditional pilicy of the Chili: when in times past war has devastated the land, and filled the earth with its carnage, then the Catholic Church has sought at least to mitigate its evils. May I recall, in passing, “the truce of God” and its beneficent effects. May I recall that from the “truce of God” has come our international law, our international arbitration. May I recall the Religious Orders established to redeem the captive, to furnish solace to those whom war had rendered useless and outcasts. May I recall the great Democratic revival under the gentle St. Francis, which helped to break the power of the feudal lord, and did more than anything else to stop that bloodshed and pillage for which there was neither law nor right. May I recall the efforts of our Holy Father to bring truce at the last Christmastide, and the efiorts he is now making to stop carnage before the cup of bitterness overflows. And so, traditionally, the great Church stands for peace, and permits war only when in honor aggression demands resistance, only when human rights can in no other way be guaranteed. In keeping with the same traditions, when war has brought ruin, the Church has tried to mitigate its horrors, and in ways known to herself, to bring combatants to a realization of those things which make in the end for honorable peace. If then you ask, does the Ancient Church stand to-day for peace, I can but point to her honorable record through the ages. If you ask, does the Ancient Church do aught to bring peace, I can but point to the action of Benedict XV and the Bishops of Europe, in the struggle which to-day paralyzes the earth. If you ask, does the Ancient Church point the way to a new “peace of God,” I can tell you of prayer to the God of battles, I can tell you of her doctrine on the value of human life, of man’s mighty dignity and mighty place, and in the light of that doctrine, through the centuries. I can point triumphantly to the teaching of her Doctors, in ac— The christian code begets a spirit that is uncommonly uncongenial with “an The character engendered by the following cordance with which war is unjust when carried on save for national honor, national integrity, human rights. I can point to her traditions in accordance with which all the kingdoms of earth, and all earth’s treasure can not compare for a moment to the loss of human life and the value of the human soul. If you ask, can the Church to-day help actively in restoring the world to the pursuits of peace, I can but tell you that she has no terri- iil.i.iI-'.§.‘Jit“iii3.111111if:‘hfiff‘iidiiiicFifiti”m is W5“ appalling hi“ til treas’i‘ure Itec01ne:rli:1::00n]\~ lilrISt ‘Vary Wlth Its sinn takes place. becomes riirht only then lib “rtlr'en adtfml aggrestimelup inherent human rin‘hts areitl ' (I > a? r€€d0m t0 prewnt >llt'l] \"iol'ttion thtTre is, n 0 alternative ”Edie“? orsave “01mm. to ~ battle.andBut 32 torial interests, nor does she ask the freedom of the seas for her 33 galleons; that in her there is no distinction between Greek and Barbarian, Slave and Free; that her children of every nation are national in the sense of being patriotic, not because in matters of faith and of principle they are separate from Catholics elsewhere; that her influence, in accord with her teaching, will make men value less the things that pass, value more the things that must remain—justice, truth, right, mercy, helpfulness, love—— will stand in serried array for our spiritual ideals, she will keep before men’s minds the dignity of man, she will teach him a right standard of values, she will keep him strong in adversity, humble in the success and abundance of life, she will teach him that the man of heroic mold is the man that is willing to serve and to help. And while she keeps his eye on heaven, will teach man how he can make nobler and better the conditions of earth. She and that when men really value things of earth in accordance will teach him what is the real brotherhood of mankind, with- with her standards, and not till then, will there dawn that day out distinction of race or of color, and that only in peace can man obtain earth’s highest blessings. And finally, in the great reconstruction that must come after the exhaustion of war, she will bring the wisdom and the love of twentv centuries to healing the wounds of hatred and revenge. Here in this favored spot of earth will she welcome through her Golden Gate the discontented of the warring world, and as the Samaritan of old she will bind up his wounds, and pour in the oil of healing and the wine of brotherly love. And as of old she took the savage tribes of the North and molded out of them the great Mediaeval Europe, so too will she help you to gather of peace for which we pray, will there appear that vision of brotherhood for which we long, and for which this magnificent assemblage stands as a powerful witness. As children of the greatest of the neutral nations we gather here to-night hosts to the earth’s seekers after peace. What is my message, what is the message of the Church to you? A spiritual ideal watched at the cradle of the American Republic, and the heroes of the Revolution fought not because they hated their brothers. fought not for territorial aggrandizement, fought not for commercial supremacy, but for a spiritual ideal that embraced the right to live for the best things of life, the right to liberty, the right to pursue happiness in the ways of peace. And in the days of our civil strife our Fathers were willing to shed the last drop of their blood that our national integrity might not be impaired, that human beings might be free. We have grown selfish in the heyday of our prosperity, and we prize, I fear, too much, treamtc and gold, and our ideals have at times a commercial taint, and we are in danger, alas! I sometimes fear grave danger. of facing the very conditions we deplore to—day in Europe, but in spite of all this we can, as Americans, lift our voice and proclaim to a warring world that our great spiritual idealism, and our glory in our spiritual conquest still remain, and that to the natinn that would call into danger this spiritual inheritance we dare say that we are ready, and we must be ready, to exhaust our treasure, and to spill our blood. All else that makes for the nation 5 greatness we shall gain not by arms, not by blood, not by martial prouess, but by patient. honorable, brotherly love, by that friendly arbitration which has becom e the great American path to peace, In advancing these great American ideals, be sure that you have with you all the power of the Catholic Church for she 3-1 in the men mad with sight of blood, and restore them unto their spiritual inheritance, and make of them one great people for the honor of the race, and the glory of the American name, and the exaltation of those ideals which can never come save in the vision of peace. The Epic of Peace RABBI MARTIN A. MEYER "ISRAEL'S vision is peace" was a bit of phraseology which has crystallized itself in the last half century here in .\merica, as indicative of the ideals for which the people of Israel have been striving and still are striving through their historical experience of four thousand years. It sounds strange indeed for those who know the sanguinary record of Israel that such words should find expression as indicative of the standards of the people of the ancient book, of the mother of religion, and the parent of churches. Sanguinary indeed has its history been, friends both by what Jews themselves have done, and by reason of those things which have been done to Jews, 3 story of tears and of blood: yet it is not the occasion to—night to stress this record, precious though that blood may be to me. Rather it is our purpose to stress those ideals both expressed bv word and deed for which a people have suffered and served arid lived and (lied throughout the centuries which have been, and for which the) are still ready in this day and generation to ofi’er themselves and their lives and their all, with the reliable ideals of human hilltl, as first spoken at Sinai. and repeated in every age and generation by prophets and seers, b_v Psalmist and sage, that these plmjls might some day be the common possessions of human \lll( . l-‘riends. there are a number of great epics which have come down to us front the past of the race—literary epics, if you will devoted to the glorification of war, and the works of war and the heroes of war—the lliad, the Odvssev, and the Aeriiaed and whatever and however may be terinedi those great literar I creations which sprung out of the hearts of the people of classi: antiquity, or of the medieval world—literarv epics thrilling the hearts and souls of men. inspiring the lives of thousands and tens of thousands of students in everv age and generation with their ideals of blood and destruction, given over to the glorification of war . , t'md to the ev. ortatton ' of those ideals ' wh' . (late with the war. 1C . Y h “e 3550 36 - There has been lived for forty centuries an epic beginning with the story of the Creation, and whose last canto has not yet been written. It is the living history of the people of Israel, who have sting not of war and of arms, who have chanted not of glorification of deeds of lust and of plunder, but who quietly, silently, by the weapons of the spirit have given to the world a glorious ideal of turning the spears into ploughshares, and pointing incidentally through the ages to the glorious consummation of human history, when nations should learn war no more, and each man might sit under his own vine and fig tree, and none would make him afraid. It is not that the Jew has not been ready to fight when the call of his particular nation was brought to his ears and warm in his heart. He has been ready to fight other circumstances and conditions which do high honor to his feeling of patriotism and his sentiments of loyalty and devotion, for most generally, save in a few of the most favored nations of western Europe, and in particular this glorious land of liberty, tnost generally he has been a step-child of the nation, and has been asked to fight wars for benefits which he would not enjoy, and whose results chiefly, in his particular case, have been a renewal of anti-racial out— bursts, and anti—Jewish demonstrations. But his great weapon has been the weapon of the spirit, a marvelous loyalty, and unquestioned courage, devotion to an ideal, unswerving faith in the future—the weapons of the spirit for which he has been dedicated to that prophetic ideal—“Not by might, nor by power, but by my spirit, saith the Lord of Hosts.” He has not sought war, because he did not believe that war was a solution—a lasting solution—of the problems which grow out of the inter-actions of humans, the one ttpon the other. Ile (lid not believe in war as the ultimate appeal of the human, and if it be a temerity that has prompted him not to glorify war, then must you men and women of this age and nation who, assembling in these great conferences for peace here and elsewhere, demonstrate by your pres— ence, by your protestations, and by your support that you, too, believe that like the divine forgiveness, a man may fall seventy times seven times, and yet still share in the loving mercy of the Father. So, too, nations should try seventy times seven times before they ever think of appealing to the arbitrament of brute force in the determination of matters which are fundamentally 37 spiritual questions. And whatever may be the value of materialism as a philanthropy, whatever appeal it may make to many of our fellow men, it certainly is incapable of solving finally and upon a lasting basis the questions of a human soul, and the questions which agitate human minds, and which bring them to the verge of war, and which plunge them to the vortex of arms, the primary and fundamentally spiritual questions, ques— tions of honor and national integrity, and of justice and righteousness, of loyalty and of faith, and no appeal to arms can ever satisfactorily settle these fundamental, these lastingly eternally spiritual questions of the human race. The epic of the future, friends—the epic of the future will be the universalization of the experience of Israel of the forty centuries past. That has been the role of Israel among the nations of the world. Its purely national experiences have been lifted by the agencies of its own interpretors to the highest degree, and so given as a possession to all the peoples of the earth. The exodus from Egypt, a purely national deliverance, the fall of Jerusalem under the impelling impact of the Babylonians and the Romans, the conflict of nations, of these things of purely Israelitish significance—it would seem the peoples of the world have seized upon, and through them they have read of Him who is the providence of nations, that power in ourselves which makes for righteousness not only in our individual lives, but in the lives of nations and peoples. We have read our Book of Psalms, all of us who call ourselves either Jew or Christian, little realizing that they represent the need of the individual Israelite, who therein poured forth his bleeding heart and despairing soul to the God of the Universe, speaking as a Jew his Jewish experience: but the world has seized upon his experience of sin and sorrow, his hope and his aspirations, and laying hold upon them as its very own, has universalized these Jewish experiences, and made them the possession of millions and millions of men who call themselves Israelites only by the spirit. And so the epic of the Jew of thirty centuries past is devotion to the service or to the cause of peace. His suffering and his sorrow that peace might be established, his ready sacrifice of himself as an 13111::ri‘11aional nation, his devotion to an ideal preached in Judea ..umnated among the peoples of the earth—these must needs be umversalized and enter into the experience and into the possemon of all the sons of men. 38 After the fall of Jerusalem, when the Romans conquered and the Jew triumphed, it would seem that the arbitrament of arms was a false and eternally unreliable decision, and so the Jew devoted himself, not to the glorification of the heroes of war; he gave himself to the cultivation of his law, of his faith, and so for twenty centuries past now, the Jew has not sung in his liturgy or in his literature of the heroes of war, but he has celebrated the heroes of peace; he has given himself over instinctively, intuitively, it would seem, to the arts and the sciences. The heroes of Jewish life for the last twenty centuries have been our philosophers and our thinkers. \Ve have given ourselves whole-heartedly to the cause of human reason and to the unfolding of the human intellect, and in the last ten centuries, when the interests of men seemed largely and predominately economic, the Jew again has given himself to the development of the economic life of the world, for through the economic life of the world and the development of the arts and sciences, he knew instinctively with all his prophetic soul—he knew that way lay peace; and his mental development, which in many respects has inspired the mental development of the nations around about him, is indicative of the things which the world might expect of all the rest of the world when they give themselves to the arts of peace, to the ways of triumph, to the arts and the sciences, to the cultivation of literary philosophy, science and art, rather than to the glorification of those things which destroy. And the Jew has been an international nation. He has pre- served his identity, though he has scattered himself and been scattered among the nations of the world because he has not preached the military—the purely military—ideals of uniform peace, with that uniformity usual in our army barracks, where men rest and eat and sleep and perform their daily functions under orders and are obedient to the voice of the trumpet call. The Jew has been respected in his individuality and personality. He has understood, across the borders of differences and he has consecrated differences by sympathy and fuller understanding. He has remained the international nation, respecting himself and respecting his fellows among the world. So, friends, after all, if there be any value in sympathy, if there be anything of value in mental and moral effort that we extend to our fellows, those who are other than we are. it lies largely in the fact that they are 39 other than we are. We find no difficulty—the majority of us white men—in sympathizing with the suffering of white men, but the best of our sympathy is when we can extend it with the same degree of intensity to the colored races of the world. it is easy for us to extend sympathy when the honor of America seems to be involved. Are we as keen and as anxious that the honor and the national integrity of other nations, sometimes hostile in their intentions, sometimes opponents to us in our competition for commercial and industrial success, shall be main- tained? Are we as keen minded and as sympathetic when questions involving their integrity are involved? It is only when we have advanced that sympathy and understanding are at all worth while—and I believe, therefore, these twenty centuries the Jew, the international nation of the world, a harbinger of good tidings, has shown us the way for the final solution of the difficulties of mankind—large and human sympathy, if I may use a word for the moment, in what I call the ”pulse” of life. We believe that civilization is the “pulse” of peace, as opposed to the destruction of war, and probably after this great internecine conflict, which is devastating the world and taking us into even greater effort on behalf of the cause of peace, when this great conflict shall have come to an end, we shall better—all of its—understand what I mean by this doctrine of the "pulse” of peace. For, after all, the abiding values will not be the destruction of cathedrals and peaceful towns, the burning of libraries and the monuments of civilization but rather the “pulse” of glorious service of consecrated men and women, not with arms of destruction in their hands, service by those who are tenderly and humanely nursing and caring for the dying and wounded, The “pulse" will not be in those who have set out to destroy and tear down and pluck up, but the “pulse” will be the heroic. the equally heroic, aye, the still greater heroic efforts of that army of men and women who must come in the train of the armies of destruction, and who will build up de- Dr. Lynch referred to what we have often heard said, that the war is a demonstration of the fallacy of religion. I want to say, has this not been practically the most irreligious age we have known in twenty centuries? Is it not that there is war because of the irreligion of Europe and not because of the fallacy of religion? Those things which to-day have made for war have been the constant and consistent antagonism of religion. Religion has been buffeted from corner to corner. It has been laughed out of court. It has been sneered at and condemned. Calumny has been heaped upon it, but it has persisted, despite the so—called civilization of the nineteenth and twentieth century, and it has had the courage to raise its voice in tin—numbered quarters in protest against war and the abuses of war. No, the present war is not a demonstration of the fallacy of religion to meet great human needs, but it is, I take it, a lasting demonstration of the impotence 0f irreligion satisfactorily to solve the problems of human life. It’s the irreligious view, false to the ideals of Israel and Mica, who throws himself in with the combatants and cries, “Let loose the dogs of war !" It's the irreligious Christian who denies that initiatory consecration of the Christian life, “peace on earth, good will to men," who only knows the passions and the lusts of men and bids them to their bitter destruction among the peoples of the earth. And if the Jewish epic stands for one great thing in the history of the nations of the world. it has demonstrated and it still insists upon the abiding value of the religious interpretation of life, that we have souls, that our fellows have souls, and that, finding my own soul and my fellow's soul, together we rise to the world's soul, to the God of love—llim “hour we call our Father, to the God of all men, who some men dare deny. Friends, in the service of every potent and powerful religion, the arts have always been enlisted. No time in the history of Christianity were people so faithful to the call of the Christian life as when they gave themselves to the rearing of those stroyed homes, who will restore broken families, who will seek master structures, the cathedrals of Europe, when the halls and to hcalwounded hearts, who will attempt to gloss over and make the Cloisters of cathedrals and churches and monasteries and public places were filled with the perishable and the imperish- ll possible to forget the horrors which these people have experienced and suffered, and help them to begin life anew on a new basis with a larger vision and a deeper understanding of the fundamental things of life. that music which bore their souls aloft, and made them feel that 40 41 able creations of artists who found their inspiration in the re- ligious life, when people chanted those songs and listened to all life was one grand victory, for these things appealed to their imaginations and to their emotions, and all of us live more by our imaginations and by our emotions than by our so~called unaided and unassisted reason. The cause of peace will succeed and will lay its lasting hold upon the hearts of men, I take it, when, following the lead of religion, peace and the peace propaganda shall enlist as its most devoted ally and constituent all its ideals of arts and sciences, and more particularly the arts, for the epic of the future, the epic of peace will not glorify war and the heroes of war and the works of war, but will glorify peace and the heroes of peace and the works of peace, when we shall be under the spell of an immemorial art which will bring the power of imagination, and so fashion our hearts and souls and command our loving loyalty, when it will throw the faith of its magic over forge and factory, when we shall speak in phrases equal to those of the Iliad and the Odyssey, when we shall, in music which will thrill the human soul, tell the glories of an exposition, of the wonders of a Yellow— stone, then will peace be established in the hearts of men, and the "epic of the future” will be not of wars but of the world; it will not be of letters, but it will be of men; it will not be of the past, but it will be of the future; not of death, but of life; not of war, War, Business and Insurance PROF. DAVID STARR JORDAN HE complications behind the war in Europe are very many, T the revival of a waning military aristocracy, the suppres— sion of democracy, the restoration of the Holy Roman Empire with its historical equipment, imperial and ecclesiastic, ruthless exploitation, heartless and brainless diplomacy, futile dreams of national expansion (the “Mirage of the Map”), of national enrichment through the use of force (the “Great Illusion”), and, withal, a widespread vulgar belief in indemnities or highway robberies as a means of enriching a nation. All these would represent only the unavoidable collision, unrest and ambition of human nature, were it not that every element involved in it was armed to the teeth. “When blood is their argument” in matters of business or politics, all rational interests are imperilled. The gray old strategists, to whom the control of armament was assigned, saw the nations moving towards peaceful solution of their real and imaginary difficulties. but of peace! The young men of Europe had visions of a broader world, one cleared of lies and hate and the poison of an ingrowing patriotism. After a generation of doubt and pessimism in which world progress seemed to end in a blind sack, there was rising a vision of continental eo-operation, a glimpse of the time when science, always international, should also internationalize the art of living. Clearly the close season for war was near at hand. The old men found means to bring it on and in so doing to exploit the patriotism, enthusiasm, devotion and love of adventure of the young men of the whole world. The use of fear and force as an argument in politics or in business—this is war, It is a futile argument because of itself, it settles nothing. Its conclusion bears no certain relation to its initial aim. It must end where it should begin, with an agreement among the parties concerned. War is only the blind negation, the denial of all law, and only the recognition of the supremacy of some law can bring it to an end. In time of war all laws are 43 silent as are all efforts for progress, for justice, for the betterment of human kind. If history were written truthfully, every page in the story of war would be left blank or printed black, with only fine white letters in the darkness to mark the efforts for humanity, which war can never wholly suppress. In this paper, I propose to consider only economic effects of this war and with special reference to the great industry which brings most of this audience together, the business of insurance. The great war debts of the nations of Europe began with representative government. Kings borrowed money when they could, bankrupting themselves at intervals and sometimes wrecking their nations. Kings have always been uncertain pay. Not many loaned money to them willingly and only in small amounts and at usurious rates of interest. To float a “patriotic loan,” it was often necessary to make use of the. prison or the rack. With the advent of parliaments and chambers of deputies, the credit of nations improved and it became easy to borrow money. There was developed a special class of financiers, the Roths- extort, but there are limits to extortion. The nation could borrow, and to borrowing there is but one limit, the limit of actual exhaustion. Mr. H. Bell, cashier of Lloyd's Bank in London, said in 1913, “The London bankers are not lending on the continent any more. We can see already the handwriting on the wall and that spells REPUDIATION. The people of Europe will say, ‘We know that we have had all this money and that we ought to pay interest on it. But we must live; and we cannot live and pay.’ " The chief motive for borrowing 0n the part of every nation has been war or preparation for war. If it were not for war no nation on earth need ever have borrowed a dollar. If provinces and municipalities could use all the taxes their people pay, for purposes of peace, they could pay off all their debts and start free. In Europe, for the last hundred years, in time of so—called advent of great loans, as Goldwin Smith wisely observed, there peace, nations have paid more for war than for anything else, It is not strange, therefore, that this armed peace has “found its verification in war.” It has been the ”Dry War,” the ”Race for the Abyss,” which the gray old strategists of the General Staff have brought to final culmination. The debt of Great Britain began with the revolution of 1869, was removed the last check on war. with about $1,250,000. childs at their head, pawnbrokers rather than bankers, men able and willing to take a whole nation into pawn. And with the With better social and business adjustments, and especially with the progress of railways and steam navigation with other applications of science to personal and national interests, the process or borrowing became easier, as also the payment of interest on which borrowing depends. Hence more borrowing, always the easiest solution of any financial complication or embarrass‘ ment. Through the substitution of regular methods of taxation for the collection of tribute, the nations became solidified. Only a solidified nation can borrow money. The loose and lawless regions called Kingdoms and Empires under feudalism were not nations at all. A nation is a region in which the people are normally at peace among themselves. istence may be dissolved. In civil war, a nation's ex‘ In all the ages war costs all that it can. All that can be extorted or borrowed is cast into the melting pot, for the sake This unpopular move, known as “Dutch Finance” was the work of \Villiam of Orange. Other loans followed, based on customs duties with ”taxes on bachelors, widows, marriages and funerals," and the profits on lotteries. At the end of the Vt'ar of the Revolution the debt reached $1,250,000,000, and with the gigantic borrowings of Pitt, in the interest of the overthrow of Napoleon, the debt reached its highest point $4,430,000,000, The savings of peace duly reduced this debt, but the Boer War, for which about $800,000,000 was borrowed swept these savings away. When the present war began the national debt had been reduced to a little less than $4,000,- 000,000, which sum a year of world war has brought up to about $11,000,000,000. The debt of France dates from the French Revolution. Through reckless management it soon rose to $700,000,000, which of self-preservation or for the sake of victory, If the nations had any more to give, war would demand it. The king could sum was cut by paper money, confiscation and other repudiations to $160,000,000. This process of easing the government at the expense of the peOple spread consternation and bankruptcy far 44 45 . diture, following the c expen d wide. A reat program 0 f publi d the debt of France raise ity, deinn in paid soon g its an costly war and to nearly to over $6 000,000,000. The interest alone amounted war has brought this debt $1 000000000. A year of the present two million bond holders y nearl to an unprecedented figure. Thus e have become annual and their families in and out of Franc to all the pensioners ion addit pensioners on the public purse, in _ ‘ produced by war. an empire more Germany is still a very young nation and as debt was in 1908 a thriftv than her largest state. The imperial of the empire and the little over $1,000,000,000. The total debt at the outbreak of the ,000 0,000 $4,00 about was ned states combi 0,000, a large part of war. It is now stated at about $10,000,00 help— the increase being in the form of “patriotic” loans from less corporations. The small debt of the United States rose after the Civil War 00, to $2,773,000,000. It has been reduced to about $915,000,0 local n. The zed natio civili other any in ately than less rtion propo debts of states and municipalities in this and other countries are, however, very large and are steadily rising. As Mr. E. S. Martin observes, “We have long since passed the simple stage of living beyond otir incomes. we are engaged in living beyond the incomes of generations to come.” set me illustrate by a suppositious example. A nation has an expenditure of $100,000,000 a year. It raises the sum by taxation of some sort and thus lives within its means. But $100,000,000 is the interest on a much larger sum, let us say $2,500,000,000. lf instead of paying out a hundred million year by year for expenses, we capitalize it, we may have immediately at hand a sum twenty-five times as great. The interest on this sum is the same as the annual expense account. Let us then borrow $2,500.000,000. on which the interest charges are $100,000,000 a year. tut while paying these charges the nation has the principal to live on for a generation. Half of it will meet current expenses for a dozen years. and the other half is at once available for public purposes, for (lockyards, for wharves, for fortresses, for public buildings, and above all for the ever growing demands of military conscription and of naval power. Meanwhile the nation is not standing still. In these twelve years the progress of invention and of commerce may have doubled the national income. There 46 is then still another $100,000,000 yearly to be added to the sum available for running expenses. This again can be capitalized, another $2,500,000,000 can be borrowed, not all at once perhaps, but with dtie regard to the exigencies of banking and the temper of the people. With repeated borrowings the rate of taxation rises. Living on the principal sets a new fashion in expenditure. The same fashion extends throughout the body politic. Individuals, corporations, municipalities all live on their principal. The purchase of railways and other public utilities by the government tends further to complicate the problems of national debt. It is clear that this system of btiying without paying cannot go on forever. The growth of wealth and population cannot keep step with borrowing, even though all funds were ex— pended for the actual needs of society. Of late years war pre— paration has come to take the lion's share of all funds however gathered, “consuming the fruits of progress.” What the end shall be, and by what forces it shall come, no one can now say. This is still a very rich world even though insolvent and under con— trol of its creditors. There is a growing unrest among taxpayers. There would be a still greater unrest if posterity could be heard from, for it can only save itself by new inventions and new ex— ploitations or by frugality of administration, of which no nation gives an example to—day. Nevertheless this burden of past debt, with all its many ramifications and its interest charges, is not the heaviest the nations have placed on themselves. The annual cost of army and navy in the world to-(lay is about double the sum of interest paid on the bonded debt. This annual sum represents preparation for future war, because in the intricacies of modern war- fare “hostilities must be begun" long before the materialization of any enemy. In estimating the annual cost of war to the original interest charges of upwards of $1,500,000,000, we must add yearly about $2,500,000,000 of actual expenditure for fighters, guns and ships. We must further consider the generous allowance some nations make for pensions. A large and un— estimated sum may also be added to the account from loss of military conscription, again not counting the losses to society through those forms of poverty which have their primal cause in war. For in the Words of liastiat, “War is an ogre that devours as much when he is asleep as when he is awake.” It 47 DAILY COST OF GREAT EUROPEAN WAR nt rivalry was Gambetta who foretold that the final end of armame must be ”a beggar crouching by a barrack door." When the Great War began, the nations of Europe were thus waist deep in debt. The total amount of national bonded indebtedness being about $30,000,000,000, or nearly three times the the total sum of actual gold and silver, coined or not, in all world. A year of war at the rate of $50,000,000 to $70,000,000 0, per day has increased this indebtedness to nearly $50,000,000,00 the bonds themselves rated at half or less their normal value, while the actual financial loss through destruction of life and property has been estimated at upwards of $40,000,000,000. In “The Unseen Empire,” the forceful and prophetic drama of Mr. Athcrton Brownell, the American Ambassador, Stephen Charming, tries to show the Chancellor of Germany that war with Great Britain is not a “good business proposition." He says: "Our Civil War has cost us to date, if you count pensions for the wrecks it left—mental and physical—-nearly twenty billions of dollars, And that doesn’t include property losses, nor destruc— tion of trade. nor broken hearts and desolate homes—that’s just cold hard cash that we have actually paid out. You can’t even think of it. There have been only about one billion minutes since Christ was born. Now if there had been four million slaves and we had bought every one of them at an average of one thousand dollars a piece, set them free and had no war, we would have been in pocket to-day just sixteen billion dollars. That one crime cost us in cash just about the equal of sixteen dollars a minute from the beginning of the Christian era." The war, as forecast in the play, is now on in fact, and one certain truth inregard to it is that it is assuredly not “a good business propOsuion" for anybody in any nation, excepting, of course. the makers of the instruments of death. The actual war began, in accord with Professor Richet's :liltidiliruiihrlt10:01:: 31510000000 per day. Previous to this ,900 perasday. $10,000stimate coswnl this i!- Rioht‘t's. calculi? to an yunder—e in 1912, d11011 Like :FI‘Z(LI:::*0;>:r:1::1 :3 311:1 iirtlie air. ‘These, with the growing . . . , .iptitl, the equipment of automoblles, and (CHARLES RICHET, 1912) 00 ............ $12,600,0 Feed of men .................................... Feed of horses .................................. 1,000,000 ............ Pay (European rates) ........................... ........ Pay of workmen in arsenals and ports (100 per day) ...... Transportation (60 miles in 10 days) .................. .... Transportation of provisions ........................... .. Munitions: Infantry, 10 cartridges 3 day .................. ...... Artillery: 10 shots per day ........................... ......... Marine: 2 shots per day ........................... ..... Equipment ............................................. Ambulances: 500,000 wounded or in ($1.00 per day) ........ 4,250,000 1,000,000 2,100,000 4,200,000 4,200,000 1,200,000 400,000 4.200.000 500,000 500,000 5,000,000 6,800,000 2.000.000 \Varships ... Reduction of imports .................................... Help to the poor (20 cents per day to 1 in 10) ............... Destruction of towns, etc .................................... Total per day ........................................ $49,950,000 This again takes no account of the waste of men and horses, less costly than the other material of war, and not necessarily replaced. All this is piled on top of "the endless caravan of ciphers" t$27,000,000,000), which represents the accumulated and unpaid war debt of the nineteenth century. War is indeed the sport for kings, but it is no sport for the people who pay and die, and in the long run the workers of the world must pay the cost of it. :\s Benjamin Franklin observed: “War is not paid for iti war time, the hill comes later." And what a hill! Yves Guyot, the French economist, estimates that the first six months of war cost western Iiurope in cash $5,400,000.000, to which should be added further destruction estimated at $11,600,000,000, making a total of 3317000000000. The entire amount of coin in the world is less than 5512000000000. Edgar Crammond, Secretary of the Liverpool Stock Exchange, another high authority, estimates the cash cost of a year of war, to August I, 1915, at $17,000,000,000, while other losess will mount up to make a grand total of $46,000,,000000 Mr. Crammond estimates that the cost to Great Britain for a year of war will reach $3,500,000,0(X) This sum is about equivalent to the accumu- the unparalleled ruin of cities, have raised this cost to $70,000,000 lated var debt of Great Britain for a hundred years before the per dd, war. The war debt of Germany is now about the same. 4‘) 48 No one can have any conception of what $46,000,000,000 may be. It is four times all the gold and silver in the world. It represents, it is stated, about 100,000 tons of gold. It would probably outweigh the Washington monument, but we have no data as to what momuments weigh, but we may try a few other calculations. If this sum were measured out in twenty-dollar gold pieces, and they were placed side by side on the railway track, on each rail, they would line with gold every line from New York to the Pacific Ocean, and there would be enough left to cover each rail of the Siberian railway from Vladivostock to Petrograd. There would still be enough left to rehabitate Belgium and to buy the whole of Turkey, at her own valuation wtping her finally from the map. ‘ . Or we may figure in some other fashion. The average working .man in America earns $518 per year. It would take ninety million years’ work to pay the cost of the war, or ninety million American laborers might pay it off in one year, if all their living expenses were paid. The working men of Europe receive from half to a third the wages in America. They are the ones who have this bill to pay. The cost of a year of the great war is a little greater than the estimated value of all the property of the United States west of thicago. It is nearly equal to the total value of all the propert in (Jermany ($48,000,000,000), as figured in 1906. The whol: Russian empire ($35,000,000,000) could have been bou ht for a less sum before the war began. It could be had on a gc‘ash 31 more cheaply now. It would have paid for all the properts if: Italy ($13,000,000,000), Japan ($10,000000000) HolTa d ) , ’ , _ entire \linal’ld lortugal ($2,500,000,000). It is three times the fi’g’m‘W)’ Belgium ($7,000,000 0003 ’spain' ($6000 um} 1‘ \ ’) earnings in wages and salaries of the people of the _ 1‘; ttateI; (3315500000000). Con 0 ‘ ‘ ?) . fw1th ' ' ~ which e“Ohm“ 2101;313:5122 1this, playing with figures accumulated by man, in {Vhate‘cprfatsff greatest fortune ever ”we days of this war. The Cost Of tl I " ion, would not pay for . . ' factories of the century. If all the farms, farming lands and of this war cost the ce, existen of out wiped were United States and real al person the all If would more than replace them. uake earthq an if or yed, destro were nation our half property of from house every down of incredible dimensions should shake would be less than that the Atlantic to the Pacific, the waste rophe leaves behind involved in this war. And an elemental catast troubles are not al financi the Even hate. of it no costly legacy e is gone for Europ of ended with the treaty of peace. The credit war, it is said, there one does not know how long. Before the in circulation in were $200,000,000,000 in bonds and stocks it would bring. Europe. Much of this has been sold for whatever of it is worth Some of the rest is worth its face value. Some r he is a whethe know can who ment adjust final nothing. In the banker or a beggar? when The American ambassador was quite within bounds you can’t he said “There isn't so much money in the world; even think itl” ) in a ()r we may calculate (with Dr. Edward T. Devine covered totally different way. The cost of this war would have for asked ever reform y every moral, social. economic and sanitar can ed expend ly proper money as far so in world, ed in the civiliz disease, compass such results. It could eliminate infectious It could feeble-mindedness, the slums and the centers of vice. nce against provide adequate housing, continuity of labor, insura of accident; in other words, it could abolish almost every kind the suffering due to outside intluences and not inherent in character of the person Concerned. A Russian writer, quoted by Dr. John H. Finley, puts this idea in a different form: “()ur most awful enemies, the elements and germs and yet we insect destroyers, attack us every minute without cease, murder one another as if we were out of our senses. Death is to snatch ever on the watch for us, and we think of nothing but of work go a few patches of land! About 5,000,000,000 days every year to the displacement of boundary lines. Think of what d to humanity could obtain if that prodigious. effort were devote nations in the vvolrllqd“;r flizuiilniea-‘tlidmuilatfinal debts Of all th'e our hostile fighting,y our real enemies, the noxious species and aggregate sum of $45,000000000 ar roke out, and thls latcd in the c , . , . .. for the world was all accumurmnnal stupidity of the wars of th e nineteenth ' environment, \Ve should conquer them in a few years. The entire globe would turn into a model farm. livery plant would 50 51 grow for our use. The savage animals would disappear, and the infinitely tiny animals would be reduced to impotence by hygiene and cleanliness. The earth would be conducted according to our convenience. In short, the day men realize who their worst enemies are, they will form an alliance against them, they will cease to murder one another like wild beasts from sheer folly. Then they will be the true rulers of the planet, the lords of creation.” “Money spent in warfare,” says Robert L. Duffus, “is not like money spent in other industries It will bring far more beastliiiess, far more injustice, far more tyranny, far more danger to all that is honorable, generous and noble in the world, far more grief and rage than money spent in any other way. Not 1 per cent of the amount devoted to these purposes is, for the end aimed at, wasted.” It is said that the main cause of the war lay in the envy of German commerce by British rivals. This is assuredly not true. lint if it were, let us look at the business side of it. Taking the net profits of over—seas trade, as stated years ago by the 11ainbi.rgeAmericaii Company, the strongest in the world, and estimating the rest, we have something like this: During the “Dry War” the net earnings of the German mercantile fleet were about one-third the cost of the navy supposed to protect it. It would take seventy years of trade, on the scale of the last year before the war, to repay Germany’s expenses for a year'of war. To make good all the losses of Europe would require more than one hundred years of the over—seas trading profits of all the world. War is therefore death to trade as it is to every other agency of civilization. ’ . Aththelbeginning of the war the value of stocks and bonds in circulation in lznrope amounted to about $200,000,000 000. What is the per cent value of all these certificates of ownership? What is the present value of any particular industrial plant or commercial venturef a targefiiiiiislaiiojifisii EidIéipiEited, tEOUgh his German wife, he had not heard one word from liltnef '6 tom me recently or six months. What th’at Will be its yalue when he hears from it? as to its ownership? And what certainty has he ' Is this war the outcome of commercial jealousy? Let us look at this for a moment. The two greatest shipping companies in the world before the war were the Haitiburg—American Company and the Nord—Deutscher Lloyd of Bremen. These companies had grown strong because they deserved to grow. They had attended to their affairs, both in shipment of freight and transportation of passengers, with that minute attention to details, which is so large an element in German success. The growth of these companies arose through American trade, and especially through trade with Great Britain and the British possessions. Did they clamor for war—a war—whatever else might result, sttre to cripple their trade for a generation? It is said that Ballin of the Hamburg Company, unable to prevent Great Britain from rising to the defense of Belgium, “went home broken—hearted.” Did Ballin build the great Imperator, costing $9,000,000—$6,000,000 of it borrowed money—with a View to laying her off after a few trips for an indefinite period in Hamburg? Did the Nord Deutsclier Lloyd contemplate leaving the Yaterland and the George “'ashington to lie in Hoboken till they were sold for harbor dues? Nor was the jealousy on the other side. The growth of German commerce concerned mainly Great llritain. Presumably, it was profitable 011 both sides, for all trade is barter. In any event, Great Britain has never raised a tariff wall against it, never protected her traders by a single differential duty. She has risen above the idea that by tariff exactions the foreigner can be made to pay the taxes. As for envy of German coni- nierce, who ever heard of an Englishman who envied anybody anything? Again, did the Cunard Company build her three great steamships, the Mauretania, the Lusitania, the Aquitania, for the fate which has come to them? In 1914 I saw the great Aquitania, finest of all floating palaces, tied by the nose to the wharf at Liverpool, the most slieepish looking steamship I ever saw any— where. ()iit of her had been taken $1,250,000 worth of plate glass and plate velvet, elevators and lounging rooms, the require- ments of the tender rich in their six (lays upon the sea. The whole ship was painted black, filled with coal, to be setit out to help the warships at sea. And for this humble service, I atn told, she proved unfitted. 53 No, commercial envy is not a reason, rivalry in business is not a reason, need of expansion is not a reason. These are excuses only, not causes of war. There is no money in war. There is no chance of highway robbery in the byways of history which can repay anything tangible of the expense of the expedi— tion. The gray old strategists do not care for this. It is fair to them to say they are not sordid. They care no more for the financial exhaustion of a nation than for the slaughter of its young men. “An old soldier like me,” said Napoleon, “does not care a tinker’s damn for the death of a million men." Neither does he care for the collapse of a million industrial corporations. Of the many forms of business and financial relation among men, none is more important than those included under the name of insurance. Insurance is a form of mutual help. By its influence the effects of calamity are spread so widely that they cease to appear as calamity. The fact of death cannot be set aside, but through insurance it need not appear as economic disaster as well as personal loss. The essential nature is that of social co-operation, and it furnishes some of the most effective of bonds, which knit society together. As insurance has become already an international function its influence should be felt continuously on the side of peace. That it is so felt is the justification of our meeting together today as underwriters of insurance and as workers for peace. The essence of insurance, as Professor Royce observes, is that “it is a principle at once peacemaking in its general tendency and business-like in its practicable special application.” “As a resul: of insurance, men gradually find themselves involved in a soeia network of complicated but beneficent r i ' ' individuals are usually very imperfectly awareelfiiilfrll)? iiif “h‘df whichF”modern societv has ’ f ormed. i fans m0 mm . . been . 1 )rof . oun dl y trans . .0 “mm: M is 055T;:‘t:;]]1\1-1 $12331 ‘istfiot piersonally selfish in its mm“ l‘eison beloved whi) is die; I eta ort 0f tile bene‘fit O’f’ For the benefit of tltis‘sut‘vivin" i ‘gm c 35 the‘ beneficiary. payment of premiums are pt; I)fetjrrsfiil thedefilorts'mVOIVEd m the panics and their underwriters constitnieatli he limurance COIm' this unification is_ gntn ' n to socnty. .l '. .i 16 machinery by Wthh H in all the interests of insurance the lawlessness of war is “ludlv adxerse and destructive. Insurance involves I (mit trust ’ thmts under securi' ty 54 of person nutual trust, and propertv Insurance demands steadiness of purpose and continuity of law. In war all laws are silent. War is the brutish, blind denial of law, only admissable when all other honorable alternatives have been withdrawn—the last resort of “murdered, mangled liberty.” In its direct relation war destroys those who, to the underwriter, represent the “best risks," the men most valuable to themselves, and thus most valuable to the community. Those whom war leaves behind, to slip along the lines of least resistance into the city slums, are the people insurance rarely reaches. \Var confuses the administration of insurance. Policies in war time can be written only on a sliding scale. This greatly increases the premium by reducing the final payments. Increase of rate of premium must decrease business. \\'ar means financial anarchy, inflated currency and depreciation of bonds. A currency which fluctuates demoralizes all business, and war leaves no alternative. The slogan, “business as usual," in war time deceives nobody. If it did nobody would gain by the deception. Enforced loans from the reserve fund of insurance companies to the state mean the depreciation of reserves; in the form of unstable bonds means robbery of the bondholders. The yielding to the state, by enforced ”voluntary action," of reserves of savings banks and insurance companies represents a form of state robbery. practice on the continent of Europe. This is now in Such funds are probably never actually confiscated, but held in abeyance until the close of the war. This is another fortn of the ever-present “military necessity," which seizes men's property with little more compunc— tion than it shows in seizing men's bodies. \Var conditions mean insecurity of investment. in war all bonds are liable to become "scraps of paper," and no fund cart be made safe. The insurance investments in Europe have been enormously depleted in worth, a reduction in market value estimated at 50 per cent. lixperts in insurance tell me that in war time certain policies are written so as to be scaled down automatically when the holder goes under the colors. Some are invalid in time of war, and some have the clause of free travel greatly abridged. A few are written to apply to all conditions, but on these the rates of premiums would naturally increase. (‘ompanies generally refuse to pay under conditions not nominated in the bond, and, in general, all policies are automatically reduced to level of war policies when war begins, I am told that some American companies issue group policies, as for any or all of a thousand men, these not subject to physical examination. The war claims in Great Britain have been very heavy because such a large proportion of clerks, artisans, students, and other insurable or well-paid men have been first to volunteer. Some insurance companies have been much embarrassed by the general enlistment of their employees. In fire insurance conditions are much the same. All contracts in foreign nations are held in abeyance until the close of war. Such companies doing business in America are now mostly incorporated as American. In every regard the business of insurance is naturally allied with the forces that make for peace. War brings ruin through increase of loans, through the exhaustion of reserves and the precarious nature of investment. The same remark applies in some degree to every honorable or constructive business. If any other form of danger threatened a great industry, its leaders would be on the alert. They would spare no money and leave no stone unturned for their own protection. Towards war business has always shown a stupid fatalism. War has been thought “inevitable," coming of itself at intervals, with nobody responsible. There could not be a greater error. \Var does not come of itself, nor without great and persistent preparation. A few hundred resolute men bent on war, led by unscrupulous leaders, brought on this war. The military group of one nation plays into the hands of like groups in other nations. To keep up war agitation long enough, whether the cause be real or imaginary, seems to hypnotize the public mind. The horrors of war fascinate rather than repel, and thousands of men in this land of peace are ready to tight in linrope, to one who dreamed of such a line of action a year or two ago. ~ “luternal vigilance is the price of liberty.” The interests involved should put honest business on its guard. The insurance lllt‘ll could afford to maintain a thousand skillful observers, men \\ ise in business as well as in international law, and in the manners “ml (“HUI-Hf of the people of the world. A few dozen skillful police~inilnury detectives—men like “7. J. Burns, for example, employed in the interest of finance, might save finance a billion dollars. Such men should watch the standing incentives to war. 56 toward Thev should stand guard against the influences that work , to “firemen only not be should peace for conflict. We who work negligence be called in to put out the fire,” already started through l in of business men, but agents for ”fireproof building materia of ‘busisecurity the for times all at stand to edifice, national our of. preness, the sanctity of law, order and peace. .Thts kind of Victory conflict, 0t risks no involve would war” for ss paredne or defeat. Enforce Peace and to present, so far as possible, the views sion of sentiment concerning the desirability of peace and the wastefulness and woe of war. The men who conceived and orv ganized this League, after months of earnest communing and striving, brought forth a plan not to put an end to war but to diminish the possibilities of war and to reduce the number of wars. It is not a perfect plan and it will be subject to processes of amendment, amplification and growth. It is a plan which, by reason of its simplicity and singleness of purpose. appears to of some of those who were instrumental in forming it. be worthy of earnest consideration and careful trial. A League to Enforce Peace HON. FRANCIS B. Looms IiAVli been asked to say something about the League to Personally, the proposed league appears to me to be an experiment in the earliest stages of development. I do not think much more can be claimed for it. I am sure that there will have to be some considerable modifications in that part of its plan which proposes forthwith to declare war against the alleged law breaker. I think that all methods of coercion other than force will have to be very earnestly sought and applied before a declaration of war would be thinkable. i do not, of course, believe that an effort to form such a league should be made until peace has been re-established. Nor do I think that consideration of the proposed League to Enforce l’eace should be allowed to divert attention from the very pressing The new feature in the history of irenic movements is a provi— sion that the signatory powers shall jointly use forthwith both their economic and military force against any one of their num— ber who goes to war or commits acts of hOStility against another of the signatories before any question arising shall have been submitted to a council of conciliation for hearing, consideration and recommendation. in other words, when an alliance or league to enforce peace is formed among the principal nations of the earth. no member of this confederation may wage war upon another without having,r submitted his grievance to a regularly constituted board of conciliation which presumably will hold the matter under consideration for a year. present necessity of preparing this nation for the eventuality of war. So, then. I shall discuss this subject in the light of an interesting' and novel experiment or suggestion \Vith proper modification there seems to be much in it that is worthy of serious consideration, and I am sure the proposed plan to enforce peace will be much improved and strengthened by passing through the ordeal of a general public discussion. The League to linforce Peace represents the latest and, perhaps, the most carefully considered endeavor to lay the foundations at the close of the present European \\'ar, for a better state of things in the world. It is formed by men manv of whom 33;}:iltii,.:“::“j)ljiljilgcijlr:T,1(::ri\fliicj,e in 'dclalipg officially with foreign the international (mind As aiilflulifini'ci:1 “filing knOWICdge Of to a federation of the ,ereat pow ' ms " ofd the L “immanent, 100k world for thethe." purpose of maintaining peace , and settling all justiciable questions by f I . ~ of an intern ational court which shall have means the support 51.01.13 Tilliiiliii i‘i‘iiiiiiiiiii “iii.“hidi “m" be 1’2““de ”‘8 represents something more _solid 'mde fag/1w 10 Enforce . practical than Peace a mere expres- questions at issue to a properly constituted council of conciliation, then the other members of the league are bound to employ their economic and military strength against the offendingr member. The purpose of this League to linforce Peace is not offensive. It is a league of protection—mutual protection against not an outside foe, bttt against members of the league itself, The signatory powers will enter into an agreement to do certain things; the fundamental purpose of their organization being to establish and maintain peace. it is obvious that the members of the league, like the states of this l'nion, will have to provide for a central, executive, police or military power. There will have to be at least a skeleton and military organization. This will be a difficult prob« lem to work out but it is not at all insoluble. Providing the will to succeed exists, and it' the nations who enter the League to Enforce l’eace highly desire to maintain peace, they will be able to make an alliance so strong and effective that it cannot fail of success as long as it is supported by public opinion. If a League to Enforce Peace were compowd of the l'nited States, Germany, 5‘) 58 if this rule is violated, if acts of hostility are engaged in without the submission of the Great Britain, France, Russia, Austria, Italy and Japan, it is the spread of the belief that fundamentally humanity is the same sufficiently clear that not a single government among those named would be likely to attack another member of the league. The risk would be too great, the punishment too certain and too severe. Neither one nor two of the nations in such a league could hope to stand out for any great length of time against the military and economic pressure which all of the other members could put upon it. The offender would have in efiect the Whole of the civilized world banded against him, because the smaller nations would inevitably become members or associates of the league. They could not do otherwise. Leaving aside the question of military force, the economic influence which a league of the world powers of the world could bring to bear upon an offending member would be crushing and would be, in the course of time, as effective as war. The power of such a league for the disciplining of such unruly countries as Mexico, Turkey and Haiti would be unquestioned and final. it seems likely that once an international alliance is formed upon some such lines as those indicated by the League to Enforce l’eace. that there would emerge by logical evolution a highly (levelnpetl, strongly centralized world government—a government which would not destroy existing nationalities, which would not crush and which would not smother that admirable sentiment which we call patriotism, which would not sterilize salient racial idiosyncrucies or rob peoples of their individualities and na— tional rt~pirzuious, of their national ambitions or national develop- the world over, that it has the saute hopes. the saute asptrztttoris and that it ought to be entitled to the same social organization, the saute rights of expression, the same protection against self- willed nations and sclt‘rwilled individuals who seek to impose their will upon it arbitrarily. ment upon soeiztl, intellectual and artistic lines, but which would result lll eneh gov eminent surrendering certain of its attributes to the central power for the benefit of the common good. The st;lte~ of this l‘nion, the people of the respective commonwealths ll.‘l\ e lo~t nothing that makes life worth living, nothing that adds to human happiness, tltllllillg that makes for the independence of the citizen of the te>peclive >t:tlc<. nothingr that makes for liberty, to: the llt’llh of tnztn, by delegating certain of their sovereig'n pow (‘l\ to the national federal government to be exercised extlll\l\(l\ lt\ il l htheve that the main good resulting from the present despetute wut “Ill be it‘lllltl iu Ll inellowing and ehastening inthienee whn It will testilt in the growtl l of a spirit of greater underfluorine; ;nuone the peoples ot the world. greater toleration, and (ill 61 The Exposition and World Peace HERBERT S. HOUSTON T this western gate, facing the east, the World is taking a A measure of its progress in the arts of peace. At the western gates of liurope the world is again witnessing the savagery and futility of war. And in the heavens above the same sun looks down on both scenes—a contrast that really represents an irrepressible conflict, llere by the Pacific practically all nations, including a ntunber of those now at war, join in display— ing; the ex ideuces of their civilization as a League of Peace; there, on the farther side of the Atlantic. the gage of battle is joined between two Leagues of War. This contrast is given to the world in suih compelling fashion that it can never forget it, the big truth that both war and peace are international. No nation, howeier isolated. can any longer have either peace or war unto iti-tlf alone. league of nations, working together internationally to accomplish an international purpose and the United States is one of the group. But far beyond an indentification with this league composed of nations of North and South America and concerned with the well being of another nation of these continents, has gone our stout advoeacy of the rights of all nations throughout the world on the sea, that mighty highway of international commerce. \Ve have stood for international law in war and in peace. Through the unflinching courage of our great President. calm, serene. inflexible, the American position has been maintained. Germany has accepted it and there is every reason to believe that it will be accepted by all nations. r\ud if our position does prevail, that the seas are the common highway of all nations. '0 be used by them without let or hindrance in carrying neutral commerce. even in times of war there can he no dottbt but that a great sheet anchor w ill have been forged for international peace and safety The plain truth is that in this modern world, washed by a common ocean and swinging in its orbit under a commott sky, no lzath of the Leagues abroad is composed of several nations, for not one nation among them all is strong enough to \Hill‘lftlltl the shoclt of war alone. And not a single nation among them all, at least among the great powers involved, was nation can live unto itself alone. A“ are enmeshed in an iutiuite number of forces and cottnterforces' that act and react. The world in its political and commercial relations is truly international. Bv what seems This Exposition is a crowning: demonstration Here are gathered the myriad evidences. of man's progress drawn from all nations. a strange paradox the weak nation, such as Holland or Denmark or Swityerlaud, can maintain peace while the strong nation This peace conference is international, just as the Exposition is. strong enough to maintain a separate peace. can not; the reason is, of course, that the strong nation is looked .\nd peace itself, that great goal which seems ever to tecede, if tinalh achieieil and maintained, must be ht international forces“. upon as aI tllt'lliltt‘t' by other strong nations, while the weak nation It l\ cheering to remind )ou that a distinguished citizen of is not. tut tie strone nation. howev ‘ " alliea lt t‘.|t1nt‘illtt'1 wipe war nor have Icirealc)::ileolii:liftii'llizttlihxihf‘ California, llaviil l.nbiu, has been giving a fresh proof of the min; tower of internationalism, through the International [ni and 1“ [H e in this gteat modern world with all of its interrelat' (‘ are now and iorevel' international, 10115, lleie in ,’\me ": ; 's -' ' " polities of l‘ttlttllllllllkétlltltillll'lt‘tlilllh‘ 1ii:itilt“elitfaitor‘lirn ”fillinons an'd :ne planing this truth, leen the Monroe Tinctrgine, Ehuhciecsli :Ili: out: lt't as an ev‘ s." x -' . ' ' with other nations (tilliliislliljniitllilelii>lleAare “:1ng tO'Share tliili hate been actine iointh with1 Us L rg‘emlne,‘ 3‘3.le and ing to lump calm (lllilthl-CI‘V l"; '0“ ourMextco. ». Invitation)Here , to “stranght m 866k— is a stitute of Agriculture which he orgaoiyed and of which he is the head llurinc‘r this war the Institute has been in session, I understand, in Rome and its work of farireachiug value and helpfulness llflw gout: forward, participated in by the accredited dCnglttL‘\ from all the belligerent nations. The League to lintorce l’eace, about which l am to speak to you brie-ll), stands detinitely and strongly for peace through international forces, It belieies that law should take the place of war in Settling differences. between nations. (ll 63 That has; been Gratius, a glorious dream of men through generations, Hugo of hundreds of \‘l'illiam Penn, limanuel Kant, Elihu Burritt and Confer— others in many countries In 1907, at the second Hague four ence, it seemed that this great dream was to come true. Forty— That justice. arbitral of Court World a up set to agreed nations of proposal, marking the farthest point yet reached up the hill least at is, it as high But stands. still s, progres tional interna in its recognition of the principle that law should be substituted for war, that proposal is still below the mark that the world should strive for: it is. after all, a declaration of high intention rather than a program of effective action. For the proposal, while it provides a plan for an International Court, neither commits nations to use it through treaty agreement nor does it force them to use it through compulsion applied by other nations. In this: connection it may tend to clarifying my theme to state briefly the four proposals that have been widely discussed in reference to an international or world court. lint, there is this Hague proposal of 1907 for a Court of Arbitral justice—judicial machinery without provision to have it used. Second, the proposal that nations should bind themselves to use such a court in settling their differences—an agreement, le of democunited in grounding their faith in the broad princip nation that the over all from men day racy, on last Bunker Hill joined in grounding s, colonie n thirtee those from grown had war and they their faith in the principle that law should replace these simple, nations other all and y countr this to ted submit strong proposals : between the signatory powers, First: All justiciable questions arising the limitations of treaties, to subject shall, tion, negotia not settled by and judgment, both upon hearing for l tribuna be submitted to a judicial of the question, ction jurisdi its to as the merits and upon any issue between the signatories and not arising ns questio other All : Second ation submitted to a council of concili settled by negotiation, shall be ni eudatio reconnn and ration for hearing, conside jointly use forthwith both their Third: The signatory powers shall any one of their number that goes against forces military and c economi against another of the signatories to war. or commits acts of hostility ed as provided in the foresubmitt be shall arising n before any questio going. signatory powers shall be held Fourth: Conferences between the codify rules of international law, and te formula to time to time from its dissent within a stated which. unlew mine signatory shall signify of the Judicial Tribunal ns decisio the in umcrn period, shall thereafter mentioned in Article I. uithout provision to enforce it, Third, the proposal that nations should bind themselves , joiiuh to use force against any signatory nation that refused to take its difference with another nation to the Court before going to “an a definite plan to put international force behind a Court, compelling its use. Fourth, a proposal that nations should not only establish the court and require it to be used but should putibehind its ill:Z‘iiihiiiiIiiliii‘luiii li‘fl‘iiiiiisc“ is 3 W05“ m and The distinguishingr thingy in these proposals, of course. the proposals of the thing which detiuitely separates them front behind a \Vorld force of placing the is tlltill\' l'FQItlll/I other peace the world, Surely :’ not why t\nd Court, coir; idling it to be used present war, will the of tion destruc and litv1i dt‘\;t~lit the after so much to be desired CillllL' lti lllt‘ pltt‘i,’ ultere peace will seem 5.1),llll‘ilx wzir itself, will Main for. g lightin worth exeu i~ it that be stated in rejoinder it let llut . the very thiney we «ml to prevent \r'tr, if it ~hould be a such that sis, i-iiiphii tlnnng (werwh with it mtem'a tionallr_ _as at: those of ’lt \"itioni ries the bounda within datory ourt, asi'mfm t l COurt i . e peace. required as :t l.t~t resort, would bi- war to enforc of a nation. authority of World would lie \‘i‘ll' to estal lidi the integrity and up and had joined setting in joined courts that the nations h'id in :t word such a war would be simply the in agreeing to the ll lt‘ pl’tn‘t‘ set of international law the lil [NW-vi (H inform» tllt' is if it iti‘trt in (illlllulllllt, set up by the people, and unsure nei‘esp if and, officers lllttllttl t'tlll‘llll l:\ h tliroize flout-d. the date, gn power of the » .ri, through its armed forces, awe-rt» the soverei m3531Iii‘iiiii‘ligiffi3133133."? 1:“ W15 ”my f‘" ‘1” cute llall on llunlter liill in: >itt Hilton-fennel: m Independrepresentative men from e\ err. ‘1'”:12; tlb) over fldree hundred ' 1'6 counirii the League um organired and :i (lt‘k‘liir'lllOlll‘Of to thes made Prmmlfi nations, in the historic lrill n colonie thirtee the“3% fromes . inher‘t men o4 (H people and commands and compels respect for the court. That is not wardit is the State maintaining peace. So it is with the use of armed force to compel a recalcitrant nation to take its international differences to a Court instead of to a battlefield. That would not be war but the exercise of military power to enforce peace. And it would frequently happen that the use of the great power of international commerce, applied as economic pressure, would be sufficient to sober a nation and bring it to the World Court without resort to military force. There are many men, both inside the League to Enforce Peace and outside it, who hold strongly to this view, At the annual convention of the Chamber of Commerce of the United States last January, a resolution was introduced urging that economic pressure be used as a penalty against the infraction of future Hague Conventions and also as a force to compel a judicial settlement of international differ— ences. At the Independence Hall Conference, in the Committee on Resolutions, it was urged that economic as well as military power he placed behind the proposed Court and Council of Conciliation, and this was done. As you see the third proposal reads that “both economic and military power shall be forthwith explnyed against an offending nation.” While the League comnnts itself to the use of these powers concurrently it is interesting to state that at this very time the Chamber of Commerce of the l llllC'l Nates is taking a referendum, among its hundreds of constituent bodies with their membership of several hundred the amazing network of agencies by which money and credit and commerce are employed in the world are also international. Take the stock exchanges, the cables, the wireless, the interna- tional postal service and the wonderful modern facilities for communication and intercommunication—all these are intemational forces. They are common to all nations. In the truest sense they are independent of race, of language, of religion, of culture, of government and of every other human limitation. That is one of their chief merits in making1r them the most etfectiye possible power used in the form of economic pressure to put behind a \Vorld Court. Business to—day is really the great organized life of the world. The agencies through which it is carried forward have created such a maze of interrelations that each nation must do pend on all the others A great Chicago banker. John J. Arnold, Vice—President of the First National llank of that city, said to me a few weeks ago that so closely drawn and interwoven had become the economic net in which the world was enmeshed that if the great war could have been postponed four or five years it would never have swept down upon men like a thunderbolt of destruction. .\s an additional strand of great strength in the warp and woof of modern progress, .\lr. Arnold believes that an an International Clearing House will comeflin fact that it is inevitable development in international finance. It was my privi— thousand of the most important business men in America and meeting: lege to hear hint ”11le a notable address before the last ia of the American inwstmcnt llanlvers' Association in l’hiladclph this referendum seeks an expression of opinion on the use ’first of economic power in the form of a system of commercial and llntmt‘litl noninterconrse to be followed by military force if settle between nations, just as our modern t'lt'arint,r Houses now lie— located. are they which in cities in balances l‘CMYt't'tl banks necessary, I in which he prnpmcd such a Clearing House for settling balances Until question such an International clearing llonse, when es- :‘«;I)1111{tt11t‘ pressure. such as would be required to compel nations t.t\(":~ " *' vx ' ‘ mm,” Iini‘t:11};thtwisslt‘i’t:towtu\\yorfld Court. for decision and t0 ”MM r inhmm, ‘1 1‘. , ‘1 _o putt-national forces. To—day to a tablished, would ll'lltlx’ly become an invaluable auxiliary \Vutltl (hurt, helping to give it stability and setting, when pres— occasion :tt‘H~t', (h a mighty :ttgt-ncy through which economic sure t‘tt‘llll be applied. inter? ;\nd 1 belimc .‘.lr, .\rnoltl is right in his Vlt'W that an linancc, lilhlflt’ai, come, to bound is lltfll‘t' t'lmrinq nation'tl there is a anti vortinn-rct- are now ~11 truly international that H 11' t!:n1ift~~t net-d of it llt'tt' in this International Exposition, which is largely the tituion of international commerce, let us brieflv examine com- lbt‘ltt‘ as economic pressure. Hi what does it consist and how could it he applied? The most effective factors in world—wide . ‘ tna attrtllfk in all civilized countries it has .n ..ts tln tonunnn basis. K‘tcdit based on gold is international l tuttttlt'n‘t‘ lili‘t‘tl on llltfllt‘} and on credit is international. Then (\(t \~ :1 strong proof of this, let Int: remind securities you that when tl:i~ war ill-Ubt’, forty per cent of the of IliL‘ wozltl wrrv ltvld ltllt'l’llltlitlllitll‘. i/ Now economic pressure is not a new thing in the world. It has been used before by one nation against another and usually with tremendous effectiveness. When Philip was organizing the great armada, the merchants of London persuaded the merchants of Genoa to withhold credit and moneys from the Spanish king. The result was that the armada was delayed for over a year, and then the English were prepared to meet the shock. What could be done three centuries ago for a year to delay a power so great as Spain then was could be done in this century far more effectively. And it has been employed in this century. When the German limpet-or dispatched the gunboat to Agadir, bringing on the acute crisis with France, I happened to be in Paris. On the fourth day of the crisis I was having luncheon at the Grand Hotel with a young I’rench banker of the Credit Lyonnais. I remarked on the fact that the crisis was becoming less acute and inrpnrtd the reason. “We are withdrawing our French investments from tier-many," was the rejoinder “and that economic pressure is rtlieying the situation.” As we all know, it not only built up through the centuries if it will use the force of commerce that stands ready to its hand. Nations can declare an economic embargo against an offending nation. Or it is more accurate to say the offending nation raises an economic embargo itself by its own act in breaking its pledge to other nations and placing itself outside the pale of civilization by becoming an outlaw. Of course, the one apparently strong and valid argument to be brought against economic pressure is that it would bring great loss to the commerce of the nations applying it. But that loss would be far less than the loss brought by war. And there would be no loss whatever if war were avoided. If a balance could be rightly struck in this country, is there any one who believes that our interests would be best served by war in some other country? This is quite apart from any question of humanity or civilization. Let it be a trial balance of commerce alone and it will show a heavy debit against war. And an accounting will show the same result in all other coun— tries. If this be true, with only current commerce entering into riheved the situation but it served as a definite means to prevent a war that seemed imminent. Now I submit that a force which piled the equation, how staggeringly true it becomes when the l'neland could ttst‘ against Spain in the sixteenth century and that frame eonld use against Germany in the twentieth century examined the matter state that this war has already cost oyer . lll eath tase let me remind you a single nation was applying putt aeamst another single nation and that nation its enemy— submit that that force can be applied by all nations collectively against antither nation that refuses to take a justiciable issue to :t \\oild t onrt for a decision. A. nation that should decline to take justiciable questions to the \\oild t'ourt, after hayian agreed with other nations to do so. would manifestly llt‘t‘ml‘iL‘ an outlaw. Vl’hy shouldn’ t other nations immediately declare an embargo of notisint ercourse "tl an outlaw nation. refusing to buy from that nation or to“slell “I that union oi l' . nation'r ‘ ' NW (my intercourse . ~ - s a. ,- “hatsouer with that (m. ,... . . t of’ the. pltdl advant ages or‘ economic pressure is that ”(W-K ll run he applied lrtml within rather than from without Eco— f pit] pressure touches the war chest of every country o ”m reWM Jtuul M \Hlll l ‘1’ bullets we tan " tight ‘0 \\;t\ ltl Instead with i theI money I.and Credit a mid bullets. And the world can fight it tl t 1 . l t ‘lttl‘ lih mill/ ‘ ’ i anon that has been slowly and painf 1 ully 1a up debts caused by war are considered. forty billions of dollars. .\nd the end is not yet. So why shouldn't business, which has been bindingr the world more closely together for centuries. be employed to protect the world against the waste and loss. of war? l'enalties that every nation would be bound to respect could be enforced through economic pressure. The loss in trade would be small or great in proportion to the amount and duration of the pressure; but it would lie at lltos‘t only an infinitesimal fraction of the loss caused b) war, littt if the power of commerce did not ayuii to bring a sig— naton nation to l'ourt. by all means let military power he applied in to enforce the agreed on processes of internatitmal law. lrlw world, spiritual and physical the in as just world. a civili/ed nutst be supreme. To enforce law, even war is justified. The League to linioree l'eace \tlllllln tor the use. of both monoxide and military power against a nation that goes to war before subniittingr ant question arising to the International (hurt. if the question is submitted and decision rendered, the nation can go to war if it is so disposed, but the League belieyes that it will 0') o8 liconomists who have not be so disposed. Instead, in the time required for submitting the question to the Court and getting a decision a nation will, as Landlordism the Cause of War a rule, have its war fever cooled and its calmness restored, with the result that the Court’s degree will be accepted. James Brown Scott, a student and authority on international law, says that there is not a case on record of a nation refusing to abide by an arbitration decision, in all the hundreds of arbitrations that have been held in the last century. So if nations can be brought before an international tribunal the record shows that decrees will be obeyed and wars avoided. Here in this International Exposition are gathered the evi— dences of man’s conquests, the trophies in his long hunt for power and knowledge and light. Along with them, alas, he has brought that primal instinct to fight. In the family, the clan, the nation, this instinct has survived in a racial consciousness. That appears to be merging at last into a feeling of internationalism. And in what a great, true way the Exposition interprets that feeling! Here we see and are made keenly to understand that art is inter— WALTER MACARTHUR IT is of interest to recall that four or five years have elapsed since a committee of citizens first met in this city to arrange The the preliminaries of this International Peace Congress. to ed permitt been had it as peace such peace, at world was then enjoy. In the minds of thoughtful men and women everywhere the menace of war was even then present. The generally pre- ought never again to be necessary, in all the-tides of time (for a “hole generation of men to lose their lives because the world vailing condition of times was that of armed peace, a condition that in itself hardly less intolerable than that of war, a condition civilization. our of breakdown utter the constantly threatened The approaching Panama Pacific International Exposition give con— was deemed an appropriate occasion upon which to which alone certed voice to those principles and policies upon of the peace can be established and maintained among the nations earth. Much has happened since the first meeting of the committee as much of arrangements for this Congress. No one knew then before long that then knew one no as he knows now. Certainly in the Congress should have met the world would be engulfed time. all of war the most hideous l’robablv had we foreseen the events of the present many than things would have been arranged differently. It is more is benighted. let us help spread the truth that world peace can become a world fact \\hen men undertake to establish and main- have likely that the plans of the great lixposition itself would be may however, thing. ()ne abandt'med, not if been postponed, national: commerce is international; knowledge is international; religion is international—that all the sweep and range of our lives are caught up in the big internationalism of a com— mon humanity. And it is that common humanitv that has created and developed these international forces. Isn’t it therefore eternally right that these forces should protect common humanity by maintaining peace on the broad plane of instice? Surelv it tain it through the international forces thev themselves have created. - confidently assumed. Had the men and women who were re— sponsibe for the arrangements of this t'ongress known that they have poststOod upon the brink of a great war, they would not poned this assemblage nor abated their enthusiasm in the cause of peace Rather they would have hastened the plans, and with even greater enthusiasm, if that were possible. Never has there been greater need of the counsels of peace of war been than at the present moment. Never have the, horrors the oppormore apparent than at the present moment, Never has those against reason and right of forces the marital to tunity for the reof wrong and madness been as great or as potent 71 demption of mankind as that now presented to this and other gatherings of the kind throughout the world. Never has the inspiration in the cause of real civilization, of true and lasting peace, of human progress based upon eternal JUSllCC, been as strong as that which we gather from the havoc and hell of the conflict now raging around us. Nobody wants war. Everybody hates war. War is uni— \‘ersally condemned as an unmitigated calamity, When war "breaks out" each belligerent disclaims responsibility for the rupture, and offers the plea of self defense. liveryhody deplores the restilt as stupid, barbaric, brutal. liaeh belligerent explains the cause of the war to his own satisfaction. lint neither belligerent offers an explanation that (an by any possibility be accepted by ”the enemv." hand. and also, in a \Yar is, after all, a product of man's not of initiative, at if t. elemen an is There sense, of his brain. that distinguishes it least of volition in the convulsion of war forces 's nature of ns statio from the ordinary manife oi natural law we If, on the other hand, in our conception human mind and the on ing operat force admit the existence of a man's relation to the exbody, as. an edict, let us say. determining is a product of natural ternal world. we may also admit that war :‘iultition of natural law. law—that is to say, a result of the verdict, based upon the facts the \\'C may therefore accept we need not, as a consee that war is a product of nature. lint is inevitable and inescap—I quence, accept the conclusion that war to able. that verdict a duty 0n the contrary, we recognize in ine. wherein we have determine the law in the case. to determ ce. existen otir of offended against the latv \tar lit s in the tart that the evplanations offered hr the respective as we contemplate \\'e recognize this duty the more gladly the harmonious note and s the workings of law in other sphere lttlhgt nuts are lai’gtly tine. but \yhollv superficial. forces-the co operation action of the ytorld's material and moral H In our quarter the nar is explained upon the ground of the “imitate tit tittlitniisiii " in another quarter the explanation Of ilnilt‘ tealnint" ,._ put ioinznd. The apparent irreconciliahility of man's intellect into the between man and nature, the reach lliediihenlty of reaching an agreement upon the cause of the result in every de— highest realms of scieiiceiand observe the linnilana tlttal rause of all \\.‘tt'. the one cause to yihieh militarism , ‘LI_]'(..]:‘El‘fltlyyit‘tltl all other stiperiit‘ial or immediate causes of velopment of civilization. of nature the violalloyv, then, shall no determine that law desire, to preserve every e despit \yar, es produc “lush tion of peace? acknowledge our This law must be determined. or we must h} ”EJHHHiliiii: vile-slut}theyttlzylrttyyit ended, but nobody is able impotence in the presence oi nature “IMP?“ .\lei'el\ to pray for peace is it'tit'hisin. is cliildlisliness least honestly .-\n\ discussion oi the subtet‘t that does not at sorrow, if it at work» V llLt‘lt'l \\.tt‘, oi cause real aim at the does not aetuallt compromise “ill! guilt, lives. and The relation oi man to the land upon which he of llit‘t (\plnnationi- aiises iinni the illt‘l that they overlook the 1:“ l . y "x v . _ u , ' . ' N ‘ iy (ase comes as a result of hmhww' i ii on tlllltl t~i both “the 1 ‘ is, The ne- 1 result “ i' not the‘ tll it tithlents, i i . ' litll the creation of new problems llttoltlli‘ tl,.:t ;'iti\\ tiilt oi the l iatretls , fears and ‘ i! t lft‘iitleitti l \ \yai it‘t'll. ”1 1 lt\ \toi l t l .i ‘* l‘“ ' ‘ iltllil A .i \.i! l‘ ‘ JileUbub U1— this i glance at the "facts in the case" .i' t! ‘“is' lttyoiid litiiiiaii ronti'ol 'i " " ‘V' V‘ bV ‘tl.t;’lit , H that in. ~t "i “l ll~ tonrse ' H iii .‘tecordance i ‘ nith \hlt‘n m”, in-a some tltiltl n l.t\\ t I t‘. 'i l‘ iiittizie, ‘ ll 1] tt’l~ lltllll“ i t i ll it .t\\~ ' i l Hot 1 t ’ V1 llt‘ \\ ‘ I LL01S \‘lll\ lie . 'itt~ ‘ , ital lt‘ltk‘_ llltl t .\ll‘ iiomid u, , lllttll\ LN» (l ., ‘ 1i"iiatiiial ‘ lan“ t ~ tie . «ant ot yytti, notnithstaiidiiw \ \H mu“ “Jul the .. ”a,“ at apptai on the siiiiaee l will M ”I“! \ery strongly in favor h subsistence, affords from \\ll1tli alone he ran derive the Ilit‘th oi sion. Lit least an ll\l“llllt“'l\ from \vliith we may draw a conclu l and .\lan's rtlatioii to lantl heart ttto tt\[>(‘-‘l‘a, the natura n, we relatio this oi .irpeet l In It’ 'pett to the natura the social ii man and betiyee tion connec tablré iii~etni anl diiett a ne perte t‘t: (is much land, the element upon nhieli he (lt‘lK‘lltl\ iot C‘shlt‘tl aspect, we social the to imprtt ln lCu. lilCL‘tl he as upon the air the find that a barrier has been rat-rd hetneen the man and 7i - \ t Merely to wish for peace land, separating man from his sole means of subsistence as effectually, in a sense. as though he were driven into the sea. 'lhus ensues a cuntlict hettyeen the two phases of the law governing man's relation to the land. In a word, the laws of increase in private ills. under-production, with the consequent s, “prohlent other many and life, of ies the cost of the necessar of the occur natttrallv and ineyitahly from the fact that much society 1‘("]Jl"‘llll;: the ownership and Use of the land ignore and contravene the laws of nature respecting the necessities of man’s out land. and that of the ntost fertile quality, is held permanently . ' of use. it that eluung overnh so is cn The evidence of this cutttliti txi'trnre. One case in may seem supcrtlums to cite particular instances 'l'hii crinrlitirin produces results as inevitable as they are fatal to the \torld's ptrtte, In the circumstances war and all other l'iltl‘,‘ ,,{ wtial ('(tllllltfl rare indeed the product of natural law, ltit‘t iut ly as an explosion caused by applying alight to powder is a piurlutt nf natural law. ’l n he sure. man still liyes on the land. The social laws to uhirh It lt‘itiltt‘ is here made do not literally separate man from tht lzinil. 'l‘hat \‘Hl't‘ :t littral, :t natural. impossibility. The land l.‘t\\k Itlltil’l :in alternative of physical separation from the onlyY nmn' ttt ‘til‘\i\lttitt‘, namely. occupation upon terms dictated li\ tlu laiulltiiil 'l'hi tt‘iii'\ of the point strikes me as so closely itlctititiwl \\lll1 the cause a cotii< striking so ‘ tit‘t'ortls time same the at "til \y.ir. present forhear n‘entary upon the anu":.tl\ of the StillJllUll that I can not , to present it here. upon inq tcport iil. l'nqlat intl, ’l l‘e \"wrir In (“ll‘lZl ll liratlt tr, says: ye present the iii staimn 'i‘i'lttij s "w r t. ects rm: tl'e l "l”m' l‘: ’ t ' il ‘\ s .t‘ ll l “\l. : n 3‘ t w ‘1r": ’ mum). tlty t-Vr the i;ri~'tst~slitmtiin: 7 \‘i‘Els,’ t4 the \tillNN'llll't‘ s it i “' it' llts “ «' lit"! the ll<\lill rush l‘ the tI‘l Many at the lame shrwtin‘w, eupcwally in Stutt— > stit‘t‘i-nttil l' 3’ \lhl emu \\'.'r tr ptwpi'ivt ‘(V lute lii'cit i i’i‘tits ' H‘s :" \ i§t|\«' ll\il ti the)". {-‘llslilt‘lll‘h liv\\v'r ll‘t“l .tl ll point \ihit'h cnzihlt s the occupier and userithe tenant— tt- u l.i|‘, m mph til the pi‘tultit‘e til the sriil as may be necessary ltil hi «inn t‘\l‘-l(Ittt, 'l‘he tt‘IHIli‘iltlt‘I‘ til the value produced by -.i" . it it! l.thl ll’HHH' 'llis (tlltltlzlllVC is accepted as a matter of llttl‘ ili lht niun “ho must use the land can do neither more nii h-s thin illtll‘l the :tltt-inzitiye presented to him by the man uhn nuns lllt land In .tpimiutiit the tenant‘s course is a matter of free choice, W-tttt‘ Ul l-ilyl‘ it or leaye it. In reality the tenant has no tlitiztt .it ..ll 'l he necessities of his ease~the imperatiye laws “l ll“ l“ ”is“ mniptl him to accept the terms dictated to hint. lh: l‘lillltlll‘dllll (ll landluid and tenant is an anomally in llttlll" .tihhniitctd llitl}l];tl1.1\\’_ 'l‘o civinprehend the real signifi— |..llt( «it lltliilll‘ltl PHI tie inusi hmk far heynnd the sphere already nunputl l\\ lgtntllnitl and tenant. ‘ ‘ _ . l.n (\il\ txhnh \\t‘ tilist-tye in that . held are but the reflex l‘l :. ;‘l\.tltl ('\ll .. ,i.i H n ,t | namely. the huhliny‘v of land out of use COn' V. . l p V. ltll-tllt ' ' tll. \\.th ' its_ nitt-i' ‘ inumltl e train of public and 74 , r vi i, ii .. it it r ‘ i ”w. r .. . ‘_ i i - : 1» pt »‘ |iil. It [c If p- I, . Y i . l. it lift {a ~pt't‘Jil ll“'l‘l‘ it livtil. lt'l' i-lii I'll i litil ti ' 1's tli i ltl'l “ l Ili'i'. lilll it tll‘l lltll lwt'uint. -‘ t‘xiv; in th‘ ll ll\i' wt lurils. \‘Jlil thtt the ' ll! 'irt .i'ti ill!’ in p. tilt t lHllll>H lliilllltl. r . p i l“‘l i‘um- thtt the .iinmtnl ll‘l' tt iisint t‘ :ipptnpiixittd ll_\ the landowner. . :thi it ll «i itl tltt' hitiu‘ .iiitl t . 'Ihi~, \'t( lttll"\l‘. is a fair, hut of course. a very general li‘l‘tliliil‘itill (it tilt :iht rn:.tiyt- :itl'nrded hy the prevailing system mantra. the tiu‘ r {w n ' t' l t merimkii; ”mi" that :s. the rent—are hy the nature of things f‘n in t-tpti- |lt‘lll twidt‘ .i.’ ”will . . .2 x ‘ ‘i' ‘1”!th 7"! illi|' \H‘ h ”Ni. t i' t‘ "t 4- ii, ll ~>ttll.ll"i\l lt', . ‘y ‘ ‘ ’ :' it \l'itt‘ i' .y ‘1 " i V .;'i‘i il i" ll ti, li- twistrvl 5' \\ ,l - y' | 't'l" ll'll" ‘l"‘|l’y l”! the i l .\ 't it: r tvi m titifvlu. lining ~E, l\l A“ ‘ . ‘ ‘ ‘ v V . ‘ ‘ ' L‘ p v r 'l v' v ,‘ " ' v u v tl'n' !'i\ t'. l " .‘l _i‘ ‘ . t‘ t . l 1‘ l I l l t ,yii ll_ :“wii, with Mic exit-p- ‘ All he *lla'lllllllt'd .tiiinm; i 'l .- ir-th ti ’tlw lit the rm tpit-iit t ltl the \‘\t“ 2,-i1‘. l hell he titllll‘tllf’ll in; till 'i i' t': ‘ m l‘. :z'i lx'imtl ‘m .. . E ml; ii.- i: m- are tirtltlt.|tll\ llt‘ltl nttt H t- ',~. t2 it We .3 t i ~3i g; .1 1pm,“ «I [in (lm pvt- t'tl! inimitiii they 1' 1w, ' .i 1 ll" mi tiic prtiil'ttt of "the '« ml in w are iv s't 41:45' Denied access to tlte land. men turn upon each other. Ulindly and arid dumbly in most instances sometimes with clear vision ive unmistakable articulation—at all times driven by an instinct hantls by soil the of children ttetl tlisztther sense of injustice. the 'stem is 11‘11.1)(r(3'l ‘11} TCFUQUIIJHH of the fact that but for the nnrlt r Min 11 a “sltrmtinfl L'ttttznrl” is ltelrl at a value to its owners 1(‘11 UIH,‘ L’H’Itlt‘t' than that ut the same grrtunrl if devoted to my; 'trm mm, the \\;,r ll‘-Lli untiltl l1; unnecessary, if not im— ——~- (tn the other hand, it may he that the comfort thus derived ing society and upon our ntost cherished \nstllllltt‘lh‘, convuls ion. threatening with destruction the entire fabric of Civilizat generated \\':tr hetu'een natiens is the tltuntlerelap of forces 1){1"'i it: : t'ftll‘tl((ll(tll hetuecn the war “w-‘lur l rrml :11 the int; at rtwl 211 lzittrl «gm twat is t'utrtntl it: the ttrrttmsals recentlv put mllvp gttvtftwsors as their concepl‘tllt‘t'l 1a uttztm (um ttmt at tltt tt't‘t' up! 11 \xlittl: ]I(I1‘( (right to he marlc. ”(filing utth umlitimtr H'l thr Lipton twmitr. the memrtrial referred arising between natiwns. r:\alr) fur supremacy in tratle, quarrels it; sm, and the fruz‘a sehemes wt mluttimtinn, the spirit nf militari 'at' ., t \ . 1 v jab. ;, tht 1114. 1,11 ! “mat ,;1 “l1 (.nittmn ttt‘v t.'. u tittt it tut w t E t ma a. ' '1 [111' it t, .t. [111: t v'tt t att /vitt‘1 ,. it u‘ttl u littt't!‘ l l .ttuaputa tclltttual \‘ttil 1.. nt- 1\ (1.. 11:47:31 Mt t a HJI‘MH 1'1" fun'\\1ll shnu that earh is in itself a result Hi the mulerlting. ,t‘ it M it t 1* t t v,“ -»11 1' ‘1.)4 Hr! \t '1 we ti‘tut‘ ‘ialt 7.1m! l4! 1:1 ;-l\- .tl t¢.t ,‘v 1‘ ti ”may '-1~ t wt :vt«‘:t i i ,,., L ,W t , 1\\1‘ 1 . 1m: '111 a‘ l 2! t- t t t “ lt \‘Mmlll lrt lllllulll tn ittttintt ttlutll "t: \lall‘lltl’lll it tlu' (tvll('}‘( tuntwmr-asa H“11111(‘ttl ll1l'ltttlll(111t*11w1]Ht its niatinn tn tlu m-ul‘ (tl 11‘..11.‘t111l 1l‘» (tint 1:11th 111.111“ tuit‘itnrt atitl WW" It‘“ It 1‘ tn lu ti-yttttul that nit-n and whulars \\lltl hattliainu1tlu truth 111 lltt‘t tt‘ltttl‘ \ltl\1?l‘l :I]-]r:1ft‘11ll\ lue ignorant tit tlu (untallt )"‘]IH"..1H‘.. .tttnl it \\4rt‘tlvl stem lltttlt‘ttlI\]t111$lllllll ll1.tl l twt llu lJtlt'l ‘\‘l("1 11(‘\Jttl1!tj\' \uthm the German | “1‘11“ ll‘tll tlatt \ttttt'tl la lint mt.1 til .mtmitite 11(‘\\ lands in 1 l\11 l.t t.‘ «1-4 \\lt(1l t lat! palmtw - i lltt' human l t‘nllvgt‘ I-tuiesv . . \\1(1 . 1‘ H . ttv 1m aiul :m» 111(1kl‘t :t\\11117111fl ’ mi \ an titan ‘l1(\ .tl“‘(.tt 1}'Il(‘l.tl||( nutintenattt‘e uf great atmm‘ents. a qtl t tlani‘ntal cause here outlined. say \\'ar "hrtalxs nut" hetueen tun nulitatistte nations: \Ve Quite sm, militari of spirit the of that the “at is the logical result nf a svstem true l’tut militarism itself is the t-Iluall) logical result white to can altiue furt‘e military nf gmertmzent 'nzrler uhzeh keep the itewttle in sultterttttn tn “rout: be Sn \xitli the uthrr trttnu‘vltate causes mt “art 'l‘lu‘v will fountl tn he meteh t'ltttll’llHlLlfV muses. .\ltlit.trism, tratle rivalry, fitrms, t‘nltMiMIth. antl tuther van-rs nf \\.tr are. in their present \\<- see these things t'learh and ('f \‘Illtl‘tLt'Ht'i- lt‘tt'lli «tit,gttt l'hese are H)""xv-x Czar: tt-rz M s we tamtlitr tn nur mtntls feel e tern ll :v t'Hr ,lllt' rtfxut autl HtN‘TJItHIl nf whtth ue ititn tutttivitt as nut r. l"\lll11 .i 't- tat t‘_ H" ‘»\ tr t"t-tr '11l1~\l\1~-t'l\, wt [11 fatilv true 1 lg" "I" 'itu't illt‘ (' tlitltg'n III'Hl' ()r lt'ss \\v' t-: (~ 1": _t!t‘t“.,t'v “.1... 1 l (Ilttll, tlttr t‘ivlwttI-nt thtt Hil- v, 7' ". . A 1‘ , , \.\ tr 1, [trult aw!" ; 1‘” 11"‘l lift v' -- Ly ‘, ‘ I‘m an v‘ u H “mm ‘1 Hllll‘r lUl 1!.i‘tll1‘ llt‘llxttt‘HMlttlltt“11\l'l\t'\ t“ \\lu'tlui tlu pitttxvt tit lIt111;‘ iiiiniinw .\moug these are the jealnusy more or less clearlt «letinetl causes in every l‘ru‘na‘: l} mite t-r inure t-f these \‘.111~Csm.i_\' he fnuittl inquiry further he, may causes sitth lltmmer at-ttatent uar and nan-amt} i t . in 1’ v-~ 1., ll! 1;: it) ‘11 Yll‘ lat: twat, “tit M lult‘i The prmatliti}: Itpiniun amongv men attributes war to certain 1m lt tutt-‘ u' ‘t'l l '7 t- a 111. ‘ (tr‘t t ,L‘tt( its "11‘ >t~ I mit .V t . 1 ttnvt 'm at , t t uttl 1‘ ml lmurvvv mt at! int} 1 ‘ l. ‘,'itt,t‘t t, vi a I l , t int nauztw [it war ivtttulatzn'. it! t1: z'ttll21'l :t ;‘H!:t"« Iwui wit the birthin the struggle of the penplt‘s of all nations to regain right of free lantl, l.tllil lu lull 111 a ”its: 1'1 \al; fur the slit: mu, m \\ 1h lltt' Mutt Ul HpHWt’illlllg tit-tintitw-n (ll titt'ti, ulttn \l|'l\tl, .,t tlu (lilttl it ival "t l ll t. \ an l|I|ttlll1lHl\ t .1 l lll(.tll‘ tut - llktslt"( is tlu l It!\l(l‘ t tat l "'>~‘ t,\t '- t1 sa'tu twwn the masses t‘l the .s.~:l a‘rpealmg for ' t‘t- tritulttctmn tut the . , t ,1 , ,t 1 r ‘v " .l;,‘»."x -' l'rt.i1'lt11l [ l ' ' ' 1' v '1 .» ' 'x t, ' ‘ ' ‘gw '- ' - " : t'l v - ' xi '1' .ir \ il‘ivlu- . a. a " " 1,lt’1llttlllt(‘lf 5'1. 'g'tt,‘lt'r'tltitlinna, l1"l" 1“. [121%th l >1 llllll": Murcm U’, \tc arc partitipants in the inktitution of land ownership. uhtthtr a: lunttwiarugw nr 215 tenant: mattcrs little for the tiut‘tuw’ {)l tln inquiry. \\ i; “turn. tilt, \mrltiitg» rtt’ that in<tittttiun. we note its im« HlUltitlt, :tt’nt«~ tin '1I11;I(“\1tlstl of iwjfttlitllml and other phcnO» of war. (‘11 the contrary, they more or less frankly proceed upon the theory that war is a condition inherent in the ”nature of thing.” a (on litimt that tint} he .imitlul l\_\' increasing theI dtfiliiilitt‘i 3 nl it‘l'llltlllilt‘S (lilClltltllU tttmn thc “opening of hostili- mum of tht tum;~ 7::in m: ,qn‘c marl}. Mr it may be reluctant, twink-tit tn llll‘ or tl;:tt «tlitxmt' [lf “luizvl reform." \Vc do not, ties.” littt \\l‘.t(lt mn t‘m't, in the "nittitre of thing's," be entirely rcztim'twl t'rwn lltt‘ 5; ht‘rt‘ mt" tit'u‘».ih:ltt), 0r ex on cct‘titinty. ‘a w m from lc<<cntng the [wruhtihiliU of war, lJU‘t‘HHL Itltrg'tlt/t in tlw intit‘ntfitn Ht lantl mxncrship, as it this rt:lc~. tlxtt< in cit-wt invt‘t‘asmg the lm' (“l'lt9l trmn tiw ltttllttflltfllJtl, tht iirimc tausc of all \\ar, lltt want ml tlmwt H:n\ttl»imt'~ that have thalll‘l society, and ‘Ullil llttlt’ tlt‘lH/‘xt'l1l)(1511tl(‘,ifl than} Ctvrlthk nt' hietory. lht ml mi l:;tt(llttt'vlirttt Itt't w nirltl} rlimt‘minatccl, so ,v-tmmlh l‘” mimt. tltnt 1M) Jtlt‘ qwtc tuttt‘tmily rt'gitrtlml as in tlit 112:?1111, Hl :tt ltukt ll't f'ttttlll tu‘tl‘tIH‘ ml thing. 'l \\(t wrongs .tt. tin: ttmtt .‘ it ,t tut txtwt‘u'. ll ~"llltll’tl1lj \xivlt~t>t‘c:t<l. mu} ltrt I'ti‘ltl‘ mung: 'Itlrl\ tn llll l.t'l' mt :tltzlit't tn: '(\.\l‘1.‘.ll)' .t. lll 't'l'i it llu 1:1: '9 \tttit Ill l..tt\lltttr'1‘,' t'trtltv', :t'put I ”H“ t‘ lr 't Viv t t tu “ it“ tlt t litt ti ' ! 1 n nu i-« tm u t‘ in ' MLJM‘ ,.t. i ‘ m it ,vt iMt wit .,tt t .,,{4 l l ‘ t t it ‘H‘ “t u.” .it .‘u t <‘ ,W\ tttttv, ’h .‘t t.1; il'tt t " l1 m 1 2}} ‘1 "k' tit tt1\ tlt‘. tt.t_\', tn tthlttt‘, .ltl itttlctinitc \\ it' i~‘1:"tntt'twmttuttuttt‘ttltttllt\\_‘t<ntttt‘h m) w t that ll t -‘ in: ur .tn tattt‘wttmlxtlint \\L‘ «la lttll gitlinit " .1? \‘it' .tit~ t‘ 'xttllx Elt\\\'llt w Ht ti'v titc «it thuw lillt‘tttllttt‘llJ \‘w rltt \t‘tt‘i ttltt l‘fr ' llM 'mmttl i‘ ,- it ‘ lt.t\l tm‘tt lin t t . ti(-.‘.,K ‘m'« .it.<l "t t» ' t v-l'flt l ttt " 1 i " .' " ' ' ‘ f::i"‘.:t|lt.\ lv\ w:t lttltlli'tn wt lt|llll" H ‘ t ' ' -, :' t ruling \\.|t H t ‘ t 'l.t' I it: ‘ i ' w ll .‘. it 't " ' : tittt I», t. l' klllllltllltlltll t' l ' ‘1 wt EitleV’ltv'tl ttt lllk' lluw tnr thit" ‘ t! Lin, it tliwi .l l‘ll‘tlllt‘l t,‘_‘7l\t "‘tth’ ‘3 l ' .tl\' itttl tut r v \ ' " ]l\l l l ‘ 't lilt,:'|t'\. t‘_|lll '1‘? ‘.t tlt t'H.’\V|t_ wit 4'! llll' ltHlH', titttl ,'t' a .‘ " -‘ 't 1 ’ltv lit l; itv'ztiltln v n «its ,t"' ‘nllttl'tl twlttttt ‘ t ,;h i tttt‘ttihtintlm tut’tttt‘ ~.tl1tt'lt‘l\4tll , -,‘lt;tt1q“-wm- t-ti tht~ ttxtwtt, tn l‘lll‘f, ‘Itt 'i‘t t ittiwzi '1 til tit i,ttt l ' ‘t\l\ v tu l‘t in 4m «ltntt Litmt t\< t v i v iMil ml .t ulnt M .h \\ in‘ tlt Lutl mnwtitrn ‘ ll I ‘Hv‘ tit . tit q)‘ ‘ it, is Mr \ wt: 4.1 ‘”t- -tl~ ..H\ \v "' '.lmt 't “mt Minnw 1 t ‘ Kt ‘t t' ' \\‘A\ lfl-lwfl 't‘ i‘tl.t l t mum: wit: r t iv th’ \\.t' llt‘ll"l\‘i tltt' w mt r. it t \\ INU'lk‘ I :1 t l t t t in 1 >3 l; .1 t't its. mm It - It t'tn tttt‘tl ti, ' :» H ,n ‘Jllt'tLi ml mitt' t"tttt-\,:m<l .tt .m :31: m‘ ,ttt' 1r ml 1 .ttli-i "Wm; l ,t t (it.\ l in 14“ it iii” t rm ,it tt .tt t‘ itintmut.‘ , . t 4l{l4\t tllf‘tt’ m» ti»:'thtvlt't‘Vi'H'l-tt‘i “' ht \ ‘t ‘t I 14'71’r gm.‘ ”UV t-' it?!“ h‘u‘ntnttt. l‘llt‘ nail t‘.tt:~t‘ wt “:11" is lt'ttzttfltk v.1 tzwt lumutngly t‘ittlllltt'tltt‘w‘ \\ttlt that ‘ tt;‘,t.t‘.4 t~ v ,t" it' Hl‘]l t" twtt ‘ltl.lllt‘tl\(‘ uni ‘m‘g‘ld " \\ l 'tlt 3'“th Iit"li't vl."t'.ttt-~" . ll\..’ll(“ " L 't 't' t'tlt‘t' \ 'lt‘lr‘t i i. Hr I ttti ‘ ‘tK C ‘ ' ' r ' 'i ' ' ‘ " i i"; V l :3 i v", ‘-. ' t'u' ' -l ' _‘ ' '1 i. t ' t i ' t I ' ’, " t .t r i v l‘ ‘: ' ' \l .\l‘ h tll rain ‘t"t,t tlt-tmnll ’t' '-. " | l I’ l'ml I h"): l.\ llH'll v!|lt.|'t:'tlt,tu tl :n til lllll | thwt IUH’ l“ j" 'w M‘H'lt‘ Itlrti' ' ' ! " rt, Ht‘ illl uthm, Relatively speaking, there is less land in the world to—da)‘ than at any time in the itast, That is to say, there is less land available {Mr the use of the people, Contentpuraneously with the process of eontrat'tion of land has grune the process of expansion of human lintmlt-rlge, Ul hiinian desire and needs. 'l‘lie s} stein that hardl} sufficed fur the needs of men in the leiidal times falls far short of the needs of modern times. Yet the land system mt 10-day is essentially that of the feudal period, \Hlll tine iinimitant ext'eittion. 'l hi; tiiirlal lttltl litltl the land iiimn terms of definite respon— sihilit)‘, huth tn the state and to his tenants. The modern landlord remunms nn respunsihihti‘. either to state or tenant lle hrilds the land as lll‘~ \(i‘) mm, and enntivtently asserts the “right to do as he pleases \iith his Min," In niir min land—here iii the limited States—the land question has :ilie:iil_\ lt't‘lltltt‘. it nut actually at least lttllL‘llllltllV, as 'l'lit liitiire til mtr (‘ttlllllr‘V, as with It' in the (tltlt‘t’ vuiiiitiits well in internal as m (\lt‘ftlftl attairx \\'1ll lre determined hi' the . itiaiiiitt in \thitlt \\4 slialliltzil \\1llllllltlttllt‘llttti l’tv \\;i\ (tl llltl‘llltlttltf tht sitiizitirrii in this respect, I \\'t>tllrl H‘llt‘ llttt‘llt in thi lt‘ttlt til the must ietent iniestigation of the lt \\tll ht lttitllttl that th: tuinnnssinn tvn llltltlFll’lfll tuttlut lt’tlatitiiia tiiattil hi art «it t’iviigie‘s \tttftY‘l 33. l"lZ. was eiiiimittiul, :iiimiip tither tiltiet‘ts. ti) “seek llJ disem’er the underl\lH[' tilll‘t‘ «1 lll“-.‘tll‘l.‘ttl1|ll] iii the intliistiial situation and rrimit it- tttlttlll‘ltvll‘~ lllt‘lttbtl ” shitting the matters intestigntetl highest the percentage 548. and for the ~37 counties where the tenancy is of tenancy is (>913. p from a "Tenancy. while infertt‘r in every way to farm ownershi d under a system social standpoint, is not necessarily an (‘th if conducte soil under which pratrrts the tenant; and assure: cultixatinn of the under such proper and (‘Ct‘l‘i‘fltlfal t‘ttf‘th‘ili but where tenancy exuts can be reCt\ndit'nii< as are preiale‘iit iii the S»~iithi\est. it: increase garded tinlv as a iit‘nacc t\ the .\.t\lls\il. i< share-ten“The preiail'i‘: :istem ut- N‘ILHMW tn the Swiithwest and teams. ant)" under it"‘iih the tenant fiiriii<lic< hi: it\\'tl aet‘il. ttmls "h of the and mm '\ t‘M‘ 11M! r‘. unniliirtl at the Ql’Jln t\l1tl t‘llt“ft‘\l| Tl‘e't‘ is. "tiniwt‘ri 1 t"tt\‘llt‘f tt‘lltlt‘tlt‘v tn iiii‘rt‘.i<e tht‘ lJnil~ rtvttwn ("r "._lt “‘6 tiiiimiit either -i t‘ish l‘t‘t‘UflW nr nt' .\ ltttle‘l’ l-i‘nli‘r tllts sistctix tt‘lttlllt< M .l \‘lt\"\‘. turn '1‘“ “ark it thwii‘ulim lllt‘ their entire i. ”m ' a ‘ m » I {amiltes " \» \ rrs'ilt ‘ t ' " \1's’ ii'hermit iii the tt‘ttilltt iiit‘reiviis. tt‘tiilt'iiev tit 'tttVL llti’tttst‘l\t‘\ ttnt ' ltl‘l'l ttTttti' l< litttt lt‘sl'i'llx‘lttltlh tt-r tltt‘ |~ i ltxllll | l"llit 4r! the iiitit'iwiiii‘: l ltl'ill‘tl't tt- ilt-itiniil llllir't hi llt( tmizii t“lttlt \\.'I' that ttl ”the Land tjiiestitin and the tt-iithtiuii tl Ni-i'it‘i‘liiiial l .‘llitll " l'imii this siiliiert the (“the r Hil‘Wl’tl lt‘itttlll‘tl, iii itait. as lt'llt|\\‘ il [iii the ll‘ltltttlt tliti the ! i In~t|it .it itil ll~l "tltJ "liiiaiiii tli ‘miiihitt ‘lttlt ftait _ \~ tilitatti tl:t' iiimailzii: iiieth--d it mutant . l‘ ititm w i \t'\ I. Lilt li: 185i ’l'exas tat (. 4m um.“ ’ .‘itt 1%! iii: I all ltiii'is llt the lit l‘H” it.»t‘' i _‘1U’71_;‘~,,] ijictattd tax. it t ,v W \‘\<tt‘ltl .tiiil wt ‘3 ti \tttt‘ v-t tLttTt‘ tiiirt-zt i< tlmelnpit'i‘ t’l: \t‘ tt‘tl“\l‘iitt\‘ wt tlit‘ hi'tziltuitm "Lit it'siilt iii tt\il tl.~tiiihtit\t‘i‘~' iii A wry lt-iiit'tt'tl :‘ti'lH/‘f [film if. [tr/l 'r'Pllill W.“ l‘” ’it, “w ( tiltl ~ that :1. the iyl'.)‘“list tlit .ittragc per- t'iili'znti. y‘illttlt ”he i: til't‘ itgriiti 'ltl':t lllttlllthx II“ t' llifl-Htlif -ii ‘tlr Vtv'Wa ‘iirrt‘l "Land nquwly \mh rcmhin: prnhihitive price, the greatest inflnmw 1n rrmmw mnumrm in the cities, boars its own share of the rtxwwflulhy frr unrcq, “Twang flu, histury of every vani<hed civilization makes apparent 1hr {21:1 111:1: m (wry inmmcc vh-carimrc was prcrcdcrl by urban conw'tsrn 71114} hy ammonw 1am} hvhiinus hy {ht ariciocrat or the capitalist. “In 1111 vyuvhr 11 ti dmhnx “i111 (hr land, should not the same 111111111: M uppl'rr! 111 1:1-11 111m, in 1121» arid Stan-s. is appliui to water, 1 1 Wm 1w m'vvt‘ land can he hr‘ld by an individual than he can put 1h 111m5ur1111 12w. 111m mak-ng unnurl land munimHv h" 111:1er whn wmld 1111]?” 11"" lever! 10 the State and In :1 l'r'pm'? dam-v! hv Vunnniwimnch (”mmmnnk. Uarriman, \\'v111'1111-:, [2:111:11'11 :md .Mkhtrm :111|»(*71r~111c frrlhmingi "(mo Hf 1hc firming mils 1/1 hr Harm] 1: 1hc inrrtsumnu («nu-stion :11 phyhtui ”1,1.“ :11 H1: 4\,;w11u v1 1111 mm! riMm‘tk Thix is true 1111 111.11' .11 Amuun 11111 :1? 1 41 112141311 TE! “erxmvnfl hf 1hr: CEty \I11411nr‘11uv1 :11111;:1H\ E1 ‘I‘-.1v111 111'111114 11-111‘11\ \ 1111 (111'. (Twnplktmi 411w v';1lt:;»H\ 1:111:111‘1 1111r« mun 111:11yul 17v'w» hf 1114' 111,1'11111111Wd, "H111 1:111:1111 . «1111;111:1111: “7111! H11 H11 1:1 H1" \111311 1:1111111_ 11111 1111‘\ 11» 111W ‘ 1.11111‘111 1w , L , 1.111111“ lwpl‘w' 1111 1.1- 1111“ 1 u‘m': 41.1 "1t 1‘ -"' ' 1- ‘ ‘ ‘ 1‘ 1 ‘1 ’ 1 1-‘rtr " .; my 11212111 1:11111— “c 1;:‘111‘111‘1 1161' Hf the prupm‘ah thmnsclvcs or ‘1 a lack «1f (”7111\1'0311‘11xz1111 Hf the real rmnmly. 1111' ‘ ' ‘ 1 3w 1111‘ 1 [11111Hnr1115111 has hccn rchcvml of “c pre€<'trc 131.11 rmwauflx' how; 111mm 11 from .111 >i1hw‘ 11.110 5101 171‘ 1";11111111 mi \t.1t1\11‘1‘11 111111 rvfurnu‘n. [filth stup "1 rwqx'wM i1‘1‘1-111'111”I1,1<1~‘1\\1‘1Ih1:t .1 ~tc1\111\\.11ll furthyr "'1'1'1 111'vl 111111 11:‘1111111111111‘111, NW 0111\ 1‘1‘11111111111}: 1:11: o 11f 1'1'111111 .117! 1\«*1"‘1'1111':11 gwxh‘v hex 11111 in rcfnruu hut in v’1‘~'1w1'1'11\ :11 1,1111] 11» 1111‘ pcni‘h‘ 11* 11131114111111 11% MM 1‘ ‘1 \111111'1‘1 heyunul ‘ ML 11 :1:1\ 311‘ 1m1n1ml 11111, hmwvur, 111.11 1H\U1\i‘\ 11w 1‘11'1‘11‘111 111' (11:111‘121111‘11 11111! 11111 '1' 1~-»r'1t11l 11211111‘2111- lw-mrvn 111111111' .1111! 1111\1111' nuncl‘ '1‘ 1:11-*!1w{ 111' .11~1\1n1\r1.11i111t 1111‘ mun-wk.1 . 1.1IY\1\1]"1‘,\11‘11§"'r" 11»1\‘~3\111‘nr1u111112111‘1m‘» 1\111 14111111111 1-1111‘111‘11111 \.11H1' 1111-111‘1-l\1\.1 111111011 111' 11'11'1111111‘11 11v 1‘11hln' 11-1-< nill .11‘1‘Hl1llrlhll Mann" . \\111!1~ Inning 1111' 11111.111' uum'r I1“11'| ' .11111111- 11111111111 I1 1:41II1Y.1|1H11\ Amunm‘ 1111 i‘l'hu‘wh 1111111”! 1111111 (111‘ (Hr 1.1.,‘. 11111:.1u :11 '11 Hm» 13111111“wi 1(1111'1\4:’\ M111 Ilnwh ::.11‘ 111111111' Mn 1 .1111 \11111 111.111 \1111 mwt with i 111-1 11111111 111.11 I111 1110411114 . “H11 1.111 uzw' 'h‘ 1\~ 1|.u11 u: an I111"|1}'1,' 1‘1! \11I11 ”runny .‘1‘Hl1lu lmuC'waHn 11115 1.11111 ‘1 ’1 1mm“ .,:‘1 11.111 1111111 H1 111111111v1 1- .111111‘ 1 '1 1 ‘ 3 111111111 unhanzd % 1111 11'11 1111 11111-1111 . 1 111. ‘ 1‘. 1 ' 1111113 H1111 “1111‘. 1 1111111 111.1111111111 '.1 1' K1. 14111111 111] 111113 ”min-1111- 1111111 1 11.11111 1111111111 ‘11 113.»1111~twmnnwn11'11111'1 . . " ‘1(H.Uu\ Mn 1 w-wng'x 11:1,“,1 ‘ 1‘ 1 :11 11.111-1 1 1111111 \.\\l‘11l'l‘11‘ll 1.1111 :1- “111m 1‘..1 ~11 - ~‘ ‘1]1111! 1.1111111 .11 1 111.1111 1. 1.111111 . Z 11 13111111 ‘m'lHIlif. lmumm, lu- '11] 1111111- r1~-v.1.\1l 111111.11 4111111 i'vux-t 1111111 ,1111: 4111\1' 4111111 n\11 111411111-1 1111'1111) 1.: 1111111311111. 111 wwwm 11111 h"111 111111 111111211111111111-1111111111' ‘1“11 1"].1111 ll .11 Y1:;111 14.n- h'11 .11‘11 1|1'11n1111' 11. . 2.11 lx’1~‘.;1‘.imn~ (113:7 1 . 111:.1r \\11:1 1211 1111M mn— .-.1\~ 111111‘ 11111;; 1111-11 anunv W1 W1 1 11-,. ., ' '1 ,. H . 11 111,. . 1 H 1‘ t. w.111111'1'3Hr'w‘111” 1'1111v11'111‘!“ 2111!? I'll n11! Possibly it is vain to look for such a declaration from any body of statesmen or soldiers The more need, then, that all bodies of citizens such as that here assembled shall declare in favor of that policy which, by conforming human conduct in the World Organization use of the land to the natural law of human existence, shall remove the range of conflict and restore harmony between man and nature, ’._\' this meum alone may we hope to make a beginning in the vmrl< of real civilization, the work of establishing permanent peace among the peoples of the earth. Hm; llI‘NRI LAFtiNT \INE lll': tlllt‘\lltlll (it “will I‘Ygtlllli‘dlll‘ll i4 (me (if the mmt T tlittit‘tilt to explain, illltl I feel .1 little that lll\' ntltlre<5 tlii< meitttig \\ill not [irme \er_\ enlightening. 'l‘lie illitwtitiii ix‘ \(‘ri‘ \‘t|'l"“:2\.llt‘tl. .llltl i:i.iii\ people lllll\l\ tli.it it i4 itiiliet‘ilte to organize the “will liiit [ill the entitmi‘y l lltl\ e emitted lil't‘jt‘t‘ls' \\l lill \ee‘ii \t“"\ inhi to nailire, lint \\lll\'ll_ iii tut. lire lxllt‘li_‘\lltl}.{ lit iii\ tIl‘llllUtl, \ilieit we tirniu‘t‘h iii'tl l‘n1\\‘llttibl\l‘ iii the li.\‘~l trt tii tire tinge the itiiihl. tie Htllxl liiitl Ulll him the et'tilttliiili «if \ \lltlll \ht‘lt‘ll «it \ili.tt the \\I‘¥lil iwiit i'll llltI'HQlt the i‘eiitiiiitw l ll pi'iiwl \l‘lrlllfi the \‘t‘lllllt'lt‘x i~ pet'li.iti~ llt‘t‘t‘\\.\r\. \t the l-i-eiiiiiiiig tit the \\xi'lil it ‘t‘t'ilh’ llllll everi lllilll \\'.|\‘ .tt \\ ii’ itith t‘\. '\ other iiniii. .llltl litter miiie teiittlriex', [H‘l’lLlIN ltll ur txtxlu‘ it"ll'lfltWV or ‘tt‘lllr|;‘\ iiitii'e, llltlll».llltl‘w of you“, vi tll til' ti“ie _;N‘l"lvll*w l\\t\l llllt't’ or {our l.lllllllt‘$, ~ii:.ill :ri "i »l,;t:‘l t the t‘tlt"l‘l|‘~ tli.it illl‘flllllltlk‘ll an" liiiy'tln'h llll ”'lt' t_‘ tll‘ ? ill | -l litr‘l‘i‘tl lll;lt'l qiniilv. tit iii-little. -t Ill , ‘ ill Lin-Hp» iir lilllll- llellllnL: t 1v! wt vr tl l -.,'li «t‘llllllt‘r lll llrlgittiii. il -. \\.- litul l‘ul,: 3" "Hr .wii' wit -.' "‘ ‘ ” i iii-tr , it: ‘ "l n ‘ g v . i‘ l "1 ittt: i' i H“ " V."~ ~ '.\ -.r ,i. ,i .t \ r i" \t' iv" 2‘,” ‘7 " ‘ 'lv'rl: I'ii i " xi 'v it'll “'"ri r" M lr' ‘v i' ‘.\i‘lll Li \\ H :l'\“t.‘. ll‘tlllllllt'lltttlt‘lll ili ',_f i'l ‘u Limit ill .\‘ l‘,',- ill tlii' pinuili v v." lrflui l'w r»: "J 'l tilti. l‘w-w- I‘llt' tll-l \li ii'iii’ iii-l lltll M title lLfllll [ lllt' tilllt‘l t‘.t'l|l ti. 4 ll l" :‘l ' Lil. tr” 3‘! \Ve It l~ .l Vi't‘i lit ‘ fly 1“ t’ l'l tii'ii'ti" IN "lell'lt‘ ‘1- . ". intuit. iiw' lit-4r: littll iiii. mm i_')llllll')" 'i. t i"‘>\\ lillt‘lt liter tlll l "l i Il~t> tillii‘t‘ tl'llu‘i "i .1 "Kit m tui'n ll'i" l‘l'LlelTl'llL: ml} 1 .iii.ill llillltlll, u" ' Iii ‘.\ t: i_1i‘ii.t it" wr i: i'inH ,titlti'i tiili \lll.lll t efllii'rii‘; m iiitilliti' l1lll'tlLfllll/t'tlllll'ttll 1, mt l'ill‘,l l'lt"ill'l"ltl:' |ltll’_" rory iiiilliiitiiiii.t‘tiriii ‘Lili mull .‘il 'iit lllt li',n: ’illl'tll mil H' H ll llll ': so in modern tzmu l'ruut‘c was created as a nation, Great Britain mo tum ml :o :t nutmn. ltaly in the la<t century was formed as :1 mutton, and Herman}; the 1;th of all, was formed an empire in li“l7. \\lt:tt \umltl happen if that evolution \muld go on? No rlnitlst Itll tln whom of the unthl mould get together in one large ”1mm. or (uzttht. Hum- ;ut-u have trietl to realize such an mulure 'l‘he ( :athnlic (llllrt‘ll hut. l".\ en before the rulers of 51mm, 11111 human limpiu. rmlinrl lurhnp the lurgwt empire, and \tlHH‘ )‘(lnm‘e 1H :m «1xi~»tt11l rluriug a certain uumher of wututxw ln owlnu tmu- Nutvolwu trial to molrl a larger «11t111'(_ nor] to rlm it «(to - 111 W 111111th of «(mm l'lermzms. lucrl|.t]|'. 1o (vt;';1ttt/l :t 11M of 1.1M (1:7:117111 throughout the world. All 'lult (111111111 that um luwtl on form and might tmtlrltfl he t1uont.».outl 'llte. “(1v “up rlttmtwl. :mrl \\:1r went on lutwu, llH «htltnot out: of ‘lllll vmpmk So it “(1 take the l“]-tllt on ol thr (tlllllll(”. it l1. llt :t (tl‘lllltl ken-r. tlmt “e shoultl ;t(l|‘.l\l ‘tt'l-t 1m] :1l,l “ml. ! \z‘Jttlt/ztttntt llth‘ in America war. the men mtl “omen who were at The llnguc. rvt‘rcscntutg the pmce {‘07th .tll owr the world. [‘l‘t‘lf‘lk‘ll <0 strongly thqtt the other questiow :uul. namely, 1 (lit1lot7‘nt< “(re 11‘1';i:ml to \ll<C1<< the qucfi'fm of .m itttcruutiotml l‘utlicztturc, or .t <uprmw court After :tutt‘.) tll\\".1§\l»“.l~. which lustml \\L‘K‘l\\, the tltploumts acccwful :1 commuiou \\.. h <t.tt'tc1l the \‘.1|I~t‘ ot :u‘lutmttou now lt \\.t\' mllml :1 'l'htt orgtzumtton \\_‘.~’ not .1 mutt exzxtitw court homtrc 1‘11111‘ two?“ m~l other people All owr the “orlxl ."t\l\'(‘(l for .1 o1::rt,‘1-:t 11.1 tum it \\.t< oul\ .1 lot of tlu‘tt,11rc11.trt‘«l lvtl‘t‘.lt"1ll'.tl111‘\\\li:‘:1\«\".‘t‘ htth‘ultx \l‘l‘lllll .1ri~v l1ct\\ ecu tutloux‘ or \(‘11\L‘t‘11\‘1'k‘~ \\ C 14qu .\t the tt1m‘ th.tt \m‘h .\ voul't <houltl l‘t‘fl‘rl‘ "‘T't"‘.\\§\‘ l. ll‘ll ll‘tz‘ mum ~ltl>ttlnl l‘t‘ ul1llg’t‘tl to Clllllt‘ tl‘t~ t 1:1: \\::h tl'ctr tltj'illtx hut .tt tl‘t‘ muu‘ tutw the \‘011' 1mm tvl‘llt‘lt‘i‘o'l‘ , hml .tn‘vytml .\.x .1 whole tlth no t‘t‘rt“ 1 mum u“11:1. (111:11l '1t1 1ll'\flt1l .uhl \\otxl.l lm Arm-11ml lw the *(JlLN‘ «Arm \1 .t~ «11 ; owl to tt. llut one \t.ttr t'rt‘u‘ml to .u‘t‘upt t1v111.:'-11v\ ..:"1:'r1.t1.-11t. .thl tl'-.tt \l.llt‘ \\.L\‘ (lorumm. tlvrumoy 1tu').1 l‘l(!l hm: 1111”» ml tlmt llt \\11ll4l.‘ltttllltll‘t‘tll‘QJtlllZCd3': H'pl't“ '11‘1“. Al‘H'V‘ mumt thr \\lll ot tlw t\\\‘lll\ lln‘ xmtlou. l‘m‘ of tln‘ "H ‘ .1? l‘v l‘tg'1t.\\:‘l‘.111:t.ttt\ otlu‘r t‘m’x‘pthuh 1mm lt'yll1l‘ 1 m1.:. mrl 11m. ll.ll'( Lhotal1l la .1 luttllumt‘nt, a -1;Hrm rum! Itll l \ttllll\t lttmt1l .mtl lll.ll 11' that t‘o‘.‘.l1ll)e(.lt1nc, 1mm: \\H. M l..1‘. lm H‘ltlilllt‘ .o Al w \xoull l1:t\'t- no more \\'.'tr. ”11 ‘ t-vzuvo l 1111:“: \\ho \\.l\ Ihvrv, “.11 mt ohl -1t1 «1t " 1' l1. t ll‘tllvl‘ m tlcruhtm, .ml t5:llll~t t" ' ' 1': l1. . 1‘1.» 2H: 1.1.lu1 .11 o'l11.:11l to .n thlt llx'l'liJlH :rM-ml to 'lll.1ll‘..t‘ I ‘.t\‘ :t \ll't ‘lll;]1l( prom-rt. lt'tt ll lk t‘wl Itl'HllJtltlt‘ lltttt 11 mo la “twp“! ..lut tlu \\.'.l Ill ouu \t lt.:‘l It can he mupud m .m ulx..l. to ulml. m 1m} 11" to mire _~lo\\l_\' :tftt't', l“ vlmlva m \\ \llll;{t‘l(' It w tn [<1 lilol 41:11 \\l|.tl \\.'tk It‘llll/W‘l m \mr. and \\lt.tt (ltllltl ltt tltrlll m 1-4yttttzuy \\l...t \\.t~ Huh/ml. l lllllll\ llllll it mull l» 1ttt“ll~ll lw 1111M to mm t1!;'.1'1t.illlw]1 lotu ll1ll14 \xm'hl .‘MI 4‘. Iv: m l?""‘ .t ilt |l,.:~ut t“ l..§1:tt 'lhrt‘c L'VhIS «ll ' "1. . 31h 1 W11 '11.‘ “11111111 ‘ll 1!.t‘o- tlu lL‘Lt : 1',t11~ m tln \\41Yltl Iltt' ijlt‘itl lu mt- H m ...ll 1M" tl.<« .ml .. uttmu 1.."11..l1.t o1 \xl.,tt \\:t~ 3. fly M. 1‘.« t .' .1 \iltl.. 8.11.31 ‘1.11t1tx \..‘. ~1..1..1 “11.1 1o1 . ~11.’.l-1.1.t \wlt on. 1,.«11'nu- o1. 1.3m. t3.r~t .4 . “hut.” \| l‘t t...(1119(th.ttzti»..'~~t1i.t 'lt |tlllK!\'l\( ll.<'1ll]l11"1tli ..~.\.1\\.‘. .t1.l,,.l111!t.l..\\l,l* l t, 1. .. r ‘ , l f .‘ 1‘ ‘. i r" '1 ', 1 ’ ‘ '. H "1 . ‘ , ' ‘11‘. r1.‘ ::t. ‘ ml .1 1. 1 o l 'l '1 1 M .‘1'1l'1,11.'' :1 .1 l'. 1'111 1 {1.11 't' 'l1'1'121 t ‘ I ll‘l'. .t‘ (ll-tt'1‘.|t11ttt‘]1n‘ .'1'.r1'l.‘.“tttt". \\t. (1'111‘1‘ 1" :1‘t ' .' ’ 1 1.,1‘ nutx', ‘."|:l .t'. 1 1 I 1:1 " ‘ lluuw1..t\\,.\m1..1 « Mt .'.l«t1.ttt- of 1mm. ‘-l\ mtmux l\\tlll\ ‘:\ lu [11L 4” 1t1l 1l1l1':;tt1w ’t’ 11.11111x-tt1l h llw lltpgowour x. 3 't 1 . 1h.” \\.l~ .l 1w 1““? ,‘t'l‘1‘l * '1111'11' . t1 1“ l. ‘ 1.1 t ‘~ .1.‘ 1‘. t1. ".11. ‘1.’ - lIl1llllt‘\\l1(\l1‘MlLlllt‘ t. .tt‘ lll'tllw'l. ll 1 (l ll: l or‘ \lwli uill rt'llttl.l1tl'llt(tl 11 1 11mm (mutt-tutu t‘,.1'1't11;:«tl1t‘r 1 z . '7 t .' \\.; t \t t‘t .. 1I1Hlt'l"l11l‘ tha- r[1rllllv.l<1l‘ lilillll .1jut'r'4l l1, t" 1- lltl'l ll .mll 1111; '1‘1 3.x 2t: :rw ' . u.l1l htm lrt’vll 1‘l L “t 1l [to ‘-.: .1!» It ' t1 \1Illlt‘n’v 11'1l ml .1 owl 711w thtt directly interested in the case. That proposition was completed, That convention was signed. The choice of judges was accepted. At the same time, and by a sort of contradiction which nobody could explain, the United States, Germany and Great iritain together proposed a scheme for a court of international justice; no mere court of arbitration, but a tribunal—a supreme court, as you call it here in America. The whole scheme was accepted unanimously, or nearly unanimously, with only three or tour exceptions for secondary motives. And the whole scheme was accepted, the convention was drafted and signed, but the delegates from the states could not agree about the number of the Judges. hi the scheme which was accepted the supreme court was to he composed of titteen judges only, and there were forty— .six states. Out of the forty—six states eight states, the big powers, asked to have each at least one judge, and give to all the other ‘latt's, the thirty eight states, seven judges. All the South ,\l1I(‘Tl(1tli statt s and all the smaller states opposed such a proposi— tion. '1 hey «aid it was contrary to the equality of the states, that all ‘ll.lt'- had lilt ‘»:llllt' rights, and there was only one possible nuain~ tor (if'tlllilzf the judges. and that was to vote on a list, upon wlnth men of the highest standing in the judiciary—judges and l..\\ \ll‘ and piot’evsoi'.s of iiiiei‘iiatioiial law. very well-known lllttl of high tJIIiJit‘llyfi should he placed as candidates, and that \\.’|' it tuned it\ iht lug powcis. 'l hey could not agree ahout it, so that lilt wlioh pioittt \\;i~ ”ho diopped. lint what is interest» my 1‘ the hut ili.it the pio‘iet‘i \\It.\ proposed and that there is a titll\l‘llll|lll \\iiltil \tlllili ht :tcttpted and could he realized very t.i‘1i\ 1‘ ‘»t"li( iziidtistaitdiiip could he agreed upon on the (pies— iioii (ii ihi 1liilllilhli|ii‘]LUfiii‘iiiif1]i(lili(du()<. l t~iiit~ that toiiit ('i init i'ii.itiou:il justice i there was proposed an l'.ltlliiiilttlliii tillill oi iii/is to itidee the questions of piize, Hilltlt .il| now ~o lllillltlllilll in this war. As you ltnow, when a It is a fairly complicated system. I cannot explain it to you because they tried to form a court in which the neutral should have the decidingr voice. but each of the nations of which the citizens would have hccii interested in the dispute cotild have also a judge. l‘uut nevertheless that court is accepted. and what is um vcrv interesting. not alone A state plead against another state in such an international court. htii a private person, who has merchandise on such .1 captured ship, could appeal to such a court directlv and sue another state that may he brought before the Coltt't.‘ liven it a state coines hctoi'e such a court the judges will have the right to iudqe the cause and to condemn the state So you see one of the biggest problems in international law was solved. and this was « tie of the niost iiiic\pccted issues that was ever made an international convention. Now what can we do’ it we think about what happened .it The Hague at that meeting or conference of tortv-six states. the t'ir-i and only conference in which all the states came together, not after a war, not to settle dit‘ticulties twisting hct'ore, hiit to make law for the future. to append to .i pttt‘liiinieiit, we iiiiist have some _\iid veri tint-\pcctcd and llllptlritlnt coithope for the illilll’t‘ trat ts result trout such coiitercitccs hctwccii nations. Some people .ilw.i\s path of the Hague conference as though it were a (011' li'tt‘HtI‘ t . stop w .ir and that \ovicouildiiot Iltll|1l\;ii\.|I war has [it"xt'l’ on lc sittli progre-m .Is it hat tt‘t‘t‘llli\ 'l‘hc world moves on it‘d prourc-~-tn iblll slowli, no we see that the int thtit The H l‘flit‘ i-iiit'i‘rctici' ctt'rhl «'Ii'llt‘ totgctlicr, that all the states were 'i'il'tii lit‘lr‘, and do tlxw. tildll ml tl'lt'~[l«bl|~ of l.iw 'il‘ltt’ wt lil guit on in i! t-li, tor it \\.it l't'lii) the begin til lll'i’ll‘l' Mid pt'liaumii' Ill \\illiil gill lilt' stitc-t will .‘1 ill: iii-l iii than: liw for the lltlllli' \("\t] ;~« \il pitiiwl I'i>,| lo a \\.ll>ill]i the merchant ship is sent to ptvii .,nd .i l‘ liltil‘tti ihtic whether it toiiiains coiiiiahand of \\.il it . not v .itii :' ti» xv ii, 'llt'l't'it t', i iii!‘ ll ltfllr' vlillil'tt‘ll c, in \\~' t ill ll, itvr‘liil ht‘ Killil"i \ mitigiiitni 1* made iii the cast- and a demand is iltt i..-.ii in wltith has made the piiie. ldlt‘ judges are ill;|\"11ll(i4‘i‘ iii nialviiie thc capitiic, which is contrary, ()5 l~iu w, to ..i l i“t pinniplw o1 law Llllti of good iiistice. It it.» I Nicol titnt ll ‘i\ ‘M '.iti;‘lltt'lll‘ \\tlt’ to he maintained. at least i i, 'llhi l‘ivt' {or iii no tl'lll ilic i ' .iiti , It‘li tillll" tli' who r it i, item'- i. .. l it , ti t i it‘.. ll ~'.t .‘v ' . ,ii x in '- i .i pii.e ~lioiild go heloi‘e a court (if l "hid .,,. uti.‘ totitptet . \ t ~‘l i'Wh \hottld he an iiitei‘iiational court, it litti'ilai ~i.iit~ such (is should not he .‘xi" I ‘1 t‘i nil.” i l tiii til tpit' .vpiti ”v to Justicialile questions, and what sort of questions could come before such a court, and I explained that all questions can become justicizihle questions. Assume there exists an international con— \‘r'iitirui (stahlisliint,r an international law, say, for all the questions ultich tortla)’ are considered as non-judicial questions, because tlictc mists no international law covering them A conference of tht; states or international parliament could make an international llt\\' concerning such matters and render judicial all conceivable «in! {tons llthxH‘ll the states, so that the domain of justice can lit (tilattzrd m‘ct) day more and more. Now the domain of jus— lltf' lvl‘t\\t(tt thtse states liecnines every day ( tn} zlxij n ore and more difficulties lietn'ccn \«it ’tll]il(' mason that the relationsfithe lt'ill‘- lu tn H n nations are grou in: new day. inhinatiniml yrouth going on, tion . l.’.tlll . Ettt‘ilmt, ttc. larger. There are the states, for the international rela— \‘Ve have had true 'l‘alx’c. for instance. {rental ques— 'l'oJiay the commerce of the \\ritl'l t‘ ;viot\vii;: or \\;i'- g'l’flulflL’ heiore the \rar in unexpected tiiotmitionu \luitzt Llltll questions there are al\\a_\‘s points that not h: ittth il .\loit oi the lltltt‘ lllt y are dcttrinined very easily, ‘ittt ‘ltllilitlt‘ tlu \ air \(‘t_\‘ important «tut-stions, such as inatltt‘ oh i tiny lllt Illll‘i on ttituin products. and questions cottt‘cm~ lli;' llllll'lnllllllJl 1' huts Illltl to forth. 'liostlay \\e can sail all out tln tin-Ll and tl.io::;v}io::t all lllt' \‘illl'ltl. .\.sia. Africa‘ and l i" llttit .iH ;.t llit‘t'lll \cii important questions. lit-cause it: l‘mtt to do :Y‘lt wmtionul twins and shippin g lines \’\Vc have ..*lwi t ‘ll tlllt‘ltt'li \‘tliltll miiiiot arm in .\tncric:i. lllll in litiro]:c tlnt .lt l‘tvltll 't iizt ti'i flimtul You can go from the southern loill‘ l' 3 in lltti. 'h l l.;1,it,‘itlllllll\,l\'ll\ .' and Filrt-iia, t‘lczit‘ llvll'it l’»(lllll.lltll.| \|ll tilll l!l.’tl\t' the \\liolc trip through a ;'l|nl mt" ‘nt til ~tt.tt‘ Ft'] «tiost st tttt‘ one is ohliqctl to go at Mm lit wt t‘nltit‘lit tt'illlllklll to tht other. to rcwlrc Ktlcll (lithttiltits litt\\tt'ii tlit >l;;tt"~. l’osltil .3 t‘lt - hi in-mnu w .\ trons t~tt:..i~iint: to the tniill and to i“ 'tht on :m tnwlnwl \‘tt llll\t' Iio\\ llllt‘r' Mt: l i‘.]<.il‘:‘ ("t Huts at litlllt, 5\\iti’<ilttti«l, to lillw.‘ Care t! l tint \I, til ,it o! . ’ it ‘t 't t ttzrc (in such a \er} special program, i “ill hasten owr thcse 'l}‘ .is i can. lite cout'crrnrc of the stittcs “as convened, .ts ton \\ill res itt’. V] \\1i:tl. '\ to lit l\”’ and in l“'l7, h\ the t‘.‘.tr of lx‘ttssi.L 'liltc asimtl t" ll the twice cvi‘it'cicttt‘c in the (more s "l t' ct ’i v .t‘t'o"2i't\.illt, nirhwut commitiott, its .1 '. :lzttt'wnf inilourtittltinimlsin l‘lllfll‘t‘ M It i’ t tctt mt «late, \titl‘o'tt tittcrtctcnct‘ t: <. t ' “t t or tinx'iotlx i‘c t'l'i‘lt‘~' l'tthttut'itt routes must lie tltsvtiwawl \Uitt l r‘r \",ltt' tot :' -' :it‘ctot‘tivitil parliament ts to: the con i -t~ , i' -: '- , ‘ ti tlwu ':~"ll io“‘i- stytl‘cr r ol‘tcn its t w ‘1‘ ll nlwr \\llll‘t'i' tti!l\ill1ll|lll .il ,t ,‘H‘ [on t- oi w t ? I :ti t lli i" t 4 t ‘tig \.l.illl . l Wil l"' ‘ ' l ' i' l '. l ‘ .‘ n ’ ‘ ’ tt.‘ v‘ i . ‘ ‘ V 'r ' it w‘l ’l't'iil ' ‘ 1 ' ' ' ‘ ' ' ‘ v irlllil it'lllh‘ll‘t‘. w lltv' ’,“' tkiltlv l' \Hlilllllt \lv ll lli t "within”. »\li time “l it "' [It tl (l ‘t‘ l‘l l"lv tit I ltl tutti ltt:'_I' ’i"i~l . l HI tot wt i -‘ 1 I'llt li’lt'll «' ~l t ‘t l ,ltiitilil v '~i:;~'lhi't, littt II " v'l Wt“ ’ ‘ '1 -i ' ' t ttlti lt . t r ti .» l 1 .l mu llt‘ull'i‘i‘ltltt'ltlittiltl tiw‘i‘r’ it Alttlt ‘i 'n 1" l .i‘~;i-tt.ttti't i t‘ lll- it tlti llllri|lll1 tiltlatl ,.i~ the right to .nto, .li‘\ tout) lli( *t.:t< s tonccriit'ig the , H .t ‘ ‘ ltl ‘ ‘ o1" int i‘t ‘ .tt t“ 'l .tti‘li-tc . ot' postal tacilitlc~ . twtl . t «v is my: lt\ twirl if the conwntions l l l \\ l \\i under general international rule. could he given over to a l‘Otl}“‘“l0 an international l‘OtlyA\\lllCl1 could nicct nttcn and regularly. there is no tlouht that the domain of justice, that the nttmlier of judicial questions. would grow in very fast and \cry large [‘t‘or t-ortions. \ AW, the propositions “loch are that e are the folloniug: I tad-“c Mm 3: chm-t a: Inusihlc, tin-l not to take so much of tour " .‘lt to lttil‘u sittlt tl'ttit‘ V'l'iL's ' t ' 'l v ' ‘ l ' u "11' r ' ' itl‘ l i ll ' ‘t t ill 'l t v I A ll ll '\ ' il it U it it it ill will: not a thing: which is too new, in fact it is accepted by the states in principle, The serorid body which would be necessary to be organized, is the international court of justice, and after what I have said graphs regularly, photographs of the sky. to undo: such a map. The whole questions of geography. the measure of the earth, 1 to ion, you see also that the states are ready to accept such a also under international direction. scientific international direction. lw all the states, and so on There tire ninety of such mint, and it’ we can agree, if the states can agree that unanimity Orgaan-Ililt‘ttlfi. is no more necessary to organize an international body in the direction‘ vou would have the beginningr of :in international future, that «nth 2i court will he organized by the thirty—two states at least, who w ere willing to do it in 1907, and if Germany, after governii‘ent without the power of police, w hub is the character- llll" war, and .Niistrizi, and Turkey are unwilling to accept this international creed, all the other states of the world can organize suth :i judicial court. Now (‘tJllK‘K the third question, which is the most important and perhaps the most difficult. It is the organization of an interii;ition:il executive Will there he a world congress or an emperor to form the third pow er, :is we call it in our national constitulihll' 7‘ l think lllltl would be too ambitious an aim at this moment, and I think thzit even a president as your president would not ht willing: to he the president of the world, and perhaps would not he :teiepted b} the other states as the president of the woild l llllnlx' it is necessary to have at once true executive tuiwt‘t', I)" ll (Wists inside of the states. It would be sufficient to l1.‘t\( :t ‘titi of :ttlttlllllqlilIlVC bureau, a central bureau, which would have in hand all the special bureaus now existing, as tho-t toi the posh :nitl telegruphs and railways, about which we ‘lltllfl‘ .'l few HHHIH'IHK :igo. It all hllt‘ll bureaus could be gathered together and form :i «on of international bureau, it might be :ttl\l\;tltl(' At this moment there exists ninety of such bureaus, mum of lll‘ll) Illtwllltlt‘lV unknown to the peoples, I am sure tho the bio nuiioi'iti of mu do not know much about such l‘lHt‘Itll‘ I \\lll onlx speak :iboiit one, For example, the map oi the woild H mm llllttlt' lllltlt‘l’ joint international rules b' all thi 'lltlt'\ and in «own \ti|l\ w t' ll.'t\ e :i general map of the world lt|.ttl\ Hill] the an: e pioiiortious, ;tnd in which all the features tl tlu' woild will l‘t iiiiiited :ittt-r certitiii general rules, .-\nd llitlt 1‘ :. i‘(‘lltl:tl teiitiul eoii'iititteta composed of delegates of It you could bring tll‘nl together under one istic. as \ou know. of the executive power. Now. tiizit «(iimtioii oi l‘l‘lit‘t‘ is one il‘idi is the iiiiist discussed at this titre l'ei‘ple 4.1} lllitl to iiziiiiitiiii pence it will be neces— ~:ir\' to enforce peti‘e. .lthl tl‘is .itteriioon w e liiid :i \ery interest in; pigcr reid h\' .\l" lIIU“‘l\ on tli.it tillt‘\llt)ll Now, in my ('iil‘iilt'll. l tliiiik .il-o :tiiit it would he tlk‘t‘t‘%\tll\ to entoi‘t‘e peace 1H J t‘t‘riittti 7“t'.’i\"t‘t“ .t'hl \tt'l‘t‘ iii us think the whole proiet‘t of ,\lil|l\ people "tilll‘ 'i of tone stoutll lu‘ i ‘t‘llllltl the l.t\\' es \\ ll't‘\ e\i~t i'ow dioiild go on. th.lt iinlit.iry ot' the owl! should he iiiiiiitdiiit‘d, .llltl tliiit by t'rtiitient lietwe-‘ii the \ltlll'\ It would be l\1)\‘\lltl(‘ to bring i ,ir" lt‘\ together. it I‘llit‘ tllllltllll‘. ill'lfl‘s ()tliers think thit (it'er thi~ w.ir .ill tic --tite« will .ii‘t’t‘pt the principle tlitlt idl it': :vu tire Iilll\ d: tt‘iiwue (trltttt'g .tlltl lllt‘\ will be obliged -~ - e; t x'zt ‘: I ‘. r'iit‘iple, so th.it li'it\l ot the whllt‘i litive :ilw‘dys stiil ltiilr"rii\\l1[ti‘tyl'ltwlllll it tl‘ev llltl ltti," tl’llllt‘x it wits for do tlv‘e'iw‘ it 'h it tl itioii iiid not to illltllh illllllllt‘l n.itiott, :intl if i “til-t tl. ll tlii~ ii’iiuiu ti'i' oiili lrillh'i «it tl-‘tt-nw. lll(‘\ (‘Lttl be ill“t‘,'\"tl'l\ ’l:.iii ll.t‘\ iiii- orgtiii/ml now lt will 'ii tli V, llll‘tl wliti ll\.'t‘ \vttli 'l i- ii oriiiiitf to the even k :ll ’l lt!‘ on lt' lx t‘\iu‘t'~ tilt [ltt‘ii' diotil l he trtilt ili-teii» ‘.. tll'itl.‘\\lll lit. 'l ~ ’l‘lllltl‘. iIlt' lllt‘ "1tl|'i ‘l ill itti “ilt'l‘v dit‘ti ltlll vi..it~ whiih lK :tt ll‘t bt.itl oi \llt‘ll bi}: enterprise. The trip i-t tlm «ti .d-o 1‘ now truth :tiid is llL'ZtI‘l\ completed. dune \iill \t ‘ili1tltilllt‘i‘~‘i‘ttt‘i|",t 'l~» .ll llt d oiediiimtioiis of different suites: tilt‘\l\.ll\l \‘ :ill our the woild :ii't- tiltingy photo» | ll-ii' ‘litty tit ii d i‘t‘ 'ti llllill' would he organized after such a scheme, it would be possible per- haps then to organize them in a general police, but this as you see is a very difficult and a very special question, and we cannot dis~ cum it this evening, lint there is no doubt that there is a way out, if there i< a povihility to organize an international force of police, \Vhy Labor Opposes War leun \\ .\lT'I i t'\‘ v: C tt‘\i\"'-l'\l 'fi-‘t‘ .h it snhmhan to the \\ .tr nnl :rc \\ oi‘u‘r.” 1 on not called upon to t'rtortm ,t~ to the twin: of pt'cxcntnh; “at. nor 'rit’t' tvi'ut‘t'ntn; the ['t*4\ll‘lllil\‘\ of total t; :-~ 1: 2" tith to ct (with (1:0 ttntmi‘m lot the {or ‘t‘ltll it ix necesary to hate in my opinion, as Mr. Loomis this afternoon cnggestetl. That is also a very big prohlem, and to m; lit”) it, to Klrow that it Would act very practically to have an m lltlltiirit (untrihntion for Mich pnrpoxc, it would he necessary to haw at host the tune to give you ten or twelve lectures. /\ lt‘it'nrl of tIHHt’ hm written a hook lately in which he explains him 'nrh :in t‘tlnllnnit‘ pressure can ohligc the State to he ideal. So W” H34 that the whole prolilmn of the world organization is not :in idt'alntir proiet‘t, something for in the future, hut some~ thing} we (an l't'HlIZC \'(’I'} qnicltly and as soon as the war i5 over. Inn to H'lltl! with a tl(‘\il‘Illl(tllllfl, it i« necmsztt')’ that we it "" in win ‘i it ire cited the tart that tln'rc ‘iillti‘x‘lilti‘, ttzi‘mnn; tllhttlttlt‘rr ~lim t?itoii,;li the \ltlllllH: of ‘t“.’« u_‘ o: Ti'mtxotnh ‘pi'inlnn‘il tt'cmtrt', l 't‘ lltlttl, 1o nioiiow oi \\(tl11t «19.)wpi'epart‘tliicss for peace. and thtn l nil] t‘. Iain to you hon l think such an organization could l»( marlin i ‘\ It ith' hwght‘ ol i'u ‘i l t'wx , . > ‘2, in» “intit, llil ll:illt‘l![lli‘:ttf :- u t“ ‘, ' , ‘t "t"i"' i i l ,v 1' i: m» ~ "i':,_1!Iit“i:ttniollwilv l ‘ lll:'.lllliitllllil . i... iti' ,‘ } . -i “' Hltl ltvllml ‘lli \!l_li'71t1-Hl<‘[l| ‘lfiitrtf m l" i tinnit- lilll’i ‘ll" l‘iltlililll, .z,‘ 'IV' t .w,r il|,jt'l'» upon it giiiq t-rr ltlLI war, 4' ‘: i' 'tit i\ in wt! wlr'ltj "vi, 3, litll‘lt owl :‘tt‘tl it l' or! iv .- tilili lznnf r - ilt H't tlnw t hintl if? _, . : --'t' ' . it t'i f“"t *vii z ,- ‘v, . lilil Illlw‘llt‘n ' i t lll '~ the \\titi\\‘[‘ t ilinntt .HUl ‘litU‘, it )u ]'il“tiilt' to (\wilw :intl (‘on‘iplctc a new \‘iot'lil . int». it, y'l 11' iv]! upon tln‘ lt‘lll‘ilH 'r' t' 'tu \ pit-grew Jlltl t‘-I‘ t' t in he Illvllliltllyt‘ of no iii, , :i-«ml‘, hit' non of my lltllll't‘>\ this evening, \\'a< 0an to tht mt * C; v, ‘llliu' to ton that out of the mining organization, out of hoilie< \t!.o \\ttt‘ nah/mi, i't hothtw “how organization is accepted hv \Hmt l‘ tht ~1‘ , t- w-ttu wilt i .tttt‘ltt‘il in Mtlx‘t‘ -i a _, -hotiitl lit Hlt'itlltlttl m, lllt‘ Illt‘n and Women who are willingY to Huh/ti a ‘imtintv ptat‘t. 'lhat tttiwtion “ill he rli<cnsscd, I - ' ’Y ‘lnn lv-n ll l'.t‘ if 2‘. tr lit’lv' til Labor is opposed to war because the workers favor freedom and independence. and there can be no freedom, no independence, no liberty in war, All must bow to the dictates of a military master. An army must be subservient and slavish in order to have any chance for victory. Military discipline is destructive of individual liberty and individual initiative and judgment, and thus. leads in a direction contrary to the ideals and hopes of the worlt'r. l‘mt labor does not base its opposition to war upon purely ‘(’l{l'l] considerations, It takes into account the harm that war bring in the human race as a whole, the suffering it inflicts upon frail wonttn and llt lplt ,_ s children, the causeless hate it engenders lutwu-n naturally fi'wndli souls. the way it turns tender hearted nun lllltt \iiintu nzonsttrs craving the blood of their brothers, plat ing them till a paiiti with the wild beasts of the wood and the Jtlltfill', the tlt-truttion of life and property that it entails, all to in. titllltti‘t' ‘att‘ to satisfi the craving for profits of the manufac— lttit't‘ (ll in pltntt-nts of tlestrttction 'l ht piott"'- of adiancetnt-nt of the human race is a slow (inn and attribute that hinders or retards its progres s is detri— lilt‘lllitl to all ‘tttit'U. \‘i'ar, in spite of the asserti ons of the n lltlitll‘l to tlu totuiarv. dues interfere with advanc ing civiliza111'“ hi \\('.‘tl\t'tlilt§" the confidence and energy of those who pro"ll'lt it can be no reason advanced. of a material character. as to why he should favor war as against peace, Viewing the situation from its moral side, the worker can meet upon common ground with all other advocates of peace and co-operate with them in perfect harmony. Life is precious to everv human being brought into the world War sacrifices life, while peace preserves it Then whv have war? \\'ar alway; wipe: out the \cr\- tlow er of our manhood and leaves the lew capablc to pro-note the arts of peace, and this in itself evcrcue: detrimental iutlucnccs upon progress which are heiontl citlcz'li‘wn, in unithcntattcal terms. 7 \iati-‘t‘s it lt.'t\t‘ lliltl low; pertnth of peace have also cn< imcl a hi5: tlrgrct‘ t‘l civilization If this. be trite. then who can mi tlht' it “we twill hid itcver had \\.H' our civilization “mild not now \we “put h ttrthcr itil\.t!itc«l' It Is true, of course. that wtrc \\.tl‘\ i»t \\i‘ led to advaricc:iicnt, but tluxc were in .1 \\v'rltl (lat! t‘TlL: ‘3‘ cl in \\.tt'-, .ni-l men thew \Lllw, it can not be \Hl \\w:lvl line lcvn l'|'\K‘-s.tl'\ H] .i \\lllltl that l\ll(‘\V no such forte \‘r'v l‘t\t‘ Iii! tl‘ ill~ttttls of \cat‘ (If t‘\l't'l‘lt‘tti‘t‘ with war, .m‘ ‘5 is \M tlvtrs tum V‘W‘Ii‘l‘ttst' we \lllll lt‘\ t':c “all“ t‘l‘llt‘Jl‘o. l'w'“ lé‘:r:':" ,ttt' n‘mv ' v him: til-Nit the t‘ l.tltll~lltltt‘t1t Hi peace in ‘l:«‘ xii ill sin ti "1’ t2: , n the lti‘ll"\ it. “pct ttuun (it lllt' or Peace in the world is absolutely essential to the working out of wt in! lil‘lltt', lit-came war draws public attention away from tlit tilll('t Ix iii llllli‘-l1tl' \\llltll must he attacked in order to be “‘11 tiitd. and t‘t'nttis the thought of human ity almost entirelv uptin \ltlttl\ tlnoupli slaut’lilt'L .\nd the end of every war in» 't'tls tlu Miltllt‘] \\llll his trainingV into civil affairs and changes tlit Hltrilt and tin imthtitl of tttntl ucting them, and this always H“‘..ll‘ in ‘lili'linlll'li and icattu i, 'l'hc “at of the soldier its turn .nil ti. ill‘lll nah yrtatti' litt\‘ll ilitvt-s of t‘I‘Ittt' than is the putt-i 1“ fl ‘ilul and attains. Jtt‘tttttl til tlzt civilian There— ti lt i.l 1' ltlt‘“ «.nt lvt~t llt sttitw l lit iiggnlli adhering to a it i it it t t at .i «c :iw. 1‘ test he 'l founded upon .. ' i. til ..t tlic l 12cc of ltl‘itQTL’\~ towa rd ,1 c of ]\1‘\\llllt‘ gain to the ",s he I! u~t carri. there t'trit't l ‘. iii-r» 5 carth time I was hatter prepared with two experts to help nib—one a ttzilitarx authority. the other a financial expert. International Misunderstandings Krvo SUE INUI N the discussion of my suhject, I shall confine my remarks to I misunderstandings between the lands on the Pacific, especially America and japan, and the reasons for such misunderstandittizs. l'tlllltp's the expression of an extreme case of international inisiniderstandint,r can be seen in the language of a jingo of any nation. In America some would express it in this way (as an mtreine example): “Japan having won in the Chino—Japanese War, and in the lx’usso-japancse War, is extremely conscious of lit’l plate in the family of nations; is increasing her army and um} and is ever read} to find fault with the United States, she is turn titan; to dittate to the internal policy of this country, and she p planning to talte possession of the Philippines.” I would lll\(’ to digress long enough to tell you about a I called my start financier'and 35l\C\l him. “llo you suppose that you could me give not could he hilc \\ States?" I'niteil the a war against an item tciliatc answer, he went around the world and came hark and said: “.\lr. linti. I do not heliexe that I can start and tittisli a \VIH‘ for ion or am other nation against the l'ititeil States. . e\pert and told l ralhwl niv ‘ military I lhit l was nit disappointed lliiw trinity hint l “ant to line :1 \\ar “iiii the l'nitt‘il >ltllt‘<. In «“riouslv, iiiost answered He _lll\.1ll:” soldiers h'tm \oii in tit how many a \\ ir \iith the i'iiitetl States it is not it ipiestioii we can sohl'a'rs m: haw in l.ll‘tll, it is a illtt‘~llttll of how ni.tn\ lt winltl ithi‘ l‘~\t’ill\ transport of an oceansemi HH‘r llXi‘W‘ to -t'lil it'u‘ th\ision ot the Japanese .iriii\ of ten \titm \\e ll.l\t‘ .iliont thirtyl 'li'l" :=.,. l 'iii-il . we i |ll swirl tir \on at the most two (linsions. -\ . \t‘tl go .ll‘it‘tltl” lhit l Has not (llllll‘ sitre ‘tl i . t‘itoi'v'i i' \\w\lll hi i" e Wilt.” so I had to go in .i VJlll attempt ' l“il‘»i"lx in lllls matter Neither Napoleon, l'iis- dream I owe had, (nice l was a very ambitious young fellow \iho “amid to take the l‘hilippines all by thyself, so I started nix tanipaipii. As l went on 1 found that Japan was composed of many i~lands with a long coast line to protect, I found that 'li‘l to Phil], iitiil~l help me, \U l lutl to it. iii l liillllil help from tin .\nieritxin on \iiit'ii’in iii» lion lllil ili‘ti-ni‘v l'poii wt tlzv lli-Zitl‘i t-t 'lll‘ l iiitt'il film's japan \ins lieavilv in dehi: hut none of these things discouraged of (in :1 ill, lit‘illi'll‘ \\ idiiiugtoti, 1m. in l \\('lll to the l’hilippines. lipon my arrival there I found tlu l’lltllllllllHN \ttlt‘ :ilso euniposed of many islands and a long ltlit‘l llllt to Iil’iilt't’l. 1 found that America at one time was “put lili‘:' llittl( than eight) million dollars a )ear to govern the 1 l.. di| tipnieil if hit} million japanese got possesfon of the Hi lil'pilit“ and spent eighty million dollars annually in order to ;'ri\tlii llttill. it “onld inalie (’\t'l‘_\ one of us one dollar and ‘l\tll\ im tt‘lll‘ pooitr annually llenee I gave up my con~ o..t~i ot ila l'ltlll]i]tlllt‘. lilien l hemnie anxious and ambitious to‘ taiu lilt“t“lt'll oi llit' ll:i\\:iii;tn lslziiiils, so I went there. \itiin l in lad there I lt'lllltl that the Japanese were making iiiiizt .i imtul ll\lli;’2 they “ere happy, well protected and 3H timid \\llllt iii twiizp Japan one cent. I gave up niv catn— iti tlt. liii'ti’ 5» tin ,ztitlll! lll’ [\\ll i l Viol \‘itv‘ «iii lltl‘ own i ‘tll ".t- him in» ilia' lll‘, 'ilill |liltlliil l'riliip. .lliltlll the wit .ii the l'hilip Hi. ~iai l, ‘.\l'l| to the lump tilt/Vtil l, innit": little -l ilt‘I l'ii! ‘.ll l‘i iii.;'tit*l ill’t‘ali‘i . I named possession of the Pacific tom! ti it. t Mix 1 8' ilk“. .\o I started a campaign again; this o‘e ltlllu 'lll‘l't some of them dream out loud—so let me dream in that fashion and tell you what the Japanese jingo might say on this point. From the other side, to the Japanese jingo, it might look this way: “How did America come into possesion of the great country she has? She simply drove the Indians, the orignial owners of the land, away. The United States rebelled from their mother country and tomied the original thirte en colonies. Not satis~ fied with that they compelled Spain to sell Florida, and France, Louisi ana. Not satisfied with that they forced Mexic o into‘a fight with them and took in the great territory of Texas, larger than France, England and Germany or Japan. Not satisfied with that they claimed Oregon and Califo rnia, and even Alaska they bought {or a mere song. Not satisfi ed with this great land from coast to coast they declared for themselves the guardianship of the North American continent—fin terms of the Monroe Doctrine. 'l’ht-i aaitl to liurope: ‘liurope, mind your own business. You tan't owe to the e shores and do anything on this side of the Atlantit.‘ And no one said anything against it, at least not out loud, "So Ill 19% they \ll’t‘lt'llctl their hands halt across the Pacific ltlltl put pwswsion of the Santinich Islands, the Hawai ian l'iillltl“, hut the aggressire Yankee found it was simply his tllmu l(.'t(ll, so he stittt hed his hand to the other side of the l‘atitit (heart, hating the Monroe Doctrine at home to look out ll‘l Hull, and gut ]>t1s>t‘§~.\it)t] of the Philippines. But he (\tll‘it‘K hittiatlt hy suiting: ‘\\'e didn't want them, but we got tlwm. .w \\t‘ an going to Lee]; them fora \\1iile. ’ Yes, they are lit-pine them, the) are loitiiiing them, they are strengthening thtnt. and hatt hiiishetl lllllltllllfl the l'anama Canal so thev can llltlt‘lt’l ihtii \llnllllt tltet to the l’aeilic on an hour's notice." 'lhtts laptiiitst' iiiiinuists ll‘..’t_\ ittison. lllllllt’lllll'lt', in her existent'e of more tha n 2,575 Vears, Japan has lunpht t1l1l \ lite ioieign “ars. In less than 140 yea Allltlltt't has tonpht tou rs r for eign wars. The ratio is something hlte mute in (\tl'\‘ tort ) _\t-;ti.~ for Ameriett and once in even‘ tm lllllltllt‘tl :intl llllt ‘t‘ll years for Japan. Therefore, there is .t }'l(.tlll ;>It~ -~tl‘:ltl\ (ll .\m tiiea invading japan, making the .\;ttttlt\ttlt l~l..'i .tlltl the l‘ltihppines bas es for such an attack, than lupin ttv'i l' l|\( lilwllmllltl miles to imade California. lllll \gain that Japan‘s emblem is the chrysanthetninn—calip. quiet and peaceful; and Americas emblem is the eagle rear to ab anything. ‘ ‘ . ‘ ng0\\' how does it happen that we have and] extreme lnus understandings on both sides of the l‘acmc, even though >_\ .1 verv small faction of people? \Vhy is it that we hme tome to allow them to exist. H -. ‘ . . .... , .‘ _ V 3 1 The written history of the, world has bun the lttstor) " \\.1s " mmgtrl} “ ‘ 'itllt‘d. of Ftirope and 01th latelv that at‘ .\lllCrl\,J I! t f ‘ I . i . ~ ) “ink in 'recent \ears the extstence. vain;‘ and tontrthtttttn t) i are fast hemniittg recognized, yet hereto», "\ihrtition the H ‘ foreDUNN] thm have heeti practically ignored and neglected by ‘ ‘ )tttrs, " ‘ l towever. llt'iO'l’l'h writers at' the “est. ln lattr \ A ( | \and ' \Ult‘k‘s :tgtllllsl ' .tn ttntltu‘ etnth » .l’is‘ ‘ ‘t‘ ‘4 ire flhlttt“ their s {h W”\\ 1“ N (II' \\.1r. hm " * \\ lsk~ \\e ttrirt‘ the peace‘ W -t1 'trs i ind herpes h .ttn'txntft‘s “1‘ i t'l' t.t t“ ...t, H n‘iirht t\ illslst on the st:ttl\j at the . _ histnn hi. .lllt ”Ht cont.lll‘ l‘.. of the [hut in “estertt \fllllt‘l‘. ~ \\t (In‘ t ‘ \ 1 ”It llt'l(“\l rl l‘- ‘<‘ ‘l. ‘ i“vt' e the \\est lmrns IllHilllllg trtittt ‘ tht‘r l ‘ I t, l I 'mxitt-e \|-'l .t .it l'llllt‘l'dtll‘dl \\htt the eastern [Hill‘lt .\rt [lllll\ Ht}: :it'. l t11tlllLt, . ‘ - \i‘ _ W _, > l‘..l\’{ .lllll . ”we it'itfvri‘uu‘t hetnt‘t'n thi*1» ititlvtw ttlilltlt'. It is tlittttttlt tit ltll it I" ‘tr \Hlll/tililll. luxpttatt or lhtni'w m- “\n ’llt' lll' the it'i_{ititl tittirtmttt“ .. , 'ittt II\ , It .i\tlt'.ttt~tt lit- . lxx] l"\\1l! .llll \v-\ll.|ll 'ltlms, Ur "t tn: \xititit t.. \ tlll (mt iitl hit-rte, ninth \“""“’I lit. t .. tlw lit'l'ltl|ll~ .ttttl ,tln ’~i\ tll« illt‘ rill l ltlllt'nl' t‘ltzi ,t‘l' ['Ul'l, PM" ‘it_ pt‘tnl‘ttwl tittttltt'r =‘ll v', \tt't wright « ill lllt‘ liw t' wt llt'll" wt «.Hlt/t ll -l t‘te llll‘ r tun l'ttt‘rtiilt tut, "vutt r le’AI‘t‘lt the tan It" tlll it’.’ 'lin-t 't.t 'Vt‘t"' .' ‘2! tit llii' tI.tll/t1lt(>ll i‘ntwil'.‘ tlw- itttt int l‘.'ll’t'lltll l-ii_ ilthmtgh r' 1” 1h:- H tttrr or ll|tr"||1 rr'i' l'v'ti-vll: llltl ill‘tflr'ra of interpretation and practice, “e have been blinded by different customs, habits and institutions, emphasizing the differences between the East and the \‘l’est and by exerting little etlort to bring out the idea of similarity in essentials between them, Take a concrete example: Charity, love, generosity, sin— terity. politeness, modesty, and many other virtues are not any more ()eeirlental than Oriental. While we have ditterent methods and degrees of practicingy and expressing them, the so—called “(hilt renees” between the liast and the West, yet they are mostly in nmrmentials, such as manners, habits and customs. Person— all), l uould just as soon have my sister be seen on the street in bare feet. uitbout any shoes, as to be seen in low-necked gowns or peek-a-boo waists. We have some differences, no doubt, but (line observation reveals the fact that the greatest vlttlt venres between the liast and the \Vest lie in their similarity. 3, ll there is any misunderstanding of Japan in America it e eannot altogether blame America for it. For until about 'l‘»l) yezm :4;th “I: did not care to know you or have you know ill» ( tn the other hand, hon-ever, l often wonder to What extent the Wed really is endeayoritu‘v to understand its Of course in admit that the West taught us many a lesson, and there is lllltlt llt‘H'K‘il) of the liast tryintr to understand the \Vest. l'lut |Hlll§tl" I am not mistalten il' I say. inasmuch as there is one Nathan uhm tan read or speak Japanese, there are at least a hundred Japanese \tho can read and speak English. tat ln lllt t'.‘tll\ stage the taslt of introducing and inter— piett'u: the lmt has been done by \Vesterners, who have not hrl tau tIlt:d‘ll‘.llllllt~» to zip plu‘lale the history, institutio ns and traditions «d _l.tp:in tll (hul a lltl lllt t:titt\ ol lapanest- laborers in the early >1:th of iiwlttltt’w llltll‘lt‘lallt‘ll st'tttd a~ an extremely poor introduc tion it! lapan to l," mu... Why: lemuse every otte of you with the almighty ballot .15. 3 1S . tits or in 1 ‘ 1:4th " s" too. .However king.i i In Lahtornt‘ a women are “ long. 1 .. 1c t. in whether that. truth ical tllC‘tlfllVCfSnl psycholog l \\'est we respect. admire and talk about one thing more ttan . l successfu me ' ' iw i ‘ se, and that is success. Now lapan. is a .. :Ziitdiinnt Ktlhe l7ar liast, and America in the \_\ est: fllteretttrci. , the world has placed these two nations as a tocus 0:261:11 y adttziration. discussion, criticism and comparison. t tttt . . 1 ‘ there ari<es a great deal of inisunderstaudmg. ant l‘oliticiaus understand this ll~_\\‘ll(ll0gt(;ll phettomtuon, ' , ' c tmuu ,p' tor make use of it to further tllt‘lt' ends. ~laptttttsc. made‘utost 22):}: iilithout any ballot itt this country, hate been s yeuient stil't‘tccts for notoriety \\ith the least damage tor . ' t t i rm ‘ (u tittzizli l\ ~ t l u\ - . ‘. . mm‘ t“4 t t’\ | t' .. -‘ t. t ~ 'l . ' i’ “ i i' ' . I , x 't "1 l t t , vi .v v \\htt tht'\ have ti . tl‘l't ill lttt'tt'll1.jlll \l‘ . l v“ :' ll;‘t‘l it t v -... ‘ Vlt'htllt‘tt‘ wt puts it .yi, 'lylll,[ to l t I Ill llt ll ‘I‘lllt'illllk‘H In llillt‘, x-\ tttln ‘rt'l r , Ul ip‘vn'le't'tti it! , tltvzr- at «iti' rt mil -' |i" ‘Illlt, who , " . tlthl or 1. \\'e are all |l§ ‘ ' are natton~ ‘ 4 lur m~t ance in older .. «d to it pm H .i: ' lld‘ ‘ llll H k‘x bttt here the\ i do not. l,tl:\ Vt \\ t'itvm; ll) hurl out tthethei' t, " M ‘ v ll t t'lmlt In t itLI‘l tught .|t'llt.-. i ‘I‘ i I V -. ' \l t \l‘Hl r2, lH tttiyt‘tv. Ill tile l'htltpputet 't‘ I t1‘ll“' (' \\l'tt at .p.‘ ‘tt'tl til it r . I' h .-I , ‘\t. i" ' I . i lllt \\t «wine in»! lhttv \\t l-s> lllt' tl all \\ It" ;'.r it w l ..‘ . i i . 'll tlot'- “turd v' i ' i: tt \‘. ("\{it't‘ i \l. but \2’ Y”, r,- . ' k a, I “"r bl ll _\U 'a it} 1' mt t i I . lt \r l x \\l t w i ir‘q" x ‘Wl H .lH ‘1 ‘ llt'l tht lt' is a iott'lioleuicgtl (Klimt , it .u, it.l lit in. . so . \H it t in .ttltntnttt. lllt ll‘ rain the unparalleled " '\\( ‘ _. . ' rapid progreu .. n. \\ t lsla in“7. t\.. t t a «.tll M ‘t atlll . ‘ tor the \\e. ' ~ternet\ to fath om. 't . ot tta't' it.it::i.tl. t :m‘eht an exi‘rlanatio n by lll\'>1lf\lllg l t. . . A ‘ .H . suxptettpft‘. 3hgimillith-t there is the other pstt‘hologit'al aspect ot \\'e call that lack ot 5; t \‘tll‘t‘VilHlt‘x no <tt~1't‘\‘t ourselves. liitt \\L‘ suspect other people .\\ttl‘~t‘ ‘tltau :-‘;:l' i‘outident'e ita‘tt h e—pet‘tallt as to their llltt‘tlltt'll<L and, \\or<t ol all, other t‘ lltlllL‘w _ bed H the t‘\pet‘t not do \\e ~uspet‘t \\ht‘tt \\e {tlltlt‘\ _\ud “hen \\e \ll\[‘(t[ tor tht lk \\ In ‘-. tll t ~ .l.lll\ l h. 2' ' t-"v .‘u ' ll‘ ‘~t .. It ' ,tlc 1’] ’r'll” u! ltlll '1' H," tt- 1!Ml-'." v'l . t" t' l' t» ‘l'l" t.’ mutt: I \ ‘l l‘llltS Financially speaking, Paterson, New Jersey, where the silk factories are, and Fukushima, Japan, where raw silk is produced, are closer to each other than San Francisco is to Oakland. For when they close the factories at Paterson some people in Fukushima may go hungry the next day. If we stop buying American machinery some factory hands in New York will lose their jobs. In other words, we are beginning to think alike, act alike and feel alike. And (wt there are some people who are so blinded with the ditterences and obstacles they do not realize the general trend of the world's progress. or realize the essential unity of the civilizations of the world. And there are those who are liaising the srilittitnt of an international problem on suspicion and llli'tttl(l(‘l'\11tlltlllig. ’l no tears ago the state legislature of California gave the lit-it illustration of a legislation hased on misunderst anding when ihei \\t')i‘ dihaiing on the antialien land law. Please do not :nisiinvltistand llit’. I am not saying whether it was good or lwl. night oi wrong, hut l do think that there was a great deal til itii'stiiiilt'l‘lftllfllllfl in that enactment. During the dis(ll“lt|il llit l(' seenud to have heeii a great deal of pro and con. lwi lll‘~l.iliit‘, Milli“ “mild .sa): “\‘i'e object to the Japanese ti\\1liil;‘ land heraiise thei work so cheaply: they will lower the ‘iaiidaid «rt waeis in this ('oiinti‘v.” that l‘ a good :iieimient. t'n lllt tillltl hand. some said: "The Japanese used to \iml» \iri (health. hin tlit‘_\ don't now. They know there is a ‘i.tl«ll\ o1 lahor on this roast. ’l‘o-Adai our ohjectiun is that lll\ animal. \Ve use very illogical arguments. enjoy them. and call ourselves wise afterwards. In San Francisco we say: hut so cool in summer we must have them." I am wondering if the alien land law was not hased on the same kind of reasoning I do not item to say that there is no inisiinilerstauding of the \\ est in Japan. hiit this I can say without \eri iiiticli hestitatiou. that Japan does understand .\nierii‘.i ii little hetter than .\ineriea understands Japan. l‘ell me how many Americans there are in this \erx Cl[\‘. the gatewa} to the Orient, who can read. nine or speak either t hiiiese or Japanese ,\§iiii the Jipiii of todit is ti_\iii;; to understand the ““1. (.si‘etialli the l’iielzsli s"t‘.ll\ltlQ countri es. [he stiinli of l t "e linflzs‘i largiiaue ts rt'iiiiireil iii .llltli'sl eier\ high school ind cilh;e o1. l.ll'\ll lliiilth my \lsll to that roiiiitn thiee was isked to speik thirt} twenn lt"lC\ tn lnglish ltll‘it‘s ten times iii tiiei'haps' it Marin. mum would .sai' “The troiihle we (Miltil io thi‘ Japanisi heiause the} work so hard. make inonev and any llii\H(\, hui the tronhle is they ‘ ‘ spend that monei' iii . tiii- mitittii. llt\t‘l ii iii this toiinti't, and hii\ up all the land in t .ihtoiiiza H i s.i \ta it \tt how ii-n - trad M irtoii these .soscalled arguments .ne 1 doni s..\ whiih is tight t-r which is wro ng. but coniiaiiiiti l\ aiiih. \\ luii their is a great deal of misunderstandiiiif hiit \\( .iit ]'('\'\:llil r lieiiips Man is it most inconsis tent “‘4 was tiot .tNHd l'iie'lish. hilt lvi‘i'aiise I spoke \‘t‘H' ['HUI' t ant lilll', this Ht»l1\.lli‘s the desire on the part of 221.; ltl‘utll to know siziieie lr'-llt and understand the “wt. 31v earnest an! appeal to the \\est, to \lllt‘tlksl, and 1.lll'- trta it» rum, is that tlie‘. iiiiuiit at least by to lllitlt‘t ml the l it. ind e ;-vii.iil\ Iailiii. l'i'ltt‘r \i': llillv'wtllll \wt: mirth-t ext-vet to make the hurt: ‘w, tiliaiitvizvf .ui iii-Lzlt'it 'le l'iiitit l’ti.l!l \re \t'lll 4" ie tmii l..p.iiie-e diiiiaiid ltltf wages." have is Japanese ii .tl\( ‘ilHlllt \. saw that runner and send it to Japan. They don't liltll‘ to di‘tilup this iniiiittw :it all M Still Others insisted: "We “We have a tine climate: so warm in winter we don't need overcoats. ‘.\|lll nil»: tripling iii time: i ll|‘-i‘ 'r'tiiilmi'il tl 'riii ‘lll wr'i ’1 1k; 3:111 fmldistsi a Should there be Military Training in Public Schools? lint (new \\ill not be 11 ghost of tor the war." 1 11161111 His 1111: Mr fi'mn right in tlii< prcilic‘mn :1 {11111 ,111 111\c~11::1:11111 111' lilirni‘mn run» E1" :1» 111» 1111111 pcixun to nuke. LOUIS P. LOCI! NER (J'l' lung ugh, in :m impaction IOUI‘ of the (71111115 of interned N [11111111 I W‘W’l], (lCl'Illiln and Belgian solrlich that (lot the 111:1;1 Hf imlc llullaml, I chanced 10 (line with an linqlisli lil'v l4“1‘§L‘.’ 111‘ \\Jr 1".:11\~ 1112. 1'19 1111\1‘0 {111‘ lllll‘dlll‘V [urtu‘x‘ (1le cr. :1l1r1111 film-t rlzuing lam ax aviatorl had renrl in Ameri(:111 Jim ‘~]r.'l]l(l‘~ lunl Nuu'mlici'. \\'C were di>cus>i ng political ltlri1l'« :111vl 11111117111115 11K mill-(ml l1); lllC world War, and my llllll‘ll ll‘llhtl “:1» \rnifvrnm in pmclgiiming how the Allie: wmlvl (mkh I'muizm nnliim'ixm, "'l‘lic \N'Ul’lIl will never be a nn‘ lml .1~ (:‘:1»v"< 115 the 171‘“. .111. 11.1ll «11"«11' 1‘1" gr 1 ~ \ :Eu‘x w! i:11.11'l\ Um 13111 m‘rqn. the lungcr 1‘91‘ \\.1|r ;1 1“ :1. ”'1 "i "‘1"'1t\ :w'm‘r 1‘ 311'1‘.1l\111::1l111\11 .12 1311* ~ fillfl‘ 11:111 111 liw in." lir <:1ivl“'11111il \\Cl]11\'cl1t‘ill(“]l IllC Ccrmans 111 lllfll lmrr . 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War 11111111] 1111mm :11lmuni51ml ‘1l1c “<11:1.I:11lr‘ 111 :11,11_1 (\«H ii‘iiliw. um 1111110:1l1:111<l(1111111111 (11" I|1<11 Imam 1111111111 141 \«11111 11~ ilL-Iln’unmn‘iiL | lmi 1.1.1111 21 11111111 :11le .1;:.1i11 in Iliia (1111111131 lllll'll‘l) iH Ilu l.1zi;'1:;1;w wt ”('1 lll( (l1JLIi( \ .‘\l1 $nl1\\;.l1. \\l11u~c (1111111311) _ ‘11 \I‘Il‘l\ llwwwl 1111 Hurling in «\1'1111111uii1; liyi‘iltun 1mg: ' K r" ' 11' I ' 11H lwfl ‘ l ' ’1 1 Hence in this running to cover, for ”protection” that doesn't protec for “insurance" that doesn’t insure, for increased arma— ments and additional naval bases, with apparently no policy in mind except to secure “as much as the traffic will bear.” we, too, ate in grave danger of becoming converts to the philosophy filtrthereby corroborates what. several )ears previously‘suclt l2, \\{Kl t}: catorsias Charles \\C l-‘ltwt. SAntuel 'l‘. llttttmt. _\l.tr_\ \} t c and others asserted tn response to an inquiry conducted lept’slattnts (ll Hhir) and Massachusetts have been stampeded into “ ., l‘cace Assocmtion 0t liricnds 0f l‘lnladelplua. tits: Nor would I spend nzttclt tune gt‘ttlg into the “10:31 lo ttnntc .ktitpcrligt‘ against military training tn l‘tll'ltt‘ cltntils. “.\ltht.tr\ drill seeks to . wt ,5 tendcnt Schacttcr again lto‘ryu‘m ztntttiestinnmg ohcdtvnrtx so that the stiltltcr will move it t;‘(,\ :1“, tn the fate of danger and even certain death, but to ‘m Ll(‘\ clap alto-hence tn t‘t‘tl‘t'tt‘th‘t‘, to .1 sense tit right, ant .1lt\r\“t divine titlt‘t‘TftiHC of dun " Or, as the lmttslt ttl\t‘\tl|g kl to it 'ln «in as the 'wltltcrh stitttt' impltes implicit \lllt‘lllt‘tl the appointment of mmmissions to consider the advisability or s‘itierttirs. of forte 'l'htgrc you have the hackground for the efforts now under way to establish military training in our puhlic schools. It is part :tttd tunnel of this general swinging hack of the pendulum tr; the ideals of a century in which the gun—patriots would not haw (‘tttttttlftllflt‘tl nearly as much notoriety as now. Already the guiding;r the \Htllt‘ttt t‘trt'tzntstant‘cs, rill under ltlit titnml ‘\‘ltlll‘ of their commonwealths. Members of the Board rut lztltit‘ntitin of New York City, have heen repeatedly w. H: y tittltlltl :al conscience illltl under tetr of punishment. it.“ it ,ttttt whi-nt'wtial, repressing the perstnmlttv instead «it lt‘tltllltg alone not Is r N‘lmetle llr. lil‘nll ” ‘ llllllttlHt n: out i and \tttltttu ill-ltl'ttlttllt'll to introduce such training. :s .titttx‘etl M the signed ~t.\tt“llt‘llts tn practu‘alh the mine cttett lt‘lt‘llllllt)‘ rtt intrttdut‘ing such military training into the educa» Providence, R. 1., has (\'(‘11 votnl :t (lt‘llttllc lmdgct for military instruction in its Ktlllitll‘. lllt'lt’ltt riut~l’i‘ussiani7intj l'russia, for even in mili» tittt'llt‘ l'ttt‘~‘iit. :ts lJr. ,ltn'dan reminded us yesterday, they have nut ‘Hl'tlx’ tn lltt' lt‘\'(l of teaching .tncre childre n how to kill, A 'ltltl'llltlll'tl t'fl'urt Will he made in other states and communities to ‘~(‘(‘tlt’(’ similar action, unless we can recove r our sanity and want tnrt- forward instead of hackwa rtl, Indeed, this very in urtniiy n Ht‘\’\'~ item dated New York tells us that “Application \\:ts made to day tor incorporatimi of the National School Camp \K‘xt't litllttll ” 'l'ht- (Iltll't‘l til the associ ation is to issue a call for tlllt llvlllltlll ‘t’llUHl ltms to take a course in military training liv :t tttiwt irnuv of fate, I notice. from the same news item, tltztt “It" It the tlltttt]lttl’1\lltl'~ is “lirnest K. ( ‘nultcr, Superin— tt titlt til til lllt' \tu ttt \ {tit the l‘tt'H-ntitin (ll Cruelty to Children." , \t‘\\ | tltt tint \\..nt tu t.tl\t‘ ytuttr . tune to present certztin ~3.t t t~ t t 1‘4 «ti t~'t~it tl...t hmt' ht'tn dintlt “tilt in utt‘lit-r lelCt‘ t, n lt' , ti tt ll lit ttitt \. til?\tlttt'itllltl11tllrtttltt" litar ltl\lilllk‘t‘, :It 2; t ..t;-. lltl'l 1,.it Hitlztnfl tinitti tzzg 'llrtht“ fur plivsicgtl \t , t t til t'll]“l\t‘lltllll. has l'tt‘l ltit'll lt‘ Litters in t ‘t 1 \- ‘t Jllt‘l“ lrzllmn (lrliiItW‘ iltltrlt' tht- ltettztrtt ‘ w 'wtitttt til it. \' l \ l.t~i liehrnztrt lutt m at» l,,\t «t t, 'ltt‘\\‘ 't’ .. tlt .. mutt it» ltt‘ true," is his cun— Elit! t: inttl't‘nl .Jtlutities ,‘ls.lt\t “hull l llJ‘t' \K‘t‘ll iron: the [tens of t'ltrtrles [\tt'ltlln ’\. \llilll'l(‘\‘. ltthn lk'\\t‘\, l5 \lttt' lntttm and other (‘tlllt.lttt| h”, L. "mutt“:i ttn‘vlttuts ltkt‘ Vltlllll \V lit-\tt'r Hr ‘lHer‘ 1‘" . llttghes ' ‘ xi l 1,.2' _ ltl \llstl '\ tit. ' ‘ :~ tutxticrtt-vn to “Hit i tittt .t .i ,s "‘t(‘Y{‘\"" l‘ tt‘ l: \mtt‘ . ti ‘ ' t‘w ",t t\\ttt“ lllill at E 't *‘lttt ti tit \\ll'\ '9 l» witty M tl't‘ t ‘ . . \\,\‘ ‘ tttttn ttwmrtl um ttlllli.1l\ tumult: to u ~tl't-rt'i .,t r in! t i.t.w': . ‘ltlll [mm- ttttutt. tll tllll‘lrtll tor .,_.r v it ml» t‘it~ t‘lll' l t . l t‘r'-'i ‘ ' ‘ l ,‘tiJ i 'ln- lm ‘twit :lhl’ nttlttn t\\t> .ttttl um ‘ ~tlx vx‘zl ll'v 1‘ w t‘th't .t,,»,t ' " t.rll lul (ltt'lr \Vt‘rt‘ lHHN ttl i.“ ‘ ttlut t. 'n 't‘ \\lttl .l l|.ltl llltlrrll ‘. ' '.' ' t‘ r t' “llil ‘ t' \t t! rtlnllttitt nt nlyvtl'll titu-tt \lt tl l n, -t " ' ' .. 'lv-v' ' l1""ll7‘l\ 'l\| Hun utll tltlttt t " , _.. ' 'I‘l"'l 'v‘ '. 2- it , . ' 'v", 'I‘v -' " t.. tt,_, !.t t t t, j. .. unit [r t v, ' 4' '1i c V l l I l‘ t'tZ "‘ l t ..,. y; - l Lt m. \ i _,.,. H t; t '.\ t' ' ' 'l. ,. ‘ l .t .\.t. 'vv' t. ’ -" c \ " ~ ,V n“: ‘l‘ in ltht‘ lttttrll\ l ‘l. . l t H1 I“ i .4 ,l. ' twt tvl" I: ‘1‘ it -"t‘ ,-\ "il‘w' \ ‘ l , ttnl tJ-t ll 'tlt‘lwl lic‘ t,' tn ‘ ll tl‘u- prulnlrm t,.. r.v" 4 t' i "tn!“ i, ills tlmt l t\t~.lt tn tultt t‘ thr t t l ' llzly-u "‘tll ttf tittltmr‘t 1'!"th '1 Altlttltlttll l ,qvw t _. ti. - , 1 H rmv,¢,,.t.,r. t.in 'l‘ t. t' ',\t‘ r, , t‘lt ”.1 ., , i": - lle Kill 1‘7 Lttl‘ H" ,lww, llt‘ tttr it what 'rt tltc- Htlltllll’V Second, since no nation lnes unto itselt, a radical departure from our traditional military policy, such as the introducton of preparation for war in our school curricula would involve, would mean a radical rearrangement and re-alignment of all the great powers, and might easily set in motion a wave of militarism scarcely less calamitous than the great war itself. particularlx hostile to republican hhert}." No one can question that these establishments in every nation to-day tour onn le lllClthlCtll are ox ergronu; that is. swollen hetond all reasonab I. There are, I suppose, as many definitions of what the American ideal of democracy is, as there are theories about the tarifi. pronortions through tear or misapprehension otA others. of . In short. the American ideal. in so tar as it is capahle ‘ ‘ . lftl'ls‘ill, definition. is one of .ltlll'tlllll t‘. t‘itl'its‘. “till that. the l‘russiau ultitlirtht‘ ttlt‘dl ot inihttirin 1 need not quote llernharth. or l‘rettschke, or hunt mu We need not even go hemnd our own shores detinition of it Most people are agreed, however, that it is the very opposite of to rind t‘rost rigorous exponents of it aiitoeracy and militarism. Ask any one of the many thousands upon thousands of immigrants from military—ridden Europe as to why he came to this land (if opportunity, and he will tell you, e l'alifi‘irnut. and, indeed. in this verv netghlmrhnod. lhctidor the tit ideals tihle t‘ontentp the ing denounc .ittt‘r l\'<wst“\(lt, taste. burst into this (‘l‘lgl'illlllll-tllt‘ utterance: ‘l did not l'Jls’t‘ inv hm to he it soldier. R.l\~‘ uh.» "um \n‘i among: other things, that it was because he “did not raise his boy to he a soldier"; because to him America meant the land of individual liberty, the "land of the free and the home of the brave"; because he wants his progeny to grow tip free from the ("rushing burdens of military service and war taxes that so stifled individual initiative in the old country. Aslt the foreign olvset‘ver who comes to our shores to study our life and our ideals what it is that distinguishes us from the lauropeans, and he will always enumerate, among other points. the ahsence oi the military. I recall an inrident that occurred in \N'ashington tuo years ago Some t\\o hundred foreign students, representing thirty diflerent countries, had gathered at (‘or'iiell l'niu-isity, in an international congress , to deliberate upon prohleins common to :studentts (if all nationalities, and t0 :id\:inie the Itlt'jtl of universal lltUllK’lllUtitl l7toin ltlizica they tiairlrd ltl lllllliiltl, to Nliflfitlii halls. to l’hiladt' lphia, to New \itllh, to l'l;iltiniute. in Annapolis. zind tiiizillt to \Vnshington. l “as .sittint: in Al t;|l(‘ tine noun \\llll sou-rial lldltiltl students, when stiddt-ult mu- id thein .spr ring up ext'itedly and panned out (ii the \\ llltlt m ” \t last l see» an "xiiterit‘au soldier," he said. "l had when hmid in lt.il\ that \mi are a non nzilit zit) nation, liiit l lll'\tl tli(.iiiit-d that l “mild ll'.1\(l through me of your largest (Ill(“ htiuve Hit‘t’llllfl a soldier " (net-rye \‘latlllllgltt‘l, in his ltlllli‘llh “l".ireuell" 110 \nd to it recent article of llh‘ he puts but .‘zt it‘l’ citizenship " “ ‘l did not rilst‘ nix hm to he A soldier' ls‘ on the snipe it thus :n.’ il lewl “till suing, l did not raise ni\ girl to he :1 mother lhe so-mlled l'riis's'tan Here. then, are the tim ide.ils the 'tlt‘ill, \xlui‘h uta‘ses titizeiiship iiud st‘ltllt‘l’V‘sVllUtlHtttltls; other, the ilenzwtiitit’ ideal, “huh emilts pacthnn is the highest Writ of :‘lfrtiiftslt', ttlltl \thith regards the “ork Ht the stiltllt‘t‘ Is the \t‘f\ list rest it .itter the filll‘ilrt‘ nt' Ltw .ind lllsllt'l‘ ‘ \s to ‘»\lllll| ideal the Link .iiul tile (it the li'nrv v.» . H . lhe ver‘. tiiit thit the ‘sVllllhlllllt‘H‘ M \"c-rmin putt, h- tut-r speaking, are on the side til the .\lltt‘s‘ 'ir-udl, ‘Mtt‘s the l “z't‘d :l. wt we in .i lit‘l’lllilll \it’tiitv the urn-ugly the» drums how dc-Viiti'd \n- tire to it lllllr‘v idtuil I that l-rlzr'u' t-nvwrs lriitiinii with the In our \‘tllllltl'y \iid Men tlm r tilt'.|l pititii‘ lll lllls wwwtviiig (it'rttidtl .truggle, \iltltll'V W!“ l. illltrll'itl wide I r all from the danger. surrounding .ti His tit lu':_:tt' Etntll ll.irthi>ld, "dill cruhle ill irr- tii'nitu; ~idn one way or thr lrll|t'r_ our l,itl\\‘ll.‘l4liltl'g, iir Yri'ui. 1' ,., . tr er 'w ‘Iy "r lri-' “.P v he ,Attrt‘ we wait! to \CC t'w- '4 .hur, ttlt‘ll, i». it not )ll.t 1 little 'tl err-l imp address, eiitpliasiled the lllttilll|i.llll’llll\ t‘l lli‘illlallslll and democracy ' "(licipimtn ll‘tllltir\ rstaldislzuieiJs me, under aux fonn of gtnrtniiie‘iit, ”mil."litmus in lihritx, and are to he regarded as In (llh‘ V'ery-E‘tate of '«r'x q... va .sant tr; t-ii'lirtirir that ideal \Htpri, m puihlt' sihmil' \re we in ’-< reg.” 3rd is sum-re it we (i‘ll‘flhr‘. do not praitii :- what ,, . iv , it ,,r i . i. i ‘ lll we preach? ll li‘russianism is an undesirable thing, then why instill it in the hearts of our youth? It is a current statement in the trenches of lfurope that this is reall) an old men's war—that the splendid young men of this generation are forced to light for ideals of an older generation, for ideals which they no longer share. John R. Mott, Jane Addams, and others who have been abroad, tell us that the young men vow that when this war is over they will see to it that their new ideals of internat ional cooperation supersede these older notions. Are we to be more backward than the men in the trenches? While Europe is bitterly re— gretting that it ever succumbed to the military ideal, and is pathetically trying to shift the blame for this war one upon the other, shall we adopt that out~worn ideal in our presumably up—to~date educational system by installing military training? Even the Prussian educational system does not provide for inili— tary instruction in the common schools. Shall we outdo Prussia? Let us not be misled by those who try to make out how nnocent the idea of military training is. It is one of the unortunate truisms that militarism is like that popular confec— ion known as “crackerjack,” the motto of which is, “The more {on eat, the more you want." It differs only in this, that even she most ravenous of youngsters will finally stop wanting .rackerjack, while I have yet to find the militarist who is satis"led with the state of preparedness at any given point. Ramsay n’lacdonald well pointed out the dangers of militaris m in a recent speech in Birmingham. Said the distinguished member of Parliament: “Great Britain is nearer militarism than ever it has been in its existence. Of course, people say it is only t emporary. but let them not make any mistake about that. When they go into militarism for temporary purposes they have to a bandon the view which is at war with militarism. If they submit to consc ription in any shape or form now the argumen ts in favor of conscripti on will continue after peace." And so it will be with the idea of milit ary training in pubTic schools. At first it will be a voluntar y matter for the children. Then it will be compulsory. Then it will be extended into the high schools, the colleges and the universities in ever in— creasing measure. Soon it will app ear advisable that the young 112 iven schookl1 b: gnore men who are unable to go beyond the grammar and tneie that servtce ”patriotic” for the same opportunity .or collegbe: r0— fortunate comrades have at the high school Wi d .fpn workingmen’s and businessmen’s military training t :is cimg: Do you not see whither we shall theln belt vided . ofew big egisa few A . drifting? dy alrea are we ' fact, ' i in whither, e influences trolled by gun makers and mun itions manufacturers, a _and, or at leas t swayed by the sam ' ' a ers subSidized estNerful our before g Ipotential enemy dangled long enough fact, as: d once conscription is only a question of time. In a“? wood urgingit. openly is a paper as the Chicago Tribune _ eon . Genera let 1 ll , we —— introduced ' is ' tion ' nscri' hi‘slzecenthid of one. of. course :geak pSaid the General in the fig: talk tempts to militarize our colleges and universmes, paci this all stop would it conscription in this country, in twenty—four hours.” II. . - . . a light. But perhaps I am seeing. things. in too peSSimistic 1_ aplluEZEZR weil': schooIls public in training military ng Supposi est51 In our won 1 it. . . to the youngs ters taking ' fied blessmg . . er lives unr Ion . ‘ arly at this time of internationa 'it, particul rt g . any nation no , deuce en’ modern state of interdep infloziewpild unto itself. Whatever is said or thought 0}: dogte 10“ er or . . t oug . . , becomes pa rt of the . world ' of the universe gn nations is no ' Even war among so - called ciVilized mind. ’ we now :3ng possible between two isolated countries, but, as. as to by horrible example, has become so internationalized . . t. ' ' the holocaus into s countrie ost a dozen especnzlllyt 31m It follows that any new governmental policy, 1:};5 eis a military one, introduced in one country is boupdtl’xtot t have abundan proo a throu hotit the world. We iy; true gWhen our fleet sailed around the world to Show evefrybot b or ble responsi became it ” frazzle, a we could “lick them to Americ_ an. sister repu- -— ' fiated naval programs of severa1 South iations make Similar appropri: g military appropr . libs.. Our hucre money r: tions in Japan almost ineVitable—and Japan has no , yea ” Emperor German the When debt. only a for them" t 2gb uttered his famous “Unsere Zukunft liegt auf dem \Nalsser mosn (:1 an about brought he , water”) the on lies future “our 500 revolutionary re—alignment of the European powers, an 113 conv d ship the traditional enmi into erte friend W'hen F t)- between France and England agamst OUtSide thre ats e tance, mo years ago, in “self-defense” from two to three . x ended her military conscr iption )er' (1 Germany in that t1years, she - r ' l I her riCh pa R drew out an instant resp onseI f ‘0 at country levied a hea vy inconie t mm 1 ussxa Showed swe en“ . 09 e, so as to swell her “defen ' ” war chest.ax \Vh “P0 1 se the armaments . And so on The military program of could. wor one ntry is invar'1a b l)v bound up' w 1th that of the whol e civilized woum An1Ilya ' one wit V h any ima ' gin ' ation whatever can foresee what h ppen If. the most che rished shrine of,l b ' berty and democ3, te AmericanThschool house , were t 0 eco l me infested b the mihtary ideal. , wo:[;v:r ld,. already sorely shak en in its faith, in the peace ideal ee its last ray of hope disappearing than the r m, 'scarcel ) ' l ess calami 'tous ini ‘ SOCial. ' ' ‘ g eat war itself, wou ld follow 5 Pmentlahtles “ ists, the religionists, i The laborers, the me 7 our northern boundary to our arbitration and “cooling off”‘01’ one year’s delay—treatie to pur freedom Sstun from land militarism and to our comparative . . p eparedness’, as liv mg demonstra’ tions of the better way Wlll go down in defeat before the jingoes when America, too, succ umbs to the ' Do we, as men and women Ideal 0f force. to take upon ourselve s the treme to cull but a few fibre,” of “physical and moral cowardice,” would rush us choice phrases from the voeabulary of those who into war. German profesBut do not let that worry us. As a dear old discussing were we when May, sor said to me in Berlin last too, is bound to come de— the grave world situation: “Our time, then I look forward spite all that you see round about us. And ties, to our teachuniversi the from women and men young our to g in the era of a usherin in lead the ers and educators to take is now antagonism, there where ation co-oper of united, world of mutual understanding and good will.” “Not once in a One of our best known Americans has said, achieving worth ng anythi achieve to e possibl thousand years is it , and by willingness except by labor, by effort, by serious purpose everywhere not look to run risks.” May the people of good-will to accept willingly in vain to the American teacher and student herself like a. wall or himself setting in arity the risk of unpopul ize our priceless militar to of adamant against the attempt school. public ing -inspir liberty free, heritage, the preposed the I am aware that in the foregoing I have not substitute for ctive constru a ed advanc not have I alternative. for me to do so. military training. But it is hardly necessary tly keeping before constan is League Peace School an Americ The g history for a the teachers of America the necessity of teachin men—saving is far that ideal the ng fosteri of nt; viewpoi new of inculcating a more heroic and honorable than man-killing; the children patriotism that shall include the world; of making of the fact tion realiza a to them g bringin of international-minded; great political and that, as Dr. Jordan has so well stated it, “the we hope—will moral struggle of the next fifty years—bloodless n militarism and not be between nation and nation, but betwee “on: to b sure, far more popular to ce peace propaganda than it .1115 to remain sane and :11: knowledge tha andcal to m dein t the world wt1h not forever remain at six _ sevens , but that ul es tim ' atel T V Ie rea cti on must set in, and period of soberness a folm mo low ) 0. )e a pac ifi st nowad ays 13 incur the stigma ' of “ t l Iflabbmess,” of ”degen eracv, in m eraCl) freedom.” attempt to It would be “carrying coals to Newcastle” to I not content May body. this of work d splendi the ment supple of the New York myself with quoting the words of the chairman ion? Educat of Board City pat“From all the treasured reverence for the past, a new death, but of life, riotism should be evolved, a patriotism, not of s a domain the patriotism of humanity. This patriotism demand not kill,’ without frontiers. The commandment, ‘Thou shalt 114 115 ’ Tar“ ' 12;? (fir—3*. _ ——.—..e3-.._. . _- Han—«.1 am” (Ar. |'. ll becomes a mandate to nations even as to men—to black men and yellow men as well as to whit e. It regards as one great fami ly all the children of a livin n0" . . g God . The . pro gr ess of the race, ev n V, demands a patriotlsm not stirred by the roll of the drun h :fa;;?;l::dbyt;he Sight of the mounted man. Its vision is of the Cities hone;t A Call of Old Glory for Heroism tledpark and the .school, clean streets, beautiful uponlsoda] 111:2: e, wholes ome living. selution. It 862:“, and enlists \Vith ferv or in the task of its and to H ht h s to ease the yoke upon the shoulders of toil g en t e burden on the back s of the God~fearing poor ’: l l l l i EVA MARSHALL SHONTZ It looks with disquietude WORLD crisis is upon us. America faces the oppor- tunity of the ages to be a benefactor to the human race. From every quarter of the globe comes “a long world cry,” for the people of some land to adopt and practise as their motto those immortal words of William Lloyd Garrison—“My country is the world—My countrymen are all mankind." The prophecy of Longfellow never had such a far-reaching meaning as to-day: A “Were halt the power that fills the world with terror, Were half the wealth bestowed on camps and courts. Given to redeem the human mind from error, There were no need of arsenals or forts. The warrior’s name would be a name disowned, And every nation that would lift again Its hand against another, on its forehead, Would wear for evermore the mark of Cain." The question of war can be settled by the correct answer to five words—ls it right to murder? For “war is mechanized murder.” Humanity waits to see whether our country deserves the tributes paid to her by President Wilson. “America is too proud to light.” If she is too proud to fight, then she ought not to prepare to fight. From recent statements which should be authentic, we learn that in round numbers fifty-eight per cent of the habitable globe is swept by war. 1,721,000,000 live on this planet; 976,296,000—over half—are at war. 21,000,(X)O soldiers are en— gaged in the unparalleled war now raging in Europe. Over 9,000,000 are killed, wounded, missing or held as prisoners. The nations at war are spending $400,000,000 per week, $20, 000,000,000 per year. Such incomprehensible figures and un— believeable massacres the world has never before faced. For forty years Europe has been preparing for what she now has —War—still there are those who insist that the only safety 116 117 for America lies in following her example. Never since Old Glory was born has it called, as it calls to—day, for heroes of peace to avoid war by not preparing for it. If we imitate Europe, what may we expect to leave as a heritag e to futur generations but an invitation for a veritable catacl sm f d e and destruction in a world war. y 0 63th Ifdiberty-loving Americans do not speedilv take a brave determined stand against militarism, the outlook: is indeed dark, Since records have been kept, it is estimated that over 15 000000,000 men have died through war. During 1912 the nafions spent $2,250,000,000 for military and naval armament to be prepared, to continue slaughtering each other. W'ho carri the great burden of these war debts? The workin eo les Expert authority. says that when the present Europe ang \far If): gan, 12,000,000 in England needed public aid for a respectable 11111131. Her public debt was three and a half billion dollars and she .was spending thirty-five per cent of her income above : edgierefst En her Sebt, for her army and navy. Germany had . o. t ree—an —a—half billion, every cent war deb plajnscielndéng over forty—five per cent of her income on hertariiiyli seven 9: Ca \tvai; debt of $6,000,000,000 and was spending thirty- faith against war. While tremendous efforts are being made to turn our high schools, colleges and universities into military training camps, some are being stirred, as never before, against war. William W. Welsh, former Secretary of the International Bureau of Students says, “There are students in the world who would rather die than go to war and commit murder—I am one of them.” If all college men would have this idea of patriotism, how long before the forts and arsenals of the world could be turned into schools and universities? A recent conference of students from various colleges has been held. An appeal was made for the anti-enlistment league. A young man arose and, in a ten-minutes’ speech, struck the highest note of inspiration and enthusiasm of the convention. His statement, “I am one of those who refuse to go out and kill a fellow man,” struck a responsive chord and sent a thrill of this higher civilization through the audience. Karl Karsten, of German ancestry, an athlete, six feet six inches tall, and President of the Collegiate Anti-Militarism League, leads a wonderful uprising of students in Columbia University against war. Anti—Military Leagues are being formed in many schools. debt of £03an— 3:232- :thr erpie-flying W W” Rm had a . Harvard, New York, Syracuse, Cornell, Wisconsin and Indiana mg each year to pay th:l $2,000,0000i1i1t gfdizfr2nailtd was borrow— President Wilson by Columbia students after the Lusitania sank, lief E\Szerywhere the masses are against war and beg for re. urely the hour has struck for all lovers of the h race ltgomove in one solid body for the abolition of war ”man force :ggglgrged has been tested and failed. Now the opposite A. Poung Chri[:ursuec‘l .at the. earliest possible moment. Daniel Christian ’End 5 13" Clt‘zeml‘l‘lp Superintendent of four million up and covenagfivprers says,. Until the men of the world rise a nation Steal? , S Wlll not kill; nations will learn war.” Should murder? whim ahgilfdaabfii’gon lie? Should a nation commit . -nmen sa “1 l” . " 2:3“ Iismpotterli—lt, submarines obsolete, :ndhlgzittl:afirelhosr(l: :iilelE naticms in :1; e time here when Americans ought to lead the pUinc Wouid tha clovenant—such heroism ? If our mighty ReThere are 5:11:31; }how long before a World Parliament? State Universities are among the number. A telegram sent to stating they would do anything he might ask except go to war, will some day be recognized as one of the greatest honors ever bestowed on Columbia University. This sentiment ought to spread rapidly through American institutions of learning, especially in view of the way it is developing in European schools; for this tragedy across the sea is not a young man’s war, although the rulers and older men compel them to murder each other. Mrs. William I. Thomas says, “If my sons had to be sacri— ficed to the madness of war, I should prefer to have them shot for refusing to fight, rather than to be marshalled out to murder their fellow beings.” If all mothers would be as heroic as she, how long before arbitration would supplant war? It is fitting that earnest brave souls should thus blaze the way for a new civilization, when young men in Europe have been driven to com- Dle honor the Quaker ~ 0P6: All , M enomte, over n, theand country peoMorav1a others many of similar mit suicide in the hospital rather than return to the front and 118 119 kill a fellow man, and when more than one woman comforts herself with the hope that her dear one, killed in war had not America or the world until the drink traffic is slain. True, there murdered anyone. ’ “Again: Mr. J. Campbell \Yhite, late of The Laymcn’s hilSisonary movement says, “The best way to promote peace isto extend the sway of the Prince of Peace. Five hundred missmnaries can be supported for fifteen years for the cost of is hope everywhere. The death—knell is sounding louder and louder for the entire diabolical traffic. Still the appalling Armagedon is just ahead. The United States Government con— tinues to be chief factor in this murderous business with $1,400,000,000 spent yearly for drink—the chief cause of crime. Crime has increased until we spend approximately $6,000,000,000 one battleship. The present war costs enough every sixty da '5 annually in this direction. Lawlessness reigns with appallingpower. to evangelize the whole world. If America will give as mucyh per year to the mission as the war is costing each dav ($50 000 000), we can reach with Christ’s message of brotherhood otir share of the world within twenty-five years.” 'If the churches would accept this challenge even at a heroi sacrifice, how long before the battle-flags would be furled W c there ever such a call as to-day for this kind of heroism wht:is the world over so—called Christian nations are conn td 'n thought with murdering implements of war? 3C e m There is another class of heroes for which our fla lead heroes to battle with foes within our borders. Trul lip 't bs—— said that the following words of Abraham Lincolnyou :1: t elin \Evritten upon our national escutcheon, “All the afmieso of Now and then the world receives a nine—day’s shock by a horrible th:r:::t,hAosgigawnndeifriiadcombhined, with all the treasures of ' ep e , int eir military chest with B — parte for a commander, could not b force ' i ’ a (ma , Ohio, or make a track on the Blue Ryidge, int:1t\:i:l((j)lf nlk0(f)80):z:1:e fin. If des ' h t r uction be our lot, we must ourselves be its author and or ISdieer.by As a nation snidde ” of freemen we mus t live through all time The question is: Shall we live, or die by suicide? Even as we speak our glorious Republic is en gaged in a life and death struggle with the most terrific foe th at ever shot at any flag in any age, the drink—traffic. There are many foes—powerful and well—organized—threatening the Stars and Stripes. There is one, however who, like Saul of old, towering head and shoulders above his fell m}:s—— one giant Goliath, before whom all , the ' h emiss know ..aries of Satai iowandmk a e 0 bi eisance, for the conquerif liquid. He comes to the battle-field already a mighti dripping fgomehgprpceslwithbthe blood of his murdered millions of th ar et r0 es. He com es b oastm ' ' fh ‘ ousand slain each year. Peace? There can t bi :io pl:a::of:sr climax, as in the case of Leo Frank, or when scores of negroes are lynched annually in various sections of the country—two burned alive this year; but the constant, ordinary lawlessness so broadcast through drink, helps to pave the way for these incredible atrocities. Surely if our flag could speak it would plead like angels trumpet—tongued for peace—heroes to set it free. There have been great heroes who have given their lives in this mighty cause. There are great heroes to-day whose lives are in constant jeopardy through this terrific curse. The peace of the world calls for millions more. Poor Europe presents a strange spectacle. Russia, realizing the unendurable ravages of drink among her soldiers, prohibits vodka. Other countries endeavor to stop the terrible havoc wrought in their armies by liquor. Still Miss Addams, while in Europe, learned from one reliable source after another, of poor soldiers being given some kind of drink before engaging in bayonet charges, to make it possible for them to plunge into such unbelievable slaughter. Was there ever a more powerful object lesson of the horrors of the drink traffic? Was there ever a more powerful object lesson of the peace of the world demanding its annihilation? Again Old Glory calls for heroes. This time it is in bethe half of her starving millions. In this land of the free and home of the brave, this land where one thousand million ought value of to be able to live in comfort, this land where the total this year’s food crops will be over $5,300,000,000, of the millions in of working people—expert authority states that one third are of workpoverty. Thirty—five per cent of the wives and mothers keep the ing men are forced to do hard work themselves, to help the wage wolf from the door. $500 per year is the income of half earn earning fathers. Nearly one-half of the women workers every less than $6 per week. Three or more persons occupy 121 120 sleeping room in thirty-seven per cent of the workers ' homes. Babies of the poor die three times as fast as those of the rich. Nearly twenty per cent of the school children of this country are underfed or under-nourished. One out of every twelve corp— ses in New York City is buried in Potter's Field. Still we hear of heaping more taxes on these millions of toilets to prepare for war. Millions of people in this country are not living, but existing. Multitudes are packed in the slums of our big cities like sardines. Brave Admiral, say but one good word!» What shall we do when hope is gone. The words leaped like a leaping swprd, “Sail on! Sail on! Sail on! and onl . Then. pale and worn, he kept his deck And peered through darkness, ah, that night, Of all dark nights! And then a speck,— A lightl A lightl A light! A light. Multitudes of little children in factory, shop, mill and sweat shop are, in every way, starving to death to-day. Peace? There can be no peace for all these people until the problems of the industrial world are solved by the Golden Rule. On the other side there are multitudes of heroic souls literally giving their lives to bring relief. One of these died this year—Professor Charles Henderson of the University of Chicago. He knew he was risking his life. Under the tremendous burden he carried for the poor, with scores of thousands tramping the streets of Chicago out of work, his strength gave way. One of the most powerful of the many great cartoons of our daily press was in regard to his funeral. The god of Mars was represented in his war attire saying, “A hero, and he never killed anybody." Then a beautiful woman represents Chicago, laying wreaths of flowers on the grave of the professor. Over it are the words, "He died saving others.” And so the forces for good and the forces for evil are being lined up on all of these and many other great problems. I am thinking now of the poem Columbu s, by Joaquin Miller. It is the story of the great discoverer, his trials, his faith, his victory: They sailed and sailed as winds might blow, Unti l at last the blanched mate said: “Why, now, not even God would know Should I and all my men fall dead. These very winds forg et their way, For God from these dread scenes is gone , Now, speak, brave Admi ral, speak and say. He said, “Sail on! Sail on! and on!” They sailed, they sail ed, then spoke the mate, “This mad sea shows his teeth to-night, He curls his lip, he lies in wait, With lifted teeth, as if to bite! 122 It grew, 3 starlit flag unfurled, It grew to be Time's burst of dawn, 1d He gained a world; he gave that w'or Its grandest lesson, “On! Sail on. May these wonderful words inspire us all to better answer the call for World Peace. A . . rica! Sail on! ‘ Sail on. H?rianity, with all its hopes, are . all With thee! . l pent; The clouds may be black, 0h, ship of state, but sag You are called to lead the nations onward by new an h —Sail on! . . _ you t" pTithys enemies are powerful. Sail on! Sail on! until grelat become what Dr. Frederick Lynch says in his picture of a nation—“an example to all others, haven of all oppresfselcl plioped, 'in all lands , missionary 0 1g an ' ' of human rights ham ion to all backward races, Mother of truth and sciences ge knowied Y ‘ h causes.” ' all hig ' ’ eople, leader in 11 ' ldlike a“ C513“ on lpSail on! until, with the Lord 5 help, the forces. of righteousness conquer; and justice, mercy, and peace neig‘n supreThin you can go forth, a Good Samaritan indeed, to the needy nations of the world. Then you can stretch out your hands over all lands, and with power pronounce upon themfirp: e precious mother’s favorite benediction, The Lord bless and give thee peace.” ‘ 1: Awfiv‘filfwfim 433:" America’s Danger and Opportunity LUCIA AM as Mini) ()th country faces to-day one of the great crises of its ‘istpé'y Lpon our deCision, in large measure hangs the our cons: Y sT deCIsi ."i on to advance or to retreat in civili i ‘ zation. engaged Ir)dis the sole one of the eight great Powers not now saf6 in . estro ‘ 1ving its own . blood and treasure . I t is ' the mics; 3nd richest country in the world; has never yet been enemi: , liut. itself began its three foreign wars and has no or for :ppr: isltli etone to which all nations now turn for help on fnend - ly terms va. With ‘very it. nation at this moment is ' strivi ' ' ng to be _ -, :11“ country one T isotdai has set before it two mom entous choices: League (:0 lo ow Mr. Mamm, Plattsburg orators and the Navy uponahew ceverse its policy, ignor e its old ideals, and to enter must mle in ourse. HThis course is based on the doctrine that force and that our oura ’airs,.that all government is based on force siege.gufl3 bagaégns chief defen se against its chief dangers is . our sch, m ips, a million men i n arms, and rifle ' racti imitation ot)fol.:.mil'l"he 1:purse that is proposed is merepservi i: Europe to th e, 0 -world In e th ods, which . hav b . e shambles . The men who advocate this e ‘ fough policy ' t :ults of the theories they propound. f altever policy we adopt in facing an eo $in by the Latin repu blics and new mena .. ‘. . urope's exhaustion mena b ' ce, as our militarists impl y, then it br‘ “ngs ”5 cc to those weaker than ourselves mgs even more U Our deciSion will largely affect the . decision of the world. pon- our shoulders will rest responsibility for suspicion, terror and imposing costly burden of tax ation upo nati fedeons rano , nwhic h hhatour whic re look ownedn to us to lead toward that n Poor world er fully foreshadowed, :tidoerlaiiiioerderialtion has so successWI no deter embittered Europe from adopting any other policy than that decreed by militarists. Democracy, the world over, stands to—day in peril. The militarists of Europe are fast ousting civilians and assuming civic functions. A censored press and cowed public, unable in any warring country to freely speak its mind, is accustoming itself to unprecedented governmental control. There is no assurance that the spirit of liberty, for which Social-Democrats and labor parties stand, will have the power to gain the ascendency. “Once to every man and nation comes the moment to decide, In the strife of Truth with Falsehood, for the good or evil side.” Our choice comes now. That money power behind munitions, which has for years in many countries largely influenced the press, is working desperately to retain after the war the ascendency which this war has given it. It is a terrific power, working through vicious moving—picture films, through scare headlines and every shrewd psychological device to hypnotize the reason and to obsess the imagination. When it once gets its grip upon the schools, as it is trying to do under the plea of patriotism, it may create conditions which will compel the long, bloody fight for democracy to be won over again. This war has revealed within our midst men in high position who are condemning democracy because it will not yield to the militarists’ demands, because it will not fall into machine methods. The Prussian conception of the state is getting rooted in the minds of the very men who most bitterly condemn its obvious results. If we give our might toward increased reliance upon force, we may tip the scale downward for all humanity for generations. TWO COURSES If we, on the other hand, make the alternative choice and tip the scale upward, if we put the mighty influence of our rich, safe republic toward creating new and more adequate defenses than our physicists have invented, we shall be able to inspire and lead a war-sick world. Let us make no mistake. Our choice is between two courses. We cannot successfully at the same time follow two contrary policies. Years ago, in England, an esteemed friend of mine, a man who loves peace, and is a member 125 vicious and discouraging, but if only peace-workers would confine their efforts to substituting law for war they would gradually undermine the power of the army and navy leagues. Urge on the work of Hague courts, multiply treaties, improve inter» in arms this calamity would not have come,” they cry. But, as the Westminster Gazette well said, ”It would simply have come sooner.” The worst horror of this accumulation of horrors is that on every hand, even in our country, men seem to be losing their power of reason, their realization of the most impassive facts. A college education gives no proof that the man who has it has any more judgment or perception of relative values, national law, he counseled, and, finally, with world organiza— of international ethics and economics, than has the man on the tion complete militarism would have no leg to stand on and would collapse. I felt at the time that this would be true if reason ruled and no selfish interests upset the logic of events, but I had street. It gives no proof of power of logic or of imagination, we are sadly learning. With the complacent assumption that we could never become militaristic, that we would fight only for righteousness and justice, and must be the sole judge in our own case as to what is just, we are with amazing rapidity adopting the very prin- of the Privy Council, advised me to waste no time in criticizing the mad efforts of the militarists to increase unnecessary arnia~ merits. Of course, he declared, these efforts were wasteful and no faith that men who have made vast profit from armaments and war scares would relinquish their power to hood-wink and to drain the people. As well expect distillers of their own accord to cease making whiskey. . The conflagration of Europe is the outcome of the policy of letting armament—makers and the jingo press inflame the fear and jealousy of governments and the people, while the sentries of the public, who should have been on guard, dreamed at their post. ' They assumed that a thoughtless public would know its own interests and logically work to attain them. The generals and the Krupps, Armstrongs and DuPonts were perfectly willmg to let us read papers on Hague courts and prize courts and sea law and on Caloo and Drago doctrines and laws for neutrals It‘a'mu-sed us and did not hurt them. In fact in our countr the militarists blandly supported it and formed arbitration sociZtie With arbitration and armaments walking abreast arm in arr: Iegress their platform. Whether one could serve lGod and a . . Ma:mofjl‘hzr0::thét1y\::ncge::::£hfi$t one could serve God and all denunciation, was any lesseni 1e)f mSlSted “’35 ”11.300 from nature had changed and the milleriig '0 untilAny mum armament’s was 1n s1 ht human one who dared talk of our nation venturing to take as init iative, to be the courageous leader in a new policy in placing more reliance en non~military defenses, was told that he a college sissy,” and a contemptible was no patriot, was “peace—at-any-price” . titv. nonen _ The conceit of the milit " arlst ' righteousness, is characteristic. 1 that he alone loves The result of Euro pe’s prepa n redness is apparentl y teaching ' no lesson to our ow 11 peopl e. Had England had a million mei 126 ciples of reliance on force, which is at the basis of this whole setback to civilization. German military efficiency is what our army and navy leagues have held up as our ideal. The head of the army was reported as saying two or three years ago that he would like to “out—German the Germans,” and teach every boy of twelve to shoot. Before this war opened our military authorities clamored for a great army. Under sharp protest that it is possible for us to be militarized, America, under the sophistry 0f the panic-stricken press, is fast reversing its theories and policies. It is invoking such reliance on force as, if carried out, will end that power of world—leadership, which is ours to-day. PREPAREDNESS What shall peace workers say in face of the nation-wide campaign for what, with dangerous euphemism, is called “preparedness”? “Masked words” win many victories over reason and logic. Every sane person believes, of course, in foresight, caution and adequate preparedness for real dangers. If the slogan were not this respectable masked word, “preparedness," but were “more taxation,” “imitate Europe,” “teach every boy to kill,” millions would oppose what they now frantically support. First, let us say that we as laymen make no apology for discussing the question of national defense, because it is a question that should be solely dependent on one consideration, which we are competent to discuss. This is not our coast line, our wealth, our population, or our armaments. It is our danger, not 127 belgium's or Switzerland's danger, but our danger. The men in \Vashington, who have been summoned to bend their ener ies on the problem of defense, are asked to consider, not whalfv is America’s danger, but “what the navy. must be in the future to stand upon an equality with the most cfiicient and most )ra tically serviceable." “hat that means as to size, l knowInoCt- If it means to ask what is needed to make our navv equal to Great-Britain’s, certainly it would mark an amazinai dc 'll'tl in policy from all previous history, and this is hardlvblikellii “'5 ' Technical. questions must be left to experts. Eitt the primary question that ought to decide the amount and kind of defense is one which the intelligent citizen who has traveled who'has- an international mind and is not biased b m'lit i predilections, is best fitted to studv. The last nnnywh] 3r) impartially judge what is our danger is he who has iveO clilili chief attention for years to the technique of war. In pg) oilt' 15 is he has knowledge of explosives, physics and exigineeEirigIOlfs n: ustpally unable to Judge psychological problems or to recbgoure 16. pouer of non—military defenses. He may easily gauge thanegilsifiltsfi tthathof other nations, but he has less Sewer and of the germs Oaf eretvslthajgz anqlambitions of foreign cabinets ' . ’ ng ie masses, whicl ‘ ' factoLrstin consrdermg danger and safety. 1 are Puma” eflidenet aurdeIZIScsorCn:ttlhe advent of scientific experts to make more ought greatlv to less ) thie armaments that we now have. They our war and war b5e: t e preposterous expense which has made At th‘ u'gets out of all proportion to results. is stage, while some of us believe it w 1d b safe to begin reduction, the majorit f i 0“ e PerfeCtlY more our degree usual of exccpt than war an (1 navyy 0budgets in small US WillWithout TSk forincrease, Homing for police. I for one beligi/I: 31:23:) WhICh' ShOUId be kept merely expended asd to increase th defensiv “r Haw blldget ose measures be SO which ShOUId are purelv the SUbneaan to Lessen those that are offensive . ‘ a me usnprglgeisirispec weapons giVe tive power of The power of, still less costly sea we multiply them with th 1 complete security from invasion if ships. Before the war Seafe sums hitherto devoted to battle- Says Herbert Quick: just as the galleys func“At the moment sea power is functioning sub- last time. The tioned at the battle of Lepanto, for perhaps the a universal stalemate marine is the negation of sea power. It creates putting an troops by water, thus at sea. It can prevent the transport of sea the only practicable thing. end to conquests. It makes peace at against overseas expeditions Defence is made perfectly practicable everywhere.” for ourNikola Tesla declares that “we can maintain peace radically selves and help to maintain it for the world by adopting signally failed in different methods from those that have so we shall have Europe,” and he prophesies that in the near future vessels. Let crewless of control wireleSS adequate defense by of this type of us peace workers encourage the development is scaring our defense for the hypothetic foe, whose ghost American public. Let us waste no more taxes on $15,000,000 battleships. alterna— Let us challenge the mad cry that we have “only two as we have great as times ten to five army, regular a tives”——one training now, or an equally great reserve army, with military danger The alternatives. such no be need There boys. all for military required of effect to this country from the psychological loss the training upon millions of youths far outweighs in will youth Every involved. money and increased cost of time the war, believe that, whereas there was no need for this before of something has happened now to necessitate an utter change been policy. A citizen army will be needless for us, as it has a necessary for little Switzerland, surrounded by old enemies yard across her border line. A citizen army or a great regular fear, army will enormously increase our spirit of suspicion and to which is one of the primary causes of war. It will be bound fill the minds of youth with false theories that war is inevitable, for that government is based on force, and that new substitutes war are negligible. No such results will come from increased coast defenses of the type referred to, which should be our sole reliance against a hypothetic invasion. JUSTICE TO THE ORIENT federal income on war past er: :Pendmg 6'7 Per CCHt Of our 55 per cent, Japan, 45, and Frzgce :riiirleE; Whlle 35 Germany Spent per cent. ngland, 128 In addition to a more effective, though not more costly, to naval defense, we should demand that such justice be done 129 the Orient as shall determine anv ill {1 ' ' " ' andt relinove one of the possible causes of ‘50:;251 5“:ffibltlioi110\v17::ll‘srtsl igrtiigpalo:eallqiteiréijnd.t1‘ligliteous readjustment of some of our mic:advocatEd btv mg 1:] ifiChina and Japan are measures which, if . nation. Our :Jcrlinia mous ' i'iaflioiiijllld g1 .must he SlUPPO )e notHCd arhitr. by a ' umnl‘ :gfiiiltlmtergfihb:tRprevention. It was upon this matter ofqiali‘tiieiif congress to 13‘. t:ot instructed the delega tes to the second Hague alwa S b . err emphasts. There is where emphas is mu y e put. War Will come until causes of ' at are removed. St The problem of our relations to the Orient ‘ “ ite as serious as that of our relations to Europe. ‘5 Q“ Why multiply military defence to prote ct us against ill—will that can be absolutely wiped out by act of Congress? For years the clamor about evil designs froin Japan has been created by a few Vicious interests, which have d eluded many timid citize ns. The wanton, wicked talk of war ha . shad no valid foundation and has done infinite harm. It is time for every patriot td demand that it I shall as if end, any that one Ofe w ecle:se to talk about the “mast ery of the Pacific,’ en nations bordering on this great highway of the world coul d be its “masters.” It is time 0 plan to neutralize the Philippi nes and to grant them independence in the very near futu re and thus ove our greatest cause of apprehension and a source of e\' eiem not profit. This need got .mean withdrawing bene volentp unoffi '58 cial influence. The Ohihppines will doubtless welcome, aid advisers, as do larger riental nations. It would mean P shirking of obligation . It would enable us to lessen our nag: about one—half, and thus encoura e less " ’ Pacificgw ho , fglgfelsmb g 1p011Tthat pOOre by so much r neigh attesh' d bors ' . ’ry anlfn across the could matc h our‘ tion d . eprn e thems elves of an Intern the bare al devel nee essm opmen ' es ‘ t mu“ of byeduca Now is on ' ' Opportunity to help save the forwa d looking ??“ s To? Europ e’smasse agony Nostafrom taking the path whic h has ledrtd w is our bl t ‘ ’ to unit develo no Opport ' have bli’en refZOStly armaments, essed beyond such c03ast (1:in Chma ”Cd ‘0’ but to develop science and capit:llsels lackaggofresthese , n ot lac is . t és of sion. k of a fleet, that has ma de her the object e to humanity The Pacific coast can do no greater servic n this winter essme congr de persua to action t than to take instan ent of those treatm ial to present hills which cover a just, impart less priviwith g dealin , nation strong a as we matters in which shameeven and rously leged ones, have acted sometimes ungene the aggrieved. with g dealin in us to open are ds metho fully. Two e or we may divide We may multiply the numerator of defens in each case will be ty securi The . danger of r the denominato no more than a costs often r the same, but removing dange e not only defens the lying multip while , pledge ’s government rivalry. and ion suspic s create brings crushing taxation, but the Latin republics lize neutra ence confer Hague third the d Shoul ne, it would be the best and render needless our Monroe Doctri guarantee against attack. ational Peace For the first time in history we hold an Intern a political equality. on stand n wome and men where ess Congr of this glorious, free As I look at you, enfranchised women . You have more West, I cry out to you in earnest supplication power than the men of this great state. emolished civilizaa world which will soon try to rebuild half-d advance depends or steps its e retrac tion. Whether it shall is not hopelessly largely on the one great world—power that do may depend embittered and in debt. \Vhat that power will can womanhood. largely upon prejudices or the wisdom of Ameri women have Hitherto most of our great bodies of organized take a stand. been largely silent, either apathetic or too timid to for arma\Nhile abhorring war, they have yielded to the clamor The men. as ity credul and on ments with about the same emoti women who braved VVoman’s Peace Party, and the noble band of from twelve the danger of the sea and went to meet their sisters significance different nations at The Hague, have perceived the unity to help turn of this solemn crisis and woman’s great opport the nations from the path to the abyss. They appeal to you to begin at once a campaign of educaits great tion. Teach a forgetful public that one nation, with 131 130 You may, like them, our relations to the guide your congressmen to deal rightly with rs are shaping teache and rs mothe you on, additi in Orient, but, The youth world. rated regene the thought that may lead to a was ever taught father his than more vastly know must of to-day ems that confront if he is to cope with the perplexing new probl oceans, its 4,0(1) miles of safe Canadian frontier, its thirty treaties of delay before hostilities, has unpre cedented non—mili— tary defense that must not be minimized. Teach it that a great, new force can soon be brought to bear which may be vastly more potent than short—lived, costly armaments. This is the force of concentrated, drasti c non—intercourse. It is the boycott, the one weapon which even China, single— hauded, has used with some effect, though spasmodically and unsupported by the government. This method, when used by a league of nations to ensure peace, would he backed by intertional law, and would cut off from any faithless nation, not only all intercourse by wire, wireless, railroad and shipping, but would cancel passports, patents, copyri ghts, and would impose sub— sequen tly heavier custom duties, and punish a nation as none has yet been punished. This method of making anathema a recalci— trant until he yields to justice is the sole method of force advocated by the New Testament. It is worth trying as a power— ful and bloodl ess compulsion since armam ents have failed. \Ve women may well study such substitutes for war at our club sessions, even if folk dancin g and bird lore and some other things have to be omitted. During this perod of uncourageo us scare, when men assume that German invasion may follow this war, let us teach sanity in our households and remind its members that a possibly victorious Germany would have buried or maimed two million ' to hold down conq , , Italian and British colonies in Africa. It would not fight for South America within any time for which we need now to prepare increa sed equipment. Let not the nation that, when this war is over will vastly the most resourceful be in the , ful terror about a Germany which would be overrun by defeated foes the week it sent its soldiers beyond sea. Let our women save us from being ove rcome by the mob spir it that threatens our republic. will compel weak peo ples to sacrifice bre bullets and may eventu ad for ally fement a worldwar far more colossal even than this Europe an war. In the vas t starry heavens our tiny planet with its thr obbing human hearts is but a speck, and t0 132 the Almighty Father a thousand years are but a giygebugltioldtliys children of time, our capacity for anguish seems irii h mild moral to multiply now the cei”tlain(‘;yrst})1fip123;:y :35: sthough we ben radation, to throw our ea e ‘ lifege that ultimately we should climb back out of tlliltetl:bcyosxsszlad m net pass retrace our steps to where we now stand, can giv: tion to those of us who must pass on soon and w o w ' a ain. thls L2: usg courageously insist that no fatal backward step shall be permitted by our beloved land. Let America’s womarti‘lliloicig . ’ call upon our repu blic to rise to its .oppo . ne vorce ‘ JUStICC, federation, toward path new the in world the awridhlgad peace. World-Unity—Thc Goal of Human Progress MIRZA ALI lx‘t‘u KHAN I Hfi-fijfintiieégrizgvni} subtect “\\orltl l’nity, the Goal of laid the foundation of the most permanent communities throughout the world proved themselves to be the greatest of all optimists, for in the very nature of a given number of men they saw a trend toward co—operation which would result in unity, and the fruit of that unity would be progress. Hence they gave promises concerning the coming of a better time, of a nobler type of manhood, of a broader conception of a human Because of my profession, I am unable to touch it )on the subject of peace in its relation with the presen t condition: ' the world. I shall therefore, in the capacity of not a diploxmtislf1 but a humble scholar and student, deal. wiih the sub'cclt f human unity, for to my mind the peace of the world is '1] ('J pent institution conceived in the mind of God, and whicli iIsiCtrdnble“:31: ii? Cingpgreaathzed pm this phenomenal plane through the “gang on in the ‘VgiizotOHSIaSFHSdIb 1And Itheref ore what may be calm sea human Signed to of relatiaons oblivio n within is \ofniib {,riéf 1:ccount )erioi )“t .a “FDIC. It will-be “Po” con— the —the brotherhood of the human ralce—ij 'illmrlginiii: tt:\bc:li':agli::cclt , and EH J 0'V ed )\ all 1 16 l \ \llll a1 E \\ 011} \ . telnllnologt Of fl e prophets. Hum an unity has always been . tl I believe that from the beginn the name Of "“3“ 111 the z com €011 Of . . ' mg of m n ngresshistory thehuma or anization of thiiiufftéi 11111:: shown an indubitable trend towarg unification. a Community the Vcaime together'in order to lay the foundation of possible amém. {:1 rst saw to it-that a co—operation was made munitv came Em) Zm.’ due to which co—operat ion a given comOrganizations of 6mg. .zfmd then, with the lapse of time, the the foundation “ismlrnténtties assumed larger dimensions. Then space called that of an.1 for a body politic, occupying a limited city, and gradually :1th lage, of a. town, and then later that of a into being of a la} at of a nation. \Ve see that the coming unity Which was 1, ger community was the direct result of the of integral an p forn of the co-operation of the individua l and s o the smaller communities. This then, friends, prov . es _the prog . ressi ve nature of th ‘ Sistent, mdubitable trend toward unit; human face and ItS Per— It is due to th'is eternal law chara cterizing the progress of man, that all pro phets con stttutmg the master—minds that 134 commonwealth, whose chief aim would not be the securing of protection and wellvbeing for the people with whose welfare it will be immediately concerned, but for the well—being of humanity at large. Hence each prophesied concerning the day of human brotherhood; each initiated the principle of a human unity, which was to be the goal of all human progress. This accounts, friends, for the optimism of every prophet who came into the world. Why I speak so much of prophets is because no communitylife of a permanent, moral, and lasting character, came into being unless it was established upon the foundation laid with the words of God, revealed by inspired master—men, whom we call the prophets of the human race; for in their aim to uplift man they did not concern themselves with the development of man in one only of the phases and aspects of his being, but with the development of man as a threefold being—the physical, the mental or intellectual, and the spiritual—in that they undertook the developing of all these three phases constituting God’s idea of man, and they succeeded in preparing human ingredients which, small as they seemed in their efforts and personalities in the days of their existence in the world, proved, through their lives and words, to be master builders, the result of whose constructive work came to be the dispensation of prophetic periods, which filled the world in every part with glory and with power. Now to follow these trends shown by the unified communities, whose unification was affected by the prophetic minds of the times, we shall be brought face to face with the dawning of an era that was foretold, in which all the separate sections of the body of humanity, each prepared by its own particular prophet, would be brought into coalescence in order to round out the masterly scheme of the building of the temple of humanity at large, in which the oneness of the God of humanity will become a resplendent and visible fact. 135 Hence, friends, because of this scheme of the Maker of the world to effect the peace of the world gradually through the unity of man, it is for us rrlad tidings that we are not working toward a cause that is a lost one. We are not choosing a chimera, but we are building hand—iii—haiid in order to complete an edifice, a complete plan of which has been spread before our eyes by the hands of the master architect, the Almighty whose work we are executing and carrying out in our every-dav'experi— ences‘ and activities. This is glad tidings to all those (who are working for peace. Be they few in number, they are as Christ said, like unto the mustard seed. Small as it is, it \i'ill’CV'eiitually' envelop the whole world and fill the whole world with its wonderful results—that men, created upon this plane after the ima e of their Maker, can only visualize the principle of the oneneg pl: their Maker through their own oneness and unity, and this i: egorgpal toward which they are traveling in their every-day l\ow to come down from these principles friends th method by which a world unity can be achieved is to be i he in the method by which the unity of any one commun't SPUgI t world’s history has been achieved. 1 Y m tie fath Onefis through self-sacrifice. Those who came to be the iders c; a family, and. then the rulers of a community, and the id 1:06 a tgwn or a City, first expanded their own personalities _p s an aspiratiOns so that these would embrace the welfar pgeiheir fellow-men, and by so doing and offering such a sacrific: beihgyyoefr: 21:21:35 vbecpltnéng the. standard bearers of the wellleSSOn that the prophe’ts 1221:1815)“: tfl:un:fied~ This was'the endured mission, by a given prophet , the g r ea t er the unifying g salt?!” the sacrlfiée result of his Ba 11 foundationngihecgmfrrncizitthe fd:y of Moses, not only laid the coming of a rim h y o is own day, but he foretold the e w en the process of unificati 1d and a larger number o f the human . bless ' 0“ W011 rac. A d enVCIOP M yyith his greatness and with his great laws l:id the n founda— osesy ‘:::eofnt:1}fo::>nclllng of Christianity when the laws of Moses, that . ays and in his dispensation confined to the uplift and l 1 he UlteICSt O f the Israelites “0111 d 1 (‘Et 0f the g1 Cat IlathllS Of the \\ ()I'ld 136 gospel of peace Then, too, when Christ came he brought the that His people order —in peace —that is, the coming of the world “the peace of when ge messa this of goal the pate antici might would envelop the whole God, that passeth all understanding,” conformity with His world, so they would all work together in m, which was not proble larger the g blessed teaching in solvin peace of the world the but world, ian Christ the of peace the in its entirety. s came and So each of the prophets of the other nation cies preprophe his h throug then and nity, unified his own commu n the message pared them for the coming of a greater day, wherei of mankind. of God would be applied to the unification coming of Zoroaster, three thousand years ago, foretold the as well cies, prophe his of ment fulfill the in and the day of light, e we are to-day as the prophecies of the other nations, I believ standing at the dawn of that great day. is going on Let us not be disheartened by the conflict that efiective most the that ber Remem world. the of parts in certain es and promis the of tion contribution toward the realiza unity, is to be human ning concer ts prophe past the of cies prophe intelligent, found in the concensus of opinion held by the most very self—sacrificing people of the world in every land, whose t agains t protes a is t, to-nigh ce audien presence, as that of this the day all forms of conflict, and an evidence of the dawning of g star when not valor but the power of love shall be the guidin ed human of the human race and the lodestone of divinely inspir of beings. This is the greatest proof of the fact that the day will peace is here, and it is this which inspired us to activity that e eventually cause that dawn to approach its zenith and achiev its meridan of glory. Now that we understand that the unification of any community throughout the world’s history has been due, not to the love, power of arms and brawn, but to the power of heart and the and that no lasting unification could be born of anything but to power of persuasion, based upon love. In this day we are nity, commu one not of tion unifica the d s towar proces apply that but the human community at large. We must expand those divine prophetic principles of human training so that they may reach their full dimensions, for in this day we are to unify the world of humanity, not any one section of the human race. )CCOIUC the laws of 137 Shall we, then, go back to the teachings of any one of the seven great religions of the world? i . But it is necessary, because we are dealing with the unification of the whole world, that we should go back to the fundamental, formative principles of all the seven great religions of the world. It is indeed, friends, our task to go to the origin of the principles of training initiated by the prophets of all the religions and crystallize them into an efficient instrument with which we can meet the problem of the world unification. Do we need a religion in this day, whose concern would be to teach its followers and the members of its fold to shun all others 'in order that they may themselves be united? No' L . Would it be our duty to-day to follow a religionhvhose ideal of patriotism only embraces the people of a certain munity to which we belong? No! L com— : . teach our youth and our th tshould we fellow—men the principle a in order to-become enriched and continue to be enirched in scheme by Let us take our example from the marvelous alive. As soon kept is ual individ human one of body the which body, no matter as an accident happens to any one limb of this of life and center the from away far or ed, neglect or how small see the heart rush— activity, which is the heart, immediately you afflicted member, ing the food and sustenance of the blood to that on. thus saving the day and the situati tion Friends, we therefore are called upon to lay the founda of the religion of humanity. t form None of the past religions is adequate in its presen with which to respond to the requirements of the vast problem religiOns, true as we are face to face, for each one of those noble humanity at a it was and is, had to do with a certain section of arrived at now has ity Human given period of its development. er those its maturity, and therefore to—day we are to bring togeth human entire the of need the to noble ideals and apply them race, exclusive of none and inclusive of all. :xlery t) pe of virtue it is our duty to keep aloof from men not U . b:e<:lnging in Representing Persia as I do, I wish to lay before you , upon eligion world—r that toward bution contri 's country brief my growing which a world—peace has been established, and which is to day day from g quality bracin all—em its in and ncy in its efficie Are we still to hold up a god of our own, and look upon the god pfveother Eaces as mere fetich? i\'o, far from it! s of people, to such a. degree that to—day about twenty million tto our race, not possessing the privileges which have No! ours rom our birth , or due to the struggles of our parents:i . are, riends, to find the religion of humanity so that we may be able to uplift humanity at large. You’inen and women who are present, advocating the cause of eac remember that you are responsible for the welfare of the limit: lralce ofbmankind. You intelligent men and women gathered here te ncipi er—and let this message go forth to you and through you t1c1)r:1)ug}t1l(i)t‘)lstefleguallyldinclihned toward this noble object of peace ' _ wor —t at you represent the chief 0 an igglehzgffifiiifthe perceptive faculty of the body of hurmganisfyti: you Are just a:rityms::t:plpep: tthde huiifilan world falls or is falling s e as t ose who are fallen, a ' :Lie:;?0;:::t then:i from their fallen state you are to endgailv: What is laCkine in work. hard and sacrifice and make up for A11 that is be: yiany given section of the body of humanity. constm t; . g estroyed in this day is to be rebuilt by you c ixe workers in the field of peace. This is your task. belonging to all the different races, religions and geographical situations, are following it. None of them has sacrificed his own religion to take up a new religion, but each has found more light al in his old religion through the interpretation that this univers you may call religion has bestowed. And by that religion—if the prophet llah, Baha'u’ of ion it a religion—I mean the revelat now living of peace of modern Persia, and his son, Abdul Baha, —the prophet of peace in this day. Baha’u’llah was preceded by the Bab seventy years ago. In the 1844 the Bab arose in Persia and announced to the world old. dawning of the day of peace, foretold by the prophets of As his teachings were not in conformity with the interpretation s, of the Koranic teachings, as given by the Mohammedan mullah and city, to city from exile his caused and him they arose against finally, after six years, he was suspended from the wall of the public square in one of the cities of northwestern Persia, and his body was riddled by the bullets of a regiment. 139 138 The Bab died, but not his cause, for “He whom God shall manifest," concerning whose coming he had prophesied, appeared in the person of Baha'u'llah. The latter, who had been one of the Bab’s followers, continued to spread his teachings and to interpret them among the people of Persia. He, too, was arrested and put into prison, kept there under heavy chains for five months, and was then released and exiled, with his familv and some of his followers, to Bagdad, in Asiatic Turkev in irhich City he was confined for twelve years. As his activities in attracting thousands and thousands of the people of the eastern world to the teachings of the Bab continued, he again aroused the Jealousy of the Mohammedan mullahs of the time who worked hand in hand in order to persuade the ruler of ’Persia to enter into negotiations with the then Sultan of Turkey to the end that Baha’u'llah and his family should be exiled still-further away from the confines of Persia, and thus be placed beyond the reach of the Mohammedan world there. Hence in the twelfth year of his confinement in Bagdad he was sent as an exile with his family, to Constantinople, overland across Asia Minor and :fter nine months there he was sent to Adrianople. After aiconnement of five years in that city he, with his family and companio . ns, was exiled to the priso ' n City i of Akka the ' Saint-Jean d’Acre, which 15 about a day’s journ I eyailme from nt Jerusalem and Nazareth. destrfilttliigpghepysc; doing they thoug ht they would compass his there was Euylfinwdit his arrival on the shores of the Holy Land comm of h e to his-followers the prophecy concerning the peace gof mt rle mgnifestation of. God in Palestine to achieve the 1892 Whenah.e dilCiSr: Illeatremp iged Ias a prisoner until the year m , ura eat]. Baha’u’llah revealed his \voiislii: osfopleacefand good—Will to mankind in many epistles and the 83rd] andeto hwhich he addressed to the crowned head s of to the th o t e ecclesiastic leaders of men. One was sent In tin Prestdent of the Unit ed States, General Grant the COvenenyfeaii;1 1832 he revea led, before his death, the Book of now ”Vin , w ich he appomted his eldest son, Abdul Baha g, as the one who should inter pret his teachings and ing contof inue thethe peac e of unif yingen of th e people of the world and the effect- Remember, the sacrifice made by Baha’u’llah, and before him by the Bab, was not only confined to their own sufferings, but there appeared about twenty thousand men who, having believed in his teachings of love and peace, went to the field of martyrdom and died the death of martyrs in order to testify with their lives that the day of peace had dawned. So, friends, because you are advocating peace, and for the effecting of which you are gathered here, in spite of all that is going on in the world that is opposed to this, let me tell you that this is a cause for which as many as twenty thousand noble souls have died martyrs, under the auspices and through the impetus of this great Persian prophetic movement of this modern time, called the Bahai revelation. Since the death of Baha’u’llah, Abdul Baha, his eldest son, who continued to be a prisoner until 1908 in Akka, and with whom I spent fifteen months seventeen years ago as amanuensis and interpreter, has been working and spreading these teachings throughout the world, so that in America alone there is no city or town of any size but where you will find there a Bahai assembly spreading the love, peace and unity, upon which depends the larger unification of the world. Abdul Baha, since the new constitution of Turkey was declared a few years ago, was released. Then he left Akka and went to Egypt and Europe, and finally came to the United States, and traveled for nine months from the Atlantic to the Pacific. He also came to San Francisco, and be it said to the credit of the peace-loving, truth—seeking people of America that with but few exceptions there was no organization—religious, intellectual or social—which did not open its doors and which did not embrace in its midst Abdul Baha, the great prophet of peace, who, for the cause of peace, had given his entire life of sixty— eight years then, in prison and exile. So, friends, this is what the Bahai revelation has done to bring humanity toward this noble goal, toward which we are all striving. While Baha’u’llah by a religious means is solving the problem of world-peace, yet the first practical governmental means to be devised and applied toward the realization of world-peace has been adopted by this great nation of America, this greatest republic of all time; for in the very institutions and federal organization of this great country we have a great example, 140 141 after which the unification of the entire world and the spread of justice and fair dealing among men shall be eticcted. See how in your form of government, which is federalism, we have an example of a world federalism, which will be eventually effected, and in the fact of your being the first nation to introduce morality into your international relations we have the first fulfillment of a moral scheme, whose application to the unification of the world will be world-wide. The Neglected Aspect of Japanese-American Relations YAMATO ICHIHASHI, Ph.D. “Oh, East is East and West is West, And never the twain shall meet, Till Earth and Sky stand presently At God’s great judgment seat.” And hence, friends, America— for the creation of which all the sufiering people of the world has originally been chosen to contribute—is the country which is the chosen instrument by which God Almighty will effect the unification of mankind. Thus we should not be surprised to find that in America the standard of universal peace has been hoisted, and that so many intellectual and spiritual men, who in other lands perhaps would have expended their talents in channels more beneficial to themselves, are devoting their lives toward a cause which to the majority of the superficial people of the world seems to be a lost cause, or not even a cause. But the effort put forth by the most intelligent in this great country to-day is bound to achieve the world's peace, which to you seems the noblest of all causes. May we not offer this evening the prayer that the breath of love and peace that is going forth from this assemblage shall so inspire our children from the early days of their development, and so inspire those who are older, that they will eventually forget all prejudice and bias, and all selfish patriotism, and come to the threshold of a day in which the sun of peace and human unity is shining? In that day, which we believe has dawned, the world will see the fulfillment of the words of Baha’u’llah: UT East and West have met, and are bringing themselves closer and closer to each other. That is a fact undeniable. But do they understand each other? The question must be answered in the negative, otherwise it is impossible to under— stand many things that are said of each other, not only by the unintelligent, but by intelligent and well-meaning persons. A well-known American Orientalist remarks: ”American and Asiatic civilizations rest on postulates fundamentally different and antagonistic. The two civilizations cannot be assimilated; but this does not prevent an Asiatic, under proper social con- ditions, from giving up his inherited civilization and adopting the American.” If that proposition is tenable, then there is no hope, strictly speaking, of harmonizing the two. The contact between East and West must necessarily result in the destruction of the one or the other. The contact is tragic. And the magnitude of such tragedy can only be appreciated with a knowledge of the two civilizations in their broadest sense. Take the matter of population, with its usual classifications. To-day the population of the known world numbers approximately 1,719,537,000, distributed as follows: “0 men, you are all the leaves of one tree, the fruits of one arbor, the drops of one sea.“ Glory 15 not his who loves his country, but glory is his who loves his kind." Geographical Division Number Percentage Asia .............................. 955,478,000 Europe ........................... 443,533,000 America ........... 174,844,0(X) Africa 55.6 25.8 10.2 ............................ 138,215,000 Australia and Oceania .............. Polar Regions 7,467,000 13,000 8.0 less than 0.4 0.1 Accordingly, the Asiatic population constitutes 55.6 per cent of the entire population of the world, inhabiting 30.5 per cent of the earth's surface; while Europeans and Americans number 143 615,304,000, or constitute 30 per cent. In other words, 55.6 per cent of the entire population represents eastern civilization. while 36 per cent represents westem civilization. These concrete facts cannot fail to impress us with the magnitude of the problem arising out of the contact of liast and West. And we might as well admit at the outset that man_\' of us who talk liglitlv 0r knowingly about the problem possess but a little knowledge. I But students of the race problem, as it exists in the L'nited States know something about its stupendousness and complexitv. l’roui that we may easily imagine the nature, scope and character of the race question as a world problem. It may be added here also that in dealing with the race problem in America we assume the extstence of Americanistn, concrete or abstract, to which all those who seek American jurisdiction must unconditionally submit themselves. But no such assumption can be made in'the case of the. general contact of East and West. In this larger problein there is no jurisdictional claim. llarmony cannot and should not Eznecgsescigerdsby the process of positive destruction, but by mutual d I\ow suppose we let America represent western civilization, an Japan-eastern civilization, and further sttppose that these re pre_entat1\es s ' ' meeting ' have met, and out of their have arisen difficulties diverse and complicated in character. Then we assume the responsibility of solving these difficulties because we are interested in perpetuating peace between these supposedly antagonistic parties. 8 i i We would ask, in the first place—how did these two parties happen to come in contact with each other? W'as it accidental or was it pOSitive? A brief inquiry into the history of inter— national relations between the United States “ind J1 an i'ill perhaps enlighten us on this point. ( t P‘ “ “Velcgglgéntghetlhirtsmteenth and seventeenth centuries Japan them freEdom Of uguese, Spaniards, English and Dutch, granted of CXtraterrimr- lrtevigion and commerce, and even the privileges Iberians paid n:11). But our western brethren, especially the Christia; miss, respect to the sovereign rights of Japan. Their Christian civili::t'“ as t; destroy-paganism; in other words, non— the Iberian and POIithIal politics of 13religigzists Ib:r:r1fgious' g o interfere With rivalry the domestic among . pan. To defend her extstence, Japan closed her 144 ined her policy of doors to foreigners. She efficiently mainta y. centur last the of e middl the seclusion until but her past Then America began to batter at Japan’s doors; to listen to mood no in was Japan that such was experience ca began Ameri upon where policy, American logic of an open-door the big guns of point the at Japan en threat to and to intimidate unable to resist, and of her “black ships.” Poor Japan was then with America in treaty rcial comme a into d entere ingly unwill . Europe of s nation other 1854, and subsequently with self—interest and For the time being America forget her ds Japan. She became very altruistic in her attitude towar n learning here, and wester seek to ts studen ese Japan raged encou many years America they came, a great many of them, and for her faithful learner. Japan and r, teache nt efficie s Japan’ was ed and westem— Japan’s working systems were soon Americaniz the imperial and hrown ized. Feudal government was overt mic and econo social, al, politic Her ed. restor government was rd of efficiency, and intellectual life attained an acceptable standa In the nineties Japan in 1889 a constitution was protnulgated. upon China, then hment punis was able to administer a severe “Sick Man” of the since but ,” Orient the in e Empir the “Giant exercise her to able was she on the Far East. From 1894 her jurisdictional enjoy to as well as , tariffs over rights ign sovere been here rights over foreign residents. These facts have led to do through mentioned to point out what Japan was compel . the college of hard knocks by the western powers s unsettled Then the Boxer trouble of 1900 left certain matter en East betwe ce allian d edente unprec an to led in China, which Then 1902. of ce Allian nese and West, known as the Anglo—Japa the great To 1904. in le strugg death and life s came Japan’ . surprise of the world Japan vanquished Russia of Japan's Throughout this entire period of half a century Japan and ship, friend real her given struggle America had But Japan’s acknowledges it with a sense of profound gratitude. in the American victory over Russia marks the turning point attitude. specific America began to manifest an unfriendly attitude, inquire now we need Nor causes of which are difficult to trace. been the not has ca Ameri that s remain fact The them. about ss of the America of the nineteenth century. The unfriendline 145 United States became more and more detinite. Recall tll'lt ' 1-906'th'e San Francisco Board of Education enacted an ordiiiand: discriminatory against children of Japanese parentage. Japanev reSIdents of San Francisco, especiallv those engaged iii tl~L laundry and restaurant business, suffered indignities and viole JC wliereuopn Japan was compelled to enter into the so- 111]“: Gentlemen's Agreement of 1907, wlicrebv inimigrationiditrfi fl from Japan, and migration of Japanese laborers from H L'C 'y Canada and Mexico were prohibited. Tliat agreement minim“, so rigidly administered by the Japanese government so “T1: 3‘?“ students have not been able to obtaiii passports, hL'nderuthin Circumstances the Japanese government thoquit not with : reasons, that, so far as the question of Japanes: iiiimi rat" on a startling paradox the reconciling of the two civilizations, but nted by the fact confro appeared. The leader of Asia was herself all, entitle after not, did e cultur n wester of y that her master entative repres The . nations her to an equal place in the family of ve of the entati repres the by t agains d minate discri is of the East not wish to merge West. It appears then that the West does make up over tuents consti whose East, the of that with e its cultur it seems, the still, Worse ty. 55 per cent of the world’s humani ted civiliza— inheri her up give must East the that ds West deman Is that West. the of s dictate the tion and submit herself to that Japan is tion assump the of face the in able reason d deman that of eastern neither the product of western culture nor civilization? Calif-0mm was concerned, it was at an end Howe' g (' 10” ‘0 :aln aIIien land law was enacted, which plainly discrimiiiactreslifviigiil: East, and it is A sterner fact: It is impossible to destroy the want German undesirable to try to destroy it. We do not .16 _apanese in . California. “on M Y , , of West or East, yet supremacy, nor do we want the supremacy Then , too , the present i naturalizai (b(' i uaturapizpéthe Lmted States does not permit Japanese to become T . Ameri:::ea:tr:g;::: pof Itileruflorflodehnilcl manifestations of ' . . . _ _ t . w mom 0 wisdom these ilis:li;:ml:i;atoilr1_\ :poiatsgres possess, from the standpoint of America, very many hardqtli Snatc:1 saylbut they have already worked the salient facts.» p n injustices upon Japanese. Such are To me in ‘ “ injustices réSUItprfgc Silliiin. than the actual hardships and the true meanin measures. of 1 \arious discriminatory measures is Let usg rest :16 hphilosopliy that lies behind those larger aspectS‘ The [micefltiise elx'ternal manifestations in their bility of harmonizing the :ivizl):f1050l)lly assumes the imPOSSi‘ the West. Boldy, the one must :10“ Of the E3“ Wlfh that Of tact To—day, is to be Japan, maintained. That triltirciundb to the the only Other l'finevuable. mambo: Arama t1“? conbecomes power in the family of natizms 1 ' s1a recognized as a great that position 1) . he , eads in the Orient. She attained share the . y r mastery of western civilization. Wisliin t0 priv1leges With her less ad vanced brethren, she ghas been doin g her best to im ~ CUlture_ part to them the advantages of western effo rtThis ed tiagp becau ' nzl misSi ' ' on Japan thought was worthy of great e elieved that it would facilitate and accel erate 146 be attained and harmony or peace between East and \Vest must gains from such it because it demands Humanity maintained. most funda— mutual understanding. This is what I consider the American—Japanese the of aspect neglected most yet mental and relations. But the situation is not hopeless. The impasse can be render the overcome. By eo-operation America and Japan can comes that tolerance needs—the great service that humanity with comprehension. A policy of race—pride, disdain, scorn and selfishness, a policy of reliance on brute force, a policy devoid of sympathy The New Orient and America's Needed New and helpfulness, of truth and fair dealing with Asia and Asiatics, cannot fail of disastrous consequences to us all. Oriental Policy SIDNEY 1.. GULIVK, 1H). MANKIND is entering a new era of its history. A NEW ORIENTAL POLICY Mighty changes have been taking place during the past quarter . . century. Man has gripped Nature‘s titanic forces, sub— jecting them to his will and uses. Space is crumbling up in his hand. The heavens above and the sea beneath are beingr sub- }ugated. All the nations and races are The political structure of Europe, as yet undreanied transformations in the is also being inevitably swept along in a immediate neighbors. morover, is to undergo coming decade. America mighty current that will make all things new in the business and industrial world quite likely, also, in the political world. and ’ THE NEW ORIENT But of all the factors now visibly at work creating our new era, iione is more important than the rise of the New Orient. A513 is a sleeping giant," the great Napoleon is reported to have said. “Let her sleep, for when she wakes she will shake the world." Asia is awaking. She is acquiring the mechanical instruments, the political, economic and industrial machinery and the science, education, ideas and ideals of Occidental civilizdtion. formThe West has already forced upon the East mighty trans. ations. The East Will, from now on, contribute an increasingly important factor in the transformati on of the West. As the East has learned by many disastrous lessons that it can neither exclude nor ignore the West, so the \Vest must soon learn that it cannot wisely ignore nor despise the East. 1‘ THE NEW coxracr or THE RACE S that tiringrzisgtvers lligve been decla ring for a decade and more promem of the CO:tor —problem of the twentieth century is the weal or w ? Th act of the East and West. Shall it bring Us oe. at Will depend in no small meas ure upon the wa in which smiles ' the Unite ‘ d States, and especially the Pacific coast , meet and strive to solve the question. 148 Only a policy that insists on truth and fair dealing, refusing to be stampeded by ignorance, suspicious and malicious falsehoods; a policy that seeks to give justice, no less than to demand rights, this and this alone can turn the increasing contact of the East and the West into mutual advantage. A twentieth-century Orient confronts the West. Our nineteenth—century Asiatic policy is not only obsolete, but dangerous. America’s new Oriental policy, now needed, must provide for the just treatment of both sides of the Pacific. On the one hand the new policy must provide adequately for CALIFORNIA’s JUST DEMANDS Were immigration as freely granted to Asiatics as has been to Europeans the Pacific coast states would undoubtedly be invaded by millions in the course of a few years. Coming by the hundred thousand annually, they could not learn our language, nor we theirs. Mutual understanding and fair dealing would be impossible. The result would be Asiatic and American races, institutions and customs struggling side by side, with endless rivalry and serious collisions. California is absolutely right in her demand that she shall be free from such a danger. Only those immigrants should be allowed to enter, reside permanently and own land in California or anywhere in the United States who can become citizens and be completely assimilated. On the other hand, equal consideration must be given to JAPAN’s JUST DEMANDS It is of course human nature to understand one‘s own positions and hard to understand those with whom there is rivalry or conflict. Every struggle between classes or races , or even individuals, shows this. And yet for a real solution of difficulties the first thing is to see the other man’s viewpoint. Long study of this question has shown us that Japan has, in important respects, misunderstood California, and also that 149 California has misunderstood Japan. Let Inc make clear just what Japan does and does not ask. Japan docs no! axle for free inn/zigration. For seven years she has carried out strictly the “Gentlemen’s Agreement,” refusing passports to all new Japanese labor immigration to the United States. Canada and Mexico The result is that the number of Japanese laborers in the United States is several thousand less than eight years ago. What Japan does ask is that those of her people who are already here or may come here in harmony with our laws and agreements shall receive a treatment that is free from discrimination against them as Japanese. She holds that friendship between the two nations is impossible when one nation insists on humiliat» ing the other. tion of aliens already admitted are seriously defective or entirely wanting. Our problems of unemployment and industrial unrest are intimately related to the entire question of immigration. We find ourselves accordingly, increasingly embarrassed, both internally and internationally. Has not the time come for comprehensive legislation dealing with the entire immigration question? OUTLINEs OF THE NEW POLICY 1. America should admit as immigrants only so many aliens from any land as she can Americanise. Americanization, however, takes place largely by means of those already Americanized, who know the languages, customs NOT AN \Vhile at first sight equally just desires of dilemma, it is not really for the just demands of INsOLL‘BLE DILEMMA the just desires of California and the Japan seen] to involve an insoluble so. There is a solution that provides both. and ideals of both peoples—ours and theirs. 2. All immigration should therefore be limited to a definite per cent (say five) annually from each land of those already naturalized from that land, with American—born children. This rate would allow large immigration from Europe, differing, of course, in actual number with the diflerent countries, and yet at THE PROBLEM OF EUROPFAN IMMIGRATION We need to observe, in the first place, that our Atlantic the same time it would permit only a slight immigration from Asia, not more than a few hundred each annually from China coast states have been involved in difficulties with large immigra- and Japan. tion from Europe, identical in kind and much more severe in Provision should also be made for the care and rapid Americanization of all who do come to America. It is therefore important to establish: 3. A Bureau of Registration. All aliens to be and to remain registered until they become citizens. There should be an annual registration fee of say ten dollars, or perhaps five. 4. Also a Bureau of Education. To set standards, pre« pare text books, and hold examinations free of charge. The economic strain than that experienced by California from Asiatic immigration. NEED or A GENERAL SOLUTION The nature, moreover, of Japan’s and China's desires is such that their problem cannot be solved by any form of differential or race discriminatory legislation. Their rising national conscxousness and self—consciousness resents such legislation and treatment as humiliating, as an affront to the dignity and honor of their race and people. The needed solution, therefore, for the Asiatic problem must be quite general in its character. Without question one of the greatest problems before the American people to—day is that of the just and efficient treatment of the incoming tide of alien peoples. Our immigration laws are unsystematic, inadequate and discriminatory. Moreover, our provrsrons for the proper treatment, distribution and educa- registration fee should be reduced, perhaps, by $1.00 for every examination passed. 5. Also new regulations for the Bureau of Naturaliza— tion. Certificates of graduation from the Bureau of Education and of good behavior from the Bureau of Registration should be essential to naturalization. All new citizens should take the oath of allegiance to the flag on the Fourth of July, on which day there might well be processions with banners and badges, welcome orations and responses. 151 .._.,,'._- .1‘m 150 6. Eligiliilty to xlnwriran citizenship should be based on personal qualifications, The mere fact of race should be neither a qualification nor a disqualification. 7. And, finally, but of the greatest importance, we need Congressional Legislation, giving aa’cqualc responsibility and authority to the federal aa’mimlstratimi for the protection of aliens. Constructive Work for Peace CHARLES S. MACFARLAND, D.D. Such comprehensive legislation would co—ordinate, systema— tize and rationalize our entire immigration policy, free it from invidious race discrimination, protect American labor from danger of sudden and excessive immigration from any land, and promote the wholesome assimilation of all newcomers. HERE are two lines of procedure which have been largely neglected by the advocates of intemational friendship and goodwill. It would The Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in America, also safeguard our democratic institutions. The difficult problems connected with European immigration would thus be met in a comprehensive and thoroughly rational way. \Vould not such a policy completely provide for the just claims of both California and Japan, and therefore solve perma— nently the perplexing American—Japanese problem? . If it solves the Japanese problem it would also solve, before it again becomes acute, the Chinese problem: for we may be sure that the Chinese nation will not remain permanently inoifierent to the present humiliating treatment to which Chinese are subjected in this land. Charilt]; 1:;21dC2E: plinEurope’s tragedy is disclosing the awful wars spring from (Enteries .0 war. We see clearly that modern . . . ’ . ational fears, misunderstandings, sus— upon giving serious and mature thought to the part which the piCioiis and. injustices. Is this not a fitting time to rectify our {fiaiziorciiggrigig Eggalaip‘pedniapan? 'Th'e permanent peace of the . . ional Justice and good—Will. Should not America take the lead in this? Does not the policy here sketched solve the American]apanese problem, along with many others? churches might take with most effectiveness in the movement for peace, decided upon two of these definite courses of action. Our peace organizations, past, present and proposed for the future, are many; their name is legion. We have the societies for peace, propositions for international courts, world federa— tions, and leagues for the obtaining of peace by many and divers methods, and they are all helpful to the situation. This is, above all things, the time for the release of ideas. I sometimes join two organizations which might seem, to superficial observers, to be somewhat contradictory in their proposed means and methods. It is clear to men of vision that the old international order of Europe is absolutely broken down, and that a new order must take its place; but this is no clearer than that the governing powers of our internal social life have failed and that a new order must be brought about, either by the transforming power of a great gospel, or else must rise from out the ashes of the old. And the new order must come, both here and there, by the same great spiritual transformation, the appeal of a higher imaginative pity, the conservation of human heritages, the nnwillingness that even one of these little ones should perish, and by diverting all that is high and holy in the fighting spirit by setting before the eyes of men the great moral equivalents of war; so that mankind’s scarlet sins themselves may be as white as wool, as they, instead of fighting each other, shall fight for each other, the moral battles of our humanity against disease, injustice, inhumanity, and every subtle foe of our 153 common human progress. For we have not yet even tested, except in a very timid way, what this newer lnmianitarianism may do to bring forth heroism, courage and endurance. and the very wrath of man may yet be made by God to praise Him; for even now, down in their hearts, as Ruskin declared, men worship the soldier, not because he goes forth to slay, but to he slain. \\'e have had our conferences at The Hague, and none should belittle them. And yet how pitifully their little programs of mitigation have failed! \Ye have had within the nations our societies for peace and arbitration, and we should not despise their efforts. But they have discovered that they were trying to put new wine into old bottles, and new patches upon old garments. Their work has not been anti—Christian; perhaps it has not been non—Christian, but it was not essentially and effectively Christian. The instruction of our youth has not reached the fundamental basis of all peace and brotherhood. The peace of Jesus Christ is a very different thing from that of the peace movement. \Ve could never imagine the Master urging the nations to be peaceful because war would waste their material resources. Norman Angell, good as he is, and he is good, is quite removed from Jesus. \Ve cannot imagine Jesus contenting Himself with inter— national laws for the restriction of hostile manoeuvres. Every problem in the world is fundamentally a problem in education. The present devastation of Europe is said to be due to three elements—the militarists, the aristocracy and the intellectuals. It is due far more to the third of these than to the other two. \Ve can never make peace between our classes at home, or peace between the nations abroad, by conferences and laws and resolutions, while the children of men, as students of history, macy. The state, as we now conceive it, is a fiction; international law a romance, written on a scrap of paper. The future must deal with realities and not with diplomatic fable. If, when the present carnage is over, the old order of things in international politics remains, the future will be worse than the present. There must not be left one stone upon another. If our present con— ceptions of statecraft and diplomacy, with their serpentine ethics, rubber—soled steps and tongue—tied speech, are maintained, for every devil that we cast out, seven more will come in to occupy the house. There is only one Builder that can build the new temple, and He can do it in three days. The Church has surrendered to economists and jurists a leadership that belonged to herself, has consented to a blind utilitarianism, has seemed to confess that the ultimate and the eternal were something political and legal, has let the world go mad with its monstrous materialism, shaping its political and social economy. These world-forces cannot give the constructive, vital power for the healing of the world. The nations must have some power that will transform their feelings, their jealousies, their passions, and open their eyes to their poor little racial distinctions. The world has forsaken the Master and has yielded upon the mountain of temptation; has fallen down and worshipped for the sad promise of the kingdoms of the devil. They tell us that our idealism has broken down. Speaking in a world sense, the world has broken down because we stifled our idealism. We have tried to leap the chasm by gradual procedure. Christianity has never yet declared, so that men should understand it, that God both secular and sacred, are impregnated with the belittling sense and the trivial sentiment of a group morality, class brotherhood, and a false and untamed patriotism, with its national and racial distinctions. If one-tenth of the time and efl'ort given to peace parties and programs, conferences and economic argument had been spent in the public school, in the study of history and on the Sunday-school curricula, we should not now be the unwilling witnesses of a world gone mad. The real forces that have been bringing the nations together have been those of individual and group relationships. They have not been statecraft and diplo- knows nothing about races or nations, and that the words white, yellow, Slav, Teuton, and Anglo-Saxon are not found in the divine vocabulary; for in the speech of the Infinite there cannot 154 155 be Greek or Jew, circumcision or uncircumcision, barbarian, Scythian, bondman or free. The Federal Council therefore decided that it would not project a new peace movement other than that carried on by its own Commission on Peace and Arbitration. It decided to proceed upon two definite lines, the first of these being the utilization of the influence of group relationships between the nations; the other being our regular processes of education. For the first of these. an immediate opportunity presented itself. The missionaries in Japan nieniorialized the l’ederal Council and sent a personal delegate to present their memorial concerning the relations between America and Japan. As the result of this action the Council appointed a Commission on Relations with Japan, made up of some of the most prominent men in the country. and engaged Rev. Sidney L, Giilick, who had spent twenty—six years in that country, as its special representa- tive. In addition to the important and influential field—work of Dr. Gulick, another representative, an expert in investigation, was sent to the Pacific coast to prepare a report upon the‘ whole Situation. His report is probably the only setting forth of the real conditions, and is, at any rate, the only authentic one. A Christian embassy, consisting of the President of the Federal Council, Professor Sliailer Mathews and Dr, Gulick. was then sent to Japan to bear a message of good—will from the Churches of Christ in America. not only to the Churches of Christ in Japan, but also to the people of Japan. This is prob- ably the first time in history that such an embassy has been sent from the churches of one nation to the ClllerllCS‘ of another nation. In any event, it is the first time that such brethren have gone from the churches of America to the churches of a mission~ ary nation, not as patrons and teachers, but as Christian brothers. Meanwhile Dr. .Gulick has also been released in the interest of general international good—will from the Christian point of view. orgagAiA::tti::r efxapiplerof the influence of group relations is the . o t e \\ orld Alliance of the Churches, containing rpprlesentatives, so far as they can be obtained, of churches of :f 51:32:22.3:3:5..‘12533- a. that this work the aprltOfo) importance >fatl“arll thanupon the ismirp “e PTOfoundly ie ciurches is of far greater believe tiOn of societies. . g [renouncements or the organiza— mentgleej:::pi:nhn:opfOpliiocedfure is in the direction of funda— instruction 0' 01” he tr _ . of adult con g re3gations PCOPIE, throngh andOlder the classes, but also through t ' aining of our children, beginnina . . , if possible, with the primary department, In the ultimate 0principles of Christian brotherhood. At the present time classes are being organized in churches all over the country, using as a handbook Dr. Gulick’s “Fight for Peace." In some cases adult classes in Sunday schools have been diverted to this study. In other churches special classes have been formed, and sometimes international friendship and good—will is made the subject of the week—night meetings of the churches. The Commission on Christian Education of the Federal Council was also authorized and instructed to prepare full lessons on inter‘ national peace, to be introduced into the Sunday«school curriculum. This fall these lessons will appear in full in something like four million Sunday-school quarterlies, this being the first time that lessons on international and inter—racial friendship and good— will have ever been systematically made a part of Sunday-school instruction. A large and comprehensive handbook has also been prepared for the training of the teachers of these classes themselves. It is hoped that these lessons will be introduced into something like thirty or forty million quarterlies as fast as the arrangement can be made. They will be printed in foreign tongues, and already have appeared in German in several instances. Our brothers and our sisters across the sea have been trained and guided wrongly? Grant it all! The children of their fathers were conceived in national sin and born in racial iniquity, and the result is international depravity? Yes. But how far is our own better state due to our better national morals, and how much do our more favored station upon the map of the world? And what if our children of the next generation should be called to their mountain of temptation? Might not they too fall down and worship for the sake of the kingdoms of this world? The child must be taught to feel, and to feel it deeply, that the black man at home and the black man in Africa belong to the same race and state as himself; that the yellow man in the laundry and the yellow man in the Far East are of his own blood and live, not only in the same house, btit in the same Father’s house. Not until then will the great mass of the world’s toilers shake off the hypnotism of state— craft and diplomacy, and witness the brotherhood of the world, bereft of the commercial title “limited.” 157 156 The waving of an ensign will lose its mesmeric power. There is no emblem in the world that has been used to greater dishonor than the flag: and our own Stars and Stripes in for» eign lands and in those of our near neighbors, has been ll~Ctl to cover and protect the infamy of private exploitation. It has been used at home and abroad to hide God's sunlight from the eyes of simple. trusting men. In their patriotism, our children should salute at least two flags; the one that designates the home in which they happen to be born. and then a new world-flag which shall signify every race and every nation and every color of mankind. Our children should be reminded at every meal, of those from every corner of the world who help to set their table. An education that draws a ineretricious inspiration from past national deeds or gaudily apparelled misdeeds of the present. is an unhealthy and infected thing. In their prayers they should be taught to pray that (iotl present connotation such words as Anglo—Saxon, Celt, Slav, shall preserve their nation from other nations; while they Teuton, Latin, Mongolian, Caucasian, African. They should be obliterated from the lexicon of youth. In our public schools, in the sense which they now convey,,we should expunge the discriminations of civilized, semi-civilized, barbarian, and substitute a new distinction which shall be grounded upon historical perspective and the principle of relativity; likewise in our Sunday schools, such words as heathen and pagan should be similarly treated. The greatest task that awaits our experts in education to—day is not the insertion of a few quarterly lessons on peace and goodwill, but the whole reconstruction, from beginning to end, of the teaching of childhood in the principles of a worldwide brotherhood that breaks down every social and political barrier that has been created by the failing vision of man. It has been said that the churches are inactive. It is true they have not made united pronouncements nor have they been holding large conventions during the past few weeks. should also be taught to pray that other nations should also be preserved from theirs. For some reason or other we have not taught our children that they must love without distinctions of class, and pondence with leaders of the churches in all of the nations now at war, and is and has been in every way attempting to prepare for the great process of reconstruction which is be- that they must love all the more those who are the more despised. We have not told them that they must be just as loving and just as loyal to their brothers and sisters in England, these two lines; the influence of group relationships between the nations and the fundamental processes of education, and Germany, Austria, Japan and China as to those in America. \Ve have taught them in our Sunday schools to worship Abraham 0f the East, but left them to spit on Abraham of the East Side. Jesus said that a man must "love his neighbor as himself," and He meant it for nations and races as well as for individuals. The secular history in our public schools, the sacred his— tory in our Sunday schools, has glorified conquest in the one and in the other. One of the most solemn and sovereign rights of‘the child of our day and generation is the right to a :giljclig':l:1:;:i;i:a:1]::lthe face 1of Jesus: to a national and racial been denied them 4nd tosgeep 11 1e ‘uorld in its aftection. tinction. It has The Séene of ray tie) areathe the sense of. class dis— heritage on every hand 1:; prejudice becomes their natural school and public “ho.“ “0:1ch terminologyof both .Sunday absolutely \vipe out in their 158 The Federal Council, however, has been in constant corres- fore it. Meanwhile, in its activities, it will proceed upon we believe that this, in the larger sense of the word, is a “constructive work for peace.” This was the situation. Nations distrust and suspect neighbors, largely because they do not know them. To get better acquainted might kill these microbes of fear and hate. Two Successful American Models for Europe’s Imitation EDWARD BERWlt‘K q CCORDING to Longfellow: “All are architects of Fate \\'orking in the \Valls «If Time." and this international Peace Congress is met to—day to render the foundation of those walls deeper, broader, more secure: and to make more glorious and enduring the superstructure. To this end 1 bring you two models. Both are connected with pictures in the art galleries of the l’anama-l‘acitie Inter? national Exposition. The first. by an artist, appropriately named Christmas, represents a snowy solitude where the distant Andes uprear their solid bastions to the skies. A statue of “Christ Victorious." forty feet high, done in bronze, stands in that solitude, 14,000 feet above sea level. How did it get there, and why? The story is something as follows: Posted prominently in our post offices and railroad cars is an adjuration—“Don’t Spit! You may spread disease!" , Disease germs—microbes—visible when magnified, are wind borne from the dessicated sputum and breed tuberculosts, etc. There is another class of these germs, yet more deadly, that no microscope thus far has shown, involve War would increase the hatred, waste good money, both in debt, destroy their young and vigorous manhood, devastate their lands and breed endless wars. What worse could they do with their men and money? What better? The “Victorious Christ” statue is the answer! They agreed to build a railroad through the 14,000 feet high Andes mountain chain, so as to get better acquainted, to visit and do business together. The cannon they were to kill with were melted down and cast into this colossal image; while graven in the granite below is the text: “He is our Peace * * "‘ Who hath broken down the middle wall of partition between us." Do you not deem that a good model for Europe’s and America’s imitation? The second model I will connect with the portrait by Chester Harding. (also on the walls of the P. P. I. E. Gallery), of John Randolph of Virginia. Over one hundred years ago, in 1812, there was imminent danger of war between the United States of America and Great Britain. Randolph saw that this impending war was likely to be, as almost all wars have been and are, needless, undertaken too hastily, under false pretences, likely to be very costly and quite ineffectual. I cannot present him to you here bodily, but I can repeat to you his words to Congress at that time. He referred to the “embargo” and "non-importation acts” as "impolitic and ruinous measures,” which had already “knocked down the price of cotton to seven cents per pound, and of These are the microbes of distrust, suspicion, fear and tobacco to nothing; while they have raised the price of all hate. They breed that species of insanity we call “\Var.” Ellesgaggztlsitatlhath'breed and spread them are the “Yellow articles of first necessity from 300 to 400 per cent. This is the condition to which we have brought ourselves by our want of ., y terarchies, armament syndicates and others who profit by human slaughter. overii-Zeniilflanfii; Cakgp these microbes were flying thick ii. \Var threatened—was being “pre— pared for.” Fortunately, in both countries there were men who kept cool heads and Wiser counsels, wisdom! But is war the true remedy? “\Vho will profit by it? Speculators, commissioners, con— tractors. Who will stiffer from it? The people! It is their blood, their tears, that must flow to sustain it! \Vill you plunge this nation into war because you have passed a foolish and ruinous measure, and are ashamed to repeal it?” 161 160 These words of Randolph‘s abundantly prm'e that he coir sidered the war of 1812 needless. Remembering that the Treaty of Ghent, which \\'J\\ supposed to end the war, was signed (‘hristmas live. 1814, it is most obVious that the bloodiest battle of the war. fought at New Orleans on January 8. 1815. was utterly. needless. Also most certainly needless does the very first article of this trezitv proclaim the war to have been. It says we return to the condition we were in before this war began. (51(1th quo iinlv ) i\or is there in the whole parchment any phrase telling for what the peoples were contending. The disposition of prizes and prisoners of war and an arri‘ee, ‘5 rnent to settle some vexed questions of boundrr on a basis of Justice and equity, occupy the other clauses. That was all! But this Treaty of Ghent has kept the peace for one hundred years between two great nations. v) V _ V‘lt' h}. I\ot so much for what it. contained as for what it did not contain! art,There '1‘} w as'not a single ' ' it‘ to humiliate sentence in " either pd y. . iere “as no CESSIOH of territory: no talk of any cash . . ' ' r . I L L n :rlnnityd, no11 (t Sitting on bayonets n : nothing to leave a sting t0 1 ran Moreover e an ca for rlex . enge.~ nothing ‘ to breed future wars. pmdaim d prejudice and precedent, and on April 28, 1818, Monroe had the satisfaction of proclaiming to our nation the signing of the Rush-Bagot arrangement, by which the contending countries agreed to do away with all ships of war on the Great Lakes; any already thereon were to be dismantled; any in course of building, converted to other use; and only four little revenue cutters, or patrol vessels, to be permitted for each nation on the entire river and lake system. Through a further “tacit understanding” no additional forts demarcate the frontier lines. The success of this American system, this Monroe Doctrine, is as obvious as it was inevitable. , on tie 28th of April, 1818, President Monroe t1 “Re to the nation how he had reinforced this treaty by ie ush—Bagot This_ “ arrangement ” conClusively shows “h arrangement.” t M . a_ ‘ onroe meant . .. . to “’1‘ h by the Monroe Doctrine," iic reference is often made. , ' note that . Careful read e rs will that doctrine was aimed a ainst th “ , . . . European 5) stem of militarism and its maxim "If Ygan W'ante Peace, Prepare for War.” Had he followed the European system, he realized there would be “vast expense incurred,” and the ”danger of collision increased”; while the rivalry in armaments would prove a “con— tinual stimulus to suspicion and ill-will.” So he proposed his new American system to Great Britain. This was “to abstain altogether from an armed force beyond that used for revenue.” Britain for many months refused assent to his views. Our ambassador, Adams, after talking to Lord Castlereagh on January 25, 1816, wrote that Britain’s acceptance of the proposal ”appeared hopeless.” Monroe, however, persisted. He showed that the “moral and political tendency of such a system (the 01d European) must be to war and not to peace.” FinaIly, after much discussion, good sense triumphed over ’ Afte r .. . _ possible. the 1812 . war was ended there w ere two cour ses Monroe might have followed the European system Of wanting peace by preparin g for war. In this case he woul d hav e crowded more and ‘ more war vessels on the Great Lakes and fortified and H garrisoned our northern borde r. He did just the rever n se. , e .inaugurated‘ a new s' .tstein, an “American System, havmg this motto r : > If \ou \Vant Peace Prepare for 1 Peace.” “Where nobody is loaded, nothing explodes.” The dove of peace settled on our northern border, and has barely ruffled her silver wings in a century. It is the spread of this successful system that must rescue Europe from its present recrudescence of barbarism now rushing civilization back to chaos. Does not this successful American system, with its motto, “If you want Peace prepare for Peace,” strike you as being the only correct model, with the only correct motto, for war-weary Europe to adopt, and for this favored land to retain? To me it appears the only system, the only motto, worthy of yourselves as individuals, worthy of the age in which we live, worthy of our Starry-Spangled Banner, and worthy of the God we love! We have been trained to repeat the old Latin saying, “It is sweet and fitting to die for the Fatherland!” There is one thing 163 162 far more necessary, far more desirable, far more difi‘icult than dying for one‘s country: that is—to live for it! The greatest triumph of the age “still awaits achievement by humanity and for humanity." What is it? Simply the enthronement of the idea of public right as the governing idea in world politics. This involves three things: 1st. The utter repudiation of militarism, which deities robbery and murder, and has turned Europe's fairest fields into one vast, bloody. slaughter—pen and pestilential Clltll‘nCllltlltsc‘. 2nd. The granting of all nations, even the smallest, the right of self-government and of the “place in the sun," that in equity is theirs. 3rd. The inauguration of some sort of world-accord in politics, such as already exists in the universal postal union and similar institutions, which are now easily possible hv means of our improved facilities for intercommunication. ' These will not be attained in a day, but public opinion more and more rules the world, and you and I can help give it a trend in the right direction. Do you say it’s all a dream? “The dreams that nations dream come true, And shape the earth anew !” The Temperate Americas and the World’s Work PROFESSOR BAILEY WILLIS q. N American league of conciliation, whose aim shall be power, police and peace, is my theme. Such a league is foreshadowed in current relations among American powers. It is urged upon us by the march of events in order that we may collectively, as none can individually, do our share of the world’s work. The world’s work is not to—day what it was recently. It has suddenly changed. Here in San Francisco, in 1906, you were engaged in building up the metropolis of the Pacific coast; developing its commerce, maintaining the rights of the people under the laws of California and the United States, educating the children, who have now become citizens of the nation; when on April 18th, through earthquake and fire, a great catastrophe fell upon you. Your city was practically destroyed. Your work was changed from building up to rebuilding. The people of San Francisco fell into three classes—the great mass, absorbed in their own affairs and lacking initiative; the strong leaders, determined on maintaining law and order, and the violent elements, prepared to take life if necessary to promote their selfish ends. Under the leaders of the city and the country order was restored. Physical force was used under the restraint of public opinion embodied in law, and the law was obeyed because there was power behind it, the moral and physical power of law-abiding people. The world to—day faces a situation parallel with that of San Francisco in April, 1906, after the earthquake and fire. A dynastic earthquake of extraordinary violence is followed by a conflagration that involves all Europe and her dependencies throughout the world. The Americas and Asia are scorched by it. The world’s work is changed. \Vhen Kipling wrote "The \Vhite Man’s Burden," he voiced the sense of higher humanity, which realized its obligation to 165 build up the superstructure of organized civilized society upon the foundations of moral principle expressed in (Ihristianity. To— day that superstructure is being consumed as in a fiery furnace and the very foundations have been shaken by the earthquake. Violence. in the guise of the long sanctioned privilege of \\'ar, accorded to kings and nations. sets the elemental rights of humanity aside and breaks every law, human or divine. \Vhat are we going to do about it? \\.hat (lid the people of San Francisco do? They organized successfully to put down violence. What did the people of linenos .'\ires do in 1910 at the celebration of the national centennial when anarchists threatened murder? They organized and put down violence. Let me take another illustration from the history of Cali— fornia. In 1852 this city of San Francisco had through the negligence of her citizens become the lair of violent men. Thieves and murderers feared neither police nor law. When the orderly elements of the population realized that the authorities could not or would not keep order, they organized the Vigilance Committee to protect society. The action of the Vigilantes differed radically from the mob violence of a lynching bee in that they dealt openly with criminals according to the spirit as well as the forms of law and they publicly assumed responsibility for their acts; and it differed from a Spanish—American revolution in that there was no revolt against established government, nor seeking of partisan ends. Having too long been negligent and neutral in the affairs that should concern citizens, the peaceful elements of the city were obliged to fight violence by extra legal, yet in the eyes of necessity, lawful force. 15 the world‘s situation materially different to-day? Are we not called upon, as the Vigilantes were, to restore order by among themselves, yes, that bind them with all other peoples in one common humanity which shares a common fate. Superficially it may seen otherwise, but the common lot of humanity is inexorably conditioned and conditions us. We cannot escape its obligations or consequences. While this has always been true in principle, it has not been so imperative as it now is. Danger and disaster draw men together. Menaced by militarism humanity awakens to the necessity of organizing to restore and maintain peace. In the organization of the Hague tribunal and its conferences, in arbitration treaties, and in the proposals for an international court of conciliation, the first groping steps were being taken in the dawn of peace toward the United States of the world, when Militarism struck Peace a staggering blow. Shall we say a mortal blow? Never. Whatever the next few years or decades may bring, the striving toward universal Peace through the federation of man will not cease until its aim is attained. The barons who wrung the English Magma Charta from John, the miserable representative of the “divine right” of kings, could not foresee how utterly that right would give place to the common rights of the people. Instead of kings, it is now nations who assert their right as individuals to sacrifice the people’s life and happiness to their individual ends. We have yet to win the Magna Charta of humanity from them, in spite of national covetiousness, pride and ambition. The barons (lid not compel King John by soft persuasion, nor will the militarists yield to arguments not backed by power. There must be power behind the league for peace—power adequate to compel peace. The world’s work that is now imperative in America is putting down violence? to organize a league of those American republics which have The Vigilantes were merely citizens of an isolated community. We are citizens of the world. \\'e have become so whether we will or no through the development of commerce, and in international affairs. gripes and intercourse, and of the conscience of humanity. of any country which, having world—wide interests, has not be- c come involved in the European war. The power of restraint, under the gravest provocation to fight, has seldom been ex— ety is bound together the world over by mutual interests and mutual obligations. It is one and indissoluble. \Var, even such as is being waged to-day, cannot destrov the material, intellectual and spiritual bonds that bind the peoples of Europe. demonstrated their capacity to act temperately, justly, in internal Temperate is a term that may well be applied to the temper hibited by any government as it has by the United States during the last six months. We have been temperate also, to an ex167 166 treme degree as a government, in our attitude toward Mexico, watching and hoping that among ambitious chiefs of political parties, there would develop a man great enough in moral. a.well as in personal force, to solve the grave economic and social problems that are the real causes of the struggle. The sad story of the wars is too immediate in our daily experience to require any statement. It goes on both in Europe and Mexico till many are askingr what avails our neutralitv. We preserve for ourselves the blessings of peace. We gain‘ in the markets of war. But—arc we doing our share in playing the part of bystanders while the rights of humanity are being trodden under foot by the petty Mexican chiefs and the all»powerful militarist, the Kaiser? I have often had my doubts, I still feel the enthusiasm which led our forefathers and fathers to fight for the right as they saw it and I chafe under our temperate neutrality. Not for glory, not for conquest would I fight, but that we as a nation might not seem to condone monstrous wrong. The costs of unpreparedness, fearful as the experience of llel- guim, France, and England proves them to he, should not deter us, if our physical resources will rt'cigli more in the balance for right than our moral force. . Now let me say that I believe in physical force as an essen- tial basis of a moral argument. Belgium was right in defending her neutrality, but she was crushed because she was weak. The minister of a South American power once said to me: “We respect the Monroe Doctrine because it has a hundred million people behind it.” We must be able to back our moral purpose by adequate force or it will be disregarded. But that force must itself be under such control that it shall do no wrong. Furthermore, .lt must be demonstrated to the world that that power is and will continue to be, so controlled. Otherw ise fear will follow rather than respect. 3 Confidence, the cornerstone of comme rce and finance is also the sole foundation of internationa l amitv and the confi— dence of our fellow nations is more itecessary‘to us if we are 10 play a truly great part in the \Vorld's \Vork than, the )owei‘ to do them unlimited harm. ’ 1 This is peculiarly true of Pan—American Iege to come to know the people of Argentina and Chile through constant personal relations, and to become acquainted with Brazilians and Peruvians. A dominant feeling among them is respect for our ability to organize and carry out great enterprises, such as the development of our own country and the building of the Panama Canal. They admire the practical ability which they have not exhibited to the same degree. With that recognition of our special qualifications for a conquest of Nature, the more timid mingle a certain distrust that we may conquer them. Among those nations that are near and weak, the distrust may rise to fear. With those that are strong and far away it has much less influence. The Argentines and Chilians do not fear us, although there are politicians who would make capital out of the “North American Peril”—nor do Brazilians. Never— theless we cannot afford to give color to the feeling that we do not intend to stop at Panama. We surely would have given Spanish—Americans cause for alarm, had we intervened forcibly to restore order in Mexico. The attitude of the United States toward Mexico is more gravely significant because nearly all Spanish—American countries suffer from the evils that have occasioned the Mexican civil war. Land monopoly inherited from the old Spanish grants, intrenched bureauocracy that sucks the nation's life blood, preferment of individual ambition and fortune to national welfare, and ignorance, these are evils that throughout Spanish—America make self—government of the people, by the people, for the people, a remote aspiration of the few who can grasp the significance of that immortal phrase. Omitting Argentina, Brazil, and Chile, it may be said of all other Spanish-American countries that Mexico holds up the mirror to them; her revolution is an echo of their own experience which they may at any time stiffer again; and her recon— struction is likely to be a prophecy of their fate. What wonder, then, if they view the action of the United States toward Mexico jealously and anxiously. The World’s Work in the Americas deepens in gravity when we realize that Mexico to—day is not an isolated case, but a symptom of a wide-spread almost chronic disease. relations. LEI us detatch our Dthough . t a moment from Europe and consider the Americas. uring the past five years it has been my privi- Bolivar, the Liberator, foresaw what a hundred years of misgovernment has demonstrated in the Spanish-American re— 168 169 publics that lie within the tropics. .\ son of Venezuela, he knew the character of the tropical peoples. ln drawing up a constitution for the l'nited States of Columbia, he proposed that the president should hold office for life and should select his successor. The president was to be in effect a constitutional monarch, surrounded by the safeguards of a supreme council and a national legislature. lie did not believe that his people could successfully govern themselves, and they have not. The most prosperous epochs in the history of the tropical republics have been those of government by a dictator, by a Diaz, who approached Bolivar’s ideal of an independent executive. San Martin, the great .-\rgentine co—libcrator, with liolivar of the Spanish colonies from Spain. believed, on the other hand, in the capacity of his pc0ple for self—government. lle fought for their freedom, and though they allowed him to die in exile and poverty, they are at last tardily. but surely, justifying his faith in them. Argentina has made great progress toward government by the people, in that she has developed to a high degree of efficiency the public school system introduced by President Sariniento from the United States half a century ago; and recently through the patriotic statesmanship of l’resident Saenz Pena, there has been placed among her statutes an effective election law providing for registration and the secret ballot. Bolivar and San Martin, united for a brief space in their hour of victory, were parted by their difference of faith in the people, whom they each judged according to the peoples he knew best. They both have been justified. The American republics fall into two groups: the temperate Americas and the intemperate. I have already named the United States as a temperate power, proved by her conduct under the gravest provocation. Argentina and Chile demonstrated their temperate statesmanship when in 1902 bitter boundary dispute and, in token of statue of Christ between them on the Braztl, governed in national affairs by the claim to the title of they arbitrated their lasting peace, set the crest of the Andes. more intelligent popu— the temperate Americas, the A. B. C. powers and the United States of North America. I would not be understood as classing all others as internperate, as necessarily inclined to revolution, tyranny, and anarchy. I would simply appeal to the his— tory of each and ask what guarantee does it give that you have entered upon the path that leads to just government by the people? And whenever any nation shall have demonstrated its possession of that self-control, stability, and disinterested- ness which would entitle it to a place in the group of temperate powers, it should be admitted to their brotherhood. The establishment of just governments, the prohibition of tyranny and anarchy, these are the tasks that confront the Americas to-day, and we, citizens of the temperate Americas, are not justified in saying to our less fortunate neighbors: “See what we have done, go thou and do likewise.” No. With the example must go the helping hand. As the United States stretched out that hand to oppressed Cuba, as the A. B. C. powers gave the aid of mediation to Mexico and the United States, so the American league of conciliation and good govern— ment will steady and support the unstable governments that mock the name of republics. I do not prophesy. I call attention to the relations that are developing under the dominant forces of mutual interests and common peril. The peril of war menaces us all. The mutual interests of peace already unite us in Pan—American discussions and congresses. The A. B. C. mediation has be come history. The Financial Congress of last June promoted a common understanding throughout the Pan-American financial world. The Pan-American scientific congress that is soon to meet, will draw students and thinkers from all over the New World. Hundreds of travelers passing between the ports of the Americas gain that better knowledge of how the other half lives and thinks, which leads to friendly intercourse. Slowly, but surely, we are weaving the bonds of union that shall bind the Americas together in a league of peace that shall put down violence and promote good government. lations settled in the southeastern upland, joined with Argen— The United States will bring to that league her enormous material resources and the pre-eminence she is gaining in the tina and Chile in that mediation by the A. B. C. powers whiclc financial world. so recently prevented war between the United States and Mexico ful self—government by an educated, sober people, ruled by com— She brings also the demonstration of success- These are the four great powers that may be grouped as 171 170 mon sense. But her power and her success are in themselves obstacles to that confidence on the part of weaker nations with whom she must co~operate. She must constantly demonstrate her sincerity in striving to promote peace for the gains of peace alone. In the effort to command the confidence of those SpanishAmerican countries which see themselves reflected in the Mexi— The Treaty of Ghent and the Hundred Years of Peace BISHOP EDWIN H. HUGHES can mirror, the association with Argentina, Brazil, and Chile A league of the four great HE signing of the Treaty of Ghent was followed by several American powers can control the destinies of the Americas, can banish war from the New \\'orld, and can insure to each and every independent republic that degree of prosperity which its is of inestimable value to her. because the people were wearied by the wars of the period, but also because thoughtful men studied the beginnings of the War people, undisturbed by strife. may be fitted to enjoy. To accomplish these ends we require mutual confidence, which is growing; the power which springs from confidence and co—operation: the organization based on confidence and power, which shall constitute a Pan-American police force; the law which shall restrain that force to the performance of its appropriate duties; and the moral sentiment of the Pan-American peoples, from which the law shall spring and by which the force shall be directed. We need never expect unanimous agreement to such a plan. But in the society of nations, as well as within each nation, the majority should rule. It is time that our relations in the Americas were governed by the power of the enlightened major— ity directing an international police for the maintenance of the integrity of every republic, and the perpetuation of the blessings remarkable movements toward peace. This was not simply of 1812, and read the treaty that ended that war, and came to the conclusion that the struggle had been needless. When men have expended blood and treasure in a lavish way, and then later awake to the realization that all the mournful sacrifice could have been avoided, it is slight wonder that they at once look for better and more reasonable methods of settling international difficulties. Presuming that the \Var of 1812 was somewhat typical of our international struggles, we are allowed to draw four very plain lessons and add them to the text—books of the peace movement: 1. The first is that of the needlessness of war, if preju— dice be absent and steadiness and strength be in control. young men. Henry Clay was Speaker of the House but thirty-five years of age. years old. He was John C. Calhoun was chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations. of peace. On our side the program for war was handled largely by impetuous He was but thirty These men and their compatriots rather prided them- selves on the fact that they had not been born as colonial Amerii.h I. cans, but rather had come as native citizens of the New Re- public. \ l Kentuckians would have no difficulty in defeating England. Old men are sometimes needed for the counsels that prevent war. In this case the impetuosity of youth played its big part in bringing on a. needless struggle. In addition to this, prejudice was a companion cause. So far as we can now judge, we had as much reason for war with France as we had for war with England. But our old hatred, .k __ 4.._.‘4H,,,_,~_;—4_ . Henry Clay bore the suggestive nickname of “War Hawk,” and was fond of the bellicose statement that a few 173 172 from the conflict of growing out of the colonial differences and as our antagonist. Ac 1775, led us to choose Great llritain war never should have the that agree lly counts very genera 4". The vote in occurred. The vote in the House stood 7‘) to w llldl‘gllh‘ upon narro were These 13. to 19 the Senate stood le. which to proceed into a bloody strugg The mood of the popular supHartford Convention shows that the war lacked been rushed port—largely because the people felt that they had into the unnecessary shedding of blood. \\'hat marvel, then, move— that the War of 1812 was followed by a vigorous peace e that, ment when men of level minds were compelled to believ hand, if prejudice had been put aside and maturity had been on all the struggle would have been avoided! 2. ems of The second lesson was that all the real probl could the war had finally to he transferred to tribunals that y better have been used before there was any war! The Treat the which for issues big the on menti even not did of Ghent conflict was waged. It contained no word about the impressment of seamen, or the Newfoundland fisheries, or naval forces on the Northern Lakes, or the rights of neutrals. These had all been settled by the logic of events, or else were turned over for settlement to the tribunals of peace. Probably the most sig— nificant thing in the treaty was its reference to the slave trade as “irreconcilable with the principles of justice and humanity." Yet the slavery issue was not really involved in the main contest. It was hardly possible that the level minds of the period should not have concluded that, if the question had to be re— ferred to peaceful negotiation after all, it was better that every such matter be referred to reasonable courts prior to the shedding of blood. 3. The third lesson relates to the influence of democracy, both as a bringer of peace and as a preventer of war. “’8 give now no hard-and—fast definition of democracy. It is often claimed by our friends who live under a limited monarchy that they have as much democracy as do the people of the United States. Democracy here refers simply to some proper expression of public opinion ere the people who must bear the burdens and shed the blood are exploited by the captains of militarism. Mrs. Browning intimates this in her passage in “Aurora Leigh": 174 “This And This The Cmsar represents, not reigns, is no despot, though twice absolute; head has all the people for a heart; purple‘s lined with the democracy.” It is certainly not too much to ask that the people be heard from ere the people be sacrificed! But the truth is that war thrives by means of autocracy. Who believes that Europe would be so terribly embroiled to‘ day if there had been a chance for the sober and deliberate ex— pression of public opinion? One might say that the war began with the assassination of a member of a royal family; that four monarchies entered the maelstrom ere one republic came; that England, with her larger democratic expression, came late into the fray; that Italy came still later because she waited for the sure voice of her people, and that the Swiss Republic still remains at peace among her mountains. Modify and discount all the statements as we may, they are at least suggestive. It may be that the cure of war is .more democracy. It may even be that the best available peace movement would be an agreement among the great nations that no war would be prosecuted without an expression of popular opinion at the polls—with a provision for mediation in case one or both voted for the struggle! If all this seems chimerical, it is none the less the logical extension of democracy. Surely it is more reasonable than it is to claim that the lives of millions should be at the mercy of a small inner council, and that the only attitude of the people should be “not: to reason why,” but merely “to do and die.” Beyond this it would seem that an army in its very organi- zation must be the veriest denial of democracy. The absolute monarch of our day is not a king; he is an officer! The spirit works even into the social life of military organization. If an officer of rank shall marry the daughter of a corporal or sergeant, let him prepare himself for ostracism. If Gunner Morgan is proposed for advancement, let an admiral object on the ground that the commission would offend social standards! All this makes it appear that there is a contradiction between militarism and democracy. If pure democracy gets a chance at war, war will have its biggest battle in keeping its place on the earth. “hen the commissioners, to negotiate terms of peace, sent word that peace seemed out of the question, the pressure of 175 popular opinion, both in linelgtnd and in the l'mted Stat“. made itself felt. Ghent. lt was a \‘er_\ democratic document, and one of its lessons was that democracy would usually be the toe of war, 4. The fourth lesson of the treaty and the century of peace relates to the power of fundamental frienddiip to stand the strain of serious issuea It would appear that we have had more opportunities for war with Great llritznn than we have had with any other people: _\'et our friendship has been equal to many crises. Not le~< than seven serious questions have tested these lumdred iears. liirst there came the eontrmeiuy with reference to the northeastern boundary. settled hr the Second came the northwestern \YebsteraXshburton Treaty. boundary question, expressed in the fervent cry. "lfit‘tyd’our— Forty or Fight!" \\ ell. we made it tifty~nine. and we did not fight at all! Third came the Trent affair laden with portentous possibilities. Fourth came the Alabama t'laims, settled by a court of peace. Fifth came the Mixed t‘mnmission. that grew out Of the Alabama agitation. This commisxion settled the demands of 478 British subjects and of nineteen American subjects. OFFICERS AND COMMITTEES The hands of the millions wrote the Treaty of Who to-day hears talk of any national humiliation involved in the closing of only three short of five hundred ques— tions? Sixth came the Venezuela controverxy. handled at last with rare consideration on both sides of the sea. Seventh was the Behring Sea dispute, and out of it came the conviction that two peoples, fundamentally friendly, could not be driven to Surelv these bloody strife with reference to kettles of fish. seven matters, and other minor and yet acute issues, haveiproven DR. DAVID STARR JORDAN, President es H. H. BELL AND ROBERT C. ROOT, Joint Secretari CAPTAIN ROBERT DOLLAR, Treasurer Vice-Presidents Judge W. W. Morrow Hon. James Rolph, Jr. Mrs. John F. Merrill Rev. Charles F. Aked Archbishop Edward J. Hanna Bishop William Ford Nichols Bishop Edwin H. Hughes Professor George M. Stratton W. Almont Gates William C. Allen Board of Directors Dr. David Starr Jordan President Benjamin Ide Wheeler Judge W. W. Morrow Mrs. Henry Payot Walter MacArthur Rabbi Martin A. Meyer Will J. French Dr. H. H. Bell Mrs. A. F. Black Harris Weinstock C. H. Bentley Robert C. Root Captain Robert Dollar Senator James D. Phelan Executive Committee Dr. David Starr Jordan President Benjamin Ide Wheeler Judge W. W. Morrow Harris Weinstock Robert C. Root Will J. French Captain Robert Dollar Mrs. A. F. Black Dr. H. H. Bell Finance Committee A. J. Gallagher W. H. Crocker Hon. William Kent, ML. Raphael \Veill Walter E. Vail Captain Robert Dollar I. H. Morse . Horace Davis Rev. 1). 0. Crowley Mrs. Henry Payot Membership Committee thepower of international friendship to endure the heaviest strains. Good men and women who contemplate the four facts now recounted can scarcely avoid the right answer to the question. If It has been thus between Great Britain and the United States for more than a century, why may not this gracious interrela— 3:31;;ff]:erflu12151n::::ld—Wide application? Why may we not of the prophecy in Dr. Sears’ hymn? ”When peace shall over all the world Its ancient splendors fling. And the whole world give back the song Which now the angels sing.” Dr. H. B. Johnson Mrs. 15. G. Denniston Dean J. Wilmer Gresham lx’er. George W. Hinmun Dr. Philip Andreen William C. Allen Mrs. Percy L. Shuman Miss Ada Goldsmith [)ublft‘ily Commillw Fred G. Athearn Mrs. J, W. Orr Professor A. L. Chamberlain Dr. F. M. Larkin Rev. “J. E. Vaughn John P. Young F. \N. Kellogg C. S. Stanton Fremont Older James H, Barry Alfred H. Holman Francis B. Loomis Miss lilla Schooley lit-r. \V. W. Ferric-r l\’e\'. F. H. Church 177 176 DELEGATES AND ORGANIZATlHNS ARIZONA .4f‘fminn‘d l‘y Gi‘t'i‘rnnr l'f .‘lrirnmi. Hon. William Jennings Bryan. Jr., Tucson, Ariz. Dr. A. D. Maiscli, Auditorium llnililzng, Lns Anpeles. Cal, Mrs. Florence Granger. lx'ingnwan. Am. CALIFORNIA San Francisco ('iwnnrrrial Club. Mr. Louis Block, 310 Sansoinc Street. Mr. Arthur M. Brown, 1‘inc and Sansmne Streets. Mr. R. J. Tyson, Seaboard Natiunnl Bank. Represented Channing Auxiliary, Unitarian Church, San Francisco, Cal. Mrs. Samuel W. Cowles, 1200 Taylor Street, San Francisco, Cal. Dr. F. A. C. Crown, 3618 Alum Rock Avenue, San Jose, Cal. Rev. H. B. Johnson, DD, 2634 Benvenue Avenue, Berkeley, Cal. S. P. Wiley, Flatiron Building, San Francisco, Cal. P. G. Agnew, 965 Geary Street, Apartment 3, San Francisco, Cal. J. M. Hahn, 2161 Shattuck Avenue, Berkeley, Cal. Mrs. A. M. Lowrie, Arthur Apartments, Jones and Post Streets, San Francisco, Ca]. Frank W. Gale, 2211 California Street, San Francisco, Cal, John C. Davidson, 729 Market Street, San Francisco, Ca]. Mrs. C. Johnson, 56 Bartlett Street, San Francisco, Cal. Mrs. J. Johnson, 30 Valley Street, San Francisco, Cal. Rolla V. Watt, 1 Baker Street, San Francisco, Cal. P. P. I. E. Inh‘rnatimnl Confrn‘nrr of ll'mnrn ”WW/Hrs. Mrs. May “right Sewcll. Hill lly<le Street. San Francisco. (Ell. Appaintrd 175' ll”. C. T. l'. Mrs. Elizabeth H. Farisli, 1748 Ninth Avenue, li. (mklanrl, Cal. Mrs, Sara J. Dorr, 706 Emory Street. San Jose, Cal. Mrs. Mary E. Garliuit, 2110 Ocean View .\\enuc, lmx Angeles. Cal. Represented International England. Peace and Arbitration Society, London, Edwin Berwiek, Pacific Grove, Cal. Mrs. Edward Berwick, Pacific Grove, Cal. W. H‘ McDougal, Belmont, Cal. Tuesday Clul‘, Bi‘rl'i‘li‘y (ilinmlu‘r of (innmu‘h'i‘. Mr. A. A. Goddard, Sacramento, Cal. Mr. Addison “7, Naylor, Berkeley, Cal. Representing To Kala" Club. Mr. R, Caduallader, 1155 Geary Street. Sim Francisco, Cal. Henry Thompson, 2921 Scat! Street. San Francisco. Cal. Miss Mary L. Sweeney, 2699 California Street, San Francisco Cal. Caleb A. Ensign, 375 61st Street, Oakland, Cal, ‘ Rev. B. S. John, Benicia, Cal. Miss A. I. Galbraith, 2819 (Earlier Street, Berkeley, Cal. Mrs. E. C. Galbraith, 2627 Charming \\'a\', Berkeley Cal. Mr. Nicholas E. Boyd, 2823 Garbel Sim-i, Berkeley, Cal John Aubrey Jones, 1610 28th Avenue, Oakland Cali I Rev. R, M, Stevenson, Fair Oaks, Cal. Y i Miss F. A. Ritchie, 721 San Jose Avenue, San Francisco Cal. J. A. DcRosa, 104-1 Page Street, San Francisco, Cal. ' Dr. C. C,‘1)iercc, 216 \\'. 23rd Street, Los Angeles, Cal. Airs. C. (,. Pierce, 216 W. 23rd Street, Los Angeles, Cal. Represented General Fedi’ralinn lVomcn’; Clubs and Chairman Wamcnls Peace Party, Northern Califor nia. 1‘11: S1 E. Cumberson, 251 Hamilton Avenue , I’zilu Alto, Cal. 1 . i ary E. Garbutt, 2110 Ocean View Avenue, Los Angclcs, Cal- Represanlcrl National lV. C. T. U. and Southern Cull/07111.11. Mrs, Mabelle Frances, 2610 \N. Ave 31, Los Angclcs Cal. 178 Miss Nellie Gordon, 149 Hickory Avenue, San Francisco, Cal. Colonel W. A. Glassford, Army Headquarters, San Francisco, Ca]. Hon. Francis B. Loomis, Delegate, Oakland Chamber of Commerce, Burlingame, Cal. J. L. F. McLain, General Delivery, San Francisco, Cal. C. Tobson, 3120 16th Street, San Francisco, Cal. B. Waters, Warren Apartments, San Francisco, Cal, Miss M. Delaney, President Civic Center, 2946 Pierce Street. San Francisco, Cal. Mrs. C. S. Aiken, 2376 Pacific Avenue, San Francisco, Cal. Mrs. Anna Casey, Loyalton, Cal. Mr. J. D. Lord, 1521 I Street, Sacramento, Cal. Rev. Abel Eklund, 2223 Atherton Street, Berkeley, Cal. Mr. Sebastian Dahovitch, 2601 Tenth Avenue, Oakland, Cal. Rev. J. H. Kevan, 1635 Euclid Avenue, Berkeley, Cal. Mr. D. J. \Vood, Denair, Stanislaus County, Cal. Mr. A. G. Holloway, 1704 Walnut Street, Berkeley, Cal. Miss S. R. Glenn, 2502 California Street, San Francisco, Cal. Mr. I. Steinhart, 942 Sntter Street, San Francisco, Cal. Mr, G. R. Noys, 1434 Greenwood Terrace, Berkeley, Cal. Mr. Theodore Johnson,* 2940 16th Street, San Francisco, Cal. Mr. Selig Schuberg,‘ 2940 16th Street, San Francisco, Cal. Mr. L. P, Fulmcr, 24-11 Russell Street, Berkeley, Cal. Mrs. Alice Adams Church, 223% Chapel Street, Berkeley, Cal. *Delegate and Representative, San Francisco Labor Council. 179 Reprcrcntcd Congregational Church. Delegater from Trinity Presbyterian Church. Mr. Thomas M. Lenewcaver. Lial Mr. F. L. Hossack.‘ 421 \\', 31st Street. La: Angelcs, Cal. Mr. L. Rhodes, Pcniel Hall. Los .\nu(‘lc<. (inl Mr. Mclliorne \Yatson Graham, Jr., 3R3 Arguello Boulevard, Francisco, Cal. Mrs. J. E. Cowlcs, 1101 \’\'cst Adams. Lns Angelcs. Cal. Mrs. J. E. Cmvlcs. 1101 \\'est Adams Street. Los Angcles. Cal. Miss A. L. Gansncr, Quincy. Cal. Kimball Geshcc Easion. 3801 College :\\cniic. lerkclcv. Cal. Miss M. M. Trcidcuricli. 2069 Pacific :\\ (‘11l1(‘, San Francisco, Cal. Mr. \V. S. Vauerhurgli. 2531 Octavia Street, San Francisco. Cal. Mr. K. S. lmse, 1310 Leavenworth Street, San Francisco. Cal. Miss H. E. Reed. 29 Parker Avenue, San Francisco, Cal. Miss M. MacMillan, 1159 O'inrrell Street, Sim Francisco, Cal. Miss Florence M. Leavy, 2331 California Street. San Francisco. Cal. Mrs. M. M. Frederick, .315.7 Siitter Street. San Francisco, Cal. Representing County W. C. T. C. Mrs. Margaret H. \1'ood, Dcnair, Cal. Rev. E. L. Parsons, D.D., 2732 Duran t Avenue, Berkeley. Cal. Mrs. S. M. Richardson. 841 Phelaii Building, San Francisco, Cal. Madame Marie Light Plise, 567 Fifth Avenu e. San Francisco Cal. E. Mrs. Miss Mrs. Miss Mrs. Miss A. Stone, 4654 Sebastian Avenue, Oakland Cal. 1 A. M. Hicks, 2505 College Avenu e, Berkclcv, ,Cal. Anna R. Spence, 1560 Sacramento Avenue, 5-311 Francisco Cal. Florence Van Goasbeck, 654 13th Street, Oakland Cal.Y A. John Aicher, 1564 Larkin Street. San Francisco Cal Margaret E. Cooley, 2610 Dwigh t \Yav, Berkeley C‘al ' Robert M. Hunter, 518 62nd Street, Oakland Cal. Mrs. A. \. Reed, 29 Y I Parke r Avenue, San Fraiicisco Cal Mrs. \Noodsen Allen, 2718 \Vel)st er Street, Berkelcv Cal Mr. R. S. Richar t, 1250 Hyde Street. San Francisco,’Cal.~ . Kendall, Encinal Apartments, Oakland, Cal. Rev. A. J. Weaver, 2130 Clianning \Vay, Berkelev, Cal. Judgéalwi W. Morrow. United States Court Building, San Francisco, Miss Adelhide Kuck, 2276 75th Street, San Francisco, Cal. 341:.é111‘iza'liurclcer\ \'ilkes.‘i690 Irolo Stre et, Los Angela, Cal. Mrs. Emgr P'L Graliam, 38:3 Argu cllo Boulevard, San Francisc o, Cal, Mrs Ea iercc, 1:471 V1 oolsey Stree t, Berkeley. Cal. . “in E. Cox, 2619 Etna Street, Bei‘kelvv. Cal. *Represented Japane se—American Le agiie. TDelegate, Tuesda y M orning Club. 180 Messrs. M. R. Forsey, 38413. 20th Street, San Francisco, Cal. C. Linn, 1528 Guerrero Street, San Francisco, Cal. A. Van Pelt, 3779 25th Street, San Francisco, Call Delegates to Peace Friend: Church. Congress from California Yearly Meeting Rev. Levi Gregory, Oakland, Cal. Robert C. Root, Berkeley, Cal. COLORADO Armour C. Anderson, 1433 Tremont Street, Denver, Colo. Dr. James H. Baker, 980 Marion Street, Denver, Colo. R. W. Corwin, Pueblo, Colo. L. M. Cuthbert, lst Nationa1 Bank Building, Denver, Colo. Andrew C. Carson, Orpheum Theatre, Denver, C010. Rev. William S. Friedman, 733 E. Eight Avenue, Denver, Colo. E. B. Hendrie, 1621 Wyncoop Street, Denver, Colo. Rev. J. H. Hougliton, 1343 Vine Street, Denver, Colo. Judge A. R. King, University Park, Colo. Mr. Frank McLaughlin, 630 Symes Building, Denver, Colo. E. A. Peters,* 1625 Wazee Street, Denver, Colo. Lawrence C. Phipps, 1154 Colfax Avenue, Denver, Colo. Verner Z. Reed, 1227 lst National Bank Building, Denver, Colo. Flatt Rogers,* 403 McPhee Building, Denver, Colo. F. W. Sanborn, 707 E & C Building, Denver, Colo. Dr. VViIliam F. Slocum, Colorado Springs, Colo. Dr. William H. Smiley, 1115 Race Street, Denver, Colo. Theodore G. Smith, International Trust Company, Denver, Colo. Wardner Williams, Pueblo, C010. 3. Harrison White, Capitol, Denver, Colo. Edward J. Yetter, Chamber of Commerce, Denver, Colo. Rev. John H. Hougliton, LL.D., Rector St. Marks, Denver, Colo. Bishop F, J. McConnell, 964 Logan Street, Denver, Colo. IOWA Appointed by Clinton Commercial Club. Mr. G. E. Wilson, Sr., Clinton, la. Mr. W'oodworth Clum, Clinton, Ia. Repn’rmling lVarld’s Insurance Congress. Mr. H. B. Hawley, Des Moines, Ia. *Delegates appointed from the State of Colorado to the International Peace Congress. 181 INDIANA Rev. A. J. “'eaver,‘ Pastor Friends' Church. Berkeley, Cal. 1.. Hollingsworth. 43 Cedar Street. New York City. N. Y. UTAH Representing State of Utah. Andrew Jenson, 154 North Second, W., Salt Lake, Utah. KENTUCKY Appointed by Gnrw'nm of Krutnrlcy for I‘mrr Congrats. Hon. J. N. Camden. Versailles. Ky. Hon. George C. \\'cl»lv. Lexington, Ky. General John B. Castlenmn. Louisville. Ky Hon. J, Embry Allen, Lexington. Ky. Colonel \Villiam A. Cnlson. Louisville. Ky. Colonel Jouett Henry. Hopkinsrille. Ky. Hon. John \V. Colyar. Somerset, Ky. Colonel C. W. Metcnlf. Pineville. Ky. Hon. S. Vl'. Hager, Owensboro, Ky. Dr. J. W. Naylor, Cayce, Ky. OREGON Rev. John T. Hanson, 791 E. Main Street, Portland, Ore. Miss M. B. Cridge, 954 E. 22nd Street, North Portland, Ore. Dr. T. L. Elliott. Portland, Ore. MONTANA Mrs. Donald McLeod, Harve, Mont. JAPAN Japan. Mr. Chozo Muto, Higher Commercial School, Nagasaki, ENGLAND New MEXICO England. Miss Chrystal McMillan, 46 Granley Gardens, London, Appointed by Governor of NEW .ltmit‘o, Hon. Antonio Lucero, Santa Fe. N. M. Hon. Frank Springer. Las Vegas. N. M. Hon. Hiram Hadley, Masilla Park. N. M. Mr. Lytton R, S. Taylor, Las Cruces, N. M. Mr. Donald Young, Las Cruces, N. M. HOLLAND The International Committee of Women for Keisergrachy, 467, Amsterdam, Holland. Permanent Peace, HAWAII Mr. James L. Coke, Honolulu, T. H. Mr. Gerritt Wilder, Honolulu, T. H. OHIO Appointed by The Arbitration and Peare Soriety of Cincinnati. E. P. Marshall, Union Central Building, Cincinnati, Ohio. E. Jay Wohlgemuth. 403 Lincoln lnn Court. Cincinnati, Ohio. Mr. Nelson Purdon, Chillicothe, Ohio. (Mr. Marshall will not attend; Mr. \Vohlgemuth may.) DISTRICT or COLUMBIA Dr. Carlos Ellin, W. S. Forest Science, Washington, D. C. C. Cal. Robert M, Thompson, 1607 23rd Street, Washington, D. D. C. Hon. Walter Scott Penfield, Colorado Building, Washington, NEVADA MASSACHUSETTS Bishop G. C. Hunting, Reno. Nev, Mrs. Edwin D. Mead, 39 Newberry Street, Boston, Mass. FLORIDA SOUTH DAKOTA I, Rasmussen, c/o 0. Peterson, Daia, Fla. NEW HAMPSHIRE Sumner F. Claflin, Manchester, N. H, MISSOURI J- W. Beach, Delegate, Chamber of Commerce, 1209 Silvanie Street. St. Joseph. Mo. ,, . . , Appomted by Friend s Peace Association in America. Peace Appointed by South Dakota Peace Society for the International Congresr. Dr. Gage, Huron, S. D. Dr. Seaton, Mitchell, 5. D. Rev. F. J. Dent, Aberdeen, S. D. Governor Frank M. Bryue, Pierre, S. D. Lieutenant-Governor Peter Ilorbeek, Redheld, S. D, J, “J. Harris, Mohridge, S. D. I. D. Aldrich, Big Stone City, S. D. 183 182 PROGRAM L. L. Stevens. Pierre. S. D. George V. Ayers. Deadwood, S. D. Thomas H. Brown, Belle Fourche, S. D. J. W. Harris, Mobridge, S. D. C. N. Herreid. Aherdeen, S. D. SUNDAY, OCTOBER 10 2:00 O’CLOCK P. M. GREEK THEATRE, UNIVERSITY OF CALIEORNIA, BERKELEY Opening Session NORTH DAKOTA REV. FRANCIS J. VAN HORN, D.D., Presiding Appointed by Governor of North Dakota for Peace Congress. Pastor First Congregational Church, Oakland Hon. R. B. Griflith, Grand Forks. N. D. Hon. 1. S. Johnson, Christine, N. D. Hon. C. J. Lord, Cando, N. D. INVOCATION . . . . . R221. Edward L. Parsons, D.D. Rector St. Mark's Episcopal Church, Berkeley Hon. H. U. Thomas, Oberon. N. D. Hon. S. H. Sleeper, Mohall, N. D. ADDRESSES OF WELCOME: On Behalf of the State On Behalf of the City NEw YORK . . . . Governor Hiram W. Johnson . . Mayor 5. C. Irving Appointed by Auburn Chamber of Commcl’rr. RESPONSE ON BEHALF or THE DELEGATES Hon. E. Clarence Aiken, c/O .-’xttorncy~Gencral's Office, Albanv, N. Y. Rev. Sidney L. Gulick. 105 E. 22nd Street, New York, N. Y . . Mr. Arthur D. Call Secretary American Peace Society, Washington, D. C. “THE WAY To LASTING PEACE”—President’s Address WEST VIRGINIA David Starr Jordan, LL.D. Mr. H. P. Corcoran. Chancellor Stanford University TEXAS “WHAT MAKES A NATION GREAT” Mrs. N. E. Thorne, 1402 \V. Avenue, Austin, Texas. “INTERNATIONALISM AND DEMOCRAcY” MICHIGAN 1. “THE PATRIOTISM OF PEACE” WASHINGTON A. C. Herback, 417 2nd Avenue, S. \Y., Payallup, \Vash. Albert E. Jones, Seattle, W'ash. James A. Macdonold, LL.D. . . Rev. Matt 5. Hughes, D.D. SUNDAY EVENING J. A. Schefier 245 N. 6th Street, Allentown, Pa. Mrs. W. P. Barndoller, 500 Chestnut Street, Everett, Pa. Mr. Albert Votaw, Philadelphia, Pa. 7:45 O’CLocx THE TAEERNACLE, VAN NESS AVENUE AND BUSH STREET SAN FRANCISCO ILLINOIS 41—!- . Pastor First Methodist Episcopal Church, Pasadena PENNSYLVANIA .:_s—~:—— ._ .T. . Rev. Frederick Lynch, D.D. Editor Toronto Globe, Canada John Ralph Hile, Hillsdale, Mich. Topic: Mr. Louis P. Lochner.* 116 Michigan Avenue, 5., Chicago, 111. Mr. F. Emery Lyon, 1245 Monon Building, Chicago, 111. 1\, IS . Secretary Church Peace Union, New York ean W3 2C6 4 B 11 1*., 477 _ .. S . [’1 i H 110 AA\ 6 l1L, ’ C11 Cng, 111 The Church and Peace DR. FREDERICK LYNCH, Presiding Rev. H. B. Johnson, D.D. . . . . Superintendent Pacific Japanese Missions, Methodist Episcopal Church INVOCATION MARYLAND Representing the W. C. T. U. of Maryland. Mrs. William J. Brown, \Valbrook P. 0., Md. *Delegates, Chicago Peace Society. 184 “THE CATHOLIC CHURCH AND PEACE" Most Rev. Edward 1. Hanna, D.D. Archbishop of San Francisco 185 “OLD GLORY, THE FLAG or HOPE FOR THE \K’ORLD'S PEACE" “THE LEAGUE To ENEORCE PEACE" Milt: Eva Marshall Shouts, Chicago Hon. Francis 8. Loomis, Oakland Organizer for the W'oman's Peace Part) "TI-IE EPIC or PEACE" . . . Rabbi Marlin .4. I’llcyvr, P111). Former Assistant Secretary of State “THE EXPOSITION AND WORLD PEACE” Mr. Herbert S. Houston, New York Minister Emanu—El Congregation, San Francisco Vice-President Doubleday, Page & Co. “THE INTERNATIONAL CIIRIST’" . . . Dr. Jamar A. MrDonoId MONDAY EVENING 8:00 O'CLOCK MONDAY OCTOBER 11 CIVIL AUDITORIUM, SAN FRANCISCO 10:00 O'CLOCK A. M. TOPIC: War and the Workers COURT OF THE UNIVERSE, EXPOSITION GROUNDS MR. WILL I. FRENCH, San Francisco, Presiding Joint Meeting With ll'orld’s Insurance Congres: MR. ROLLA V. VVA'I‘T, Presiding Manager Royal Insurance Company, Limited Commissioner State Industrial Accident Board “FUNDAMENTAL CAUSES or WAR” Mr. Walter MacArthur, Sim Frandseo INVOCATION . . . Rt. Retc “'71), Ford Niz‘holr, D.D., LL.D. Bishop San Francisco Diocese, Episcopal Church . “WORLD ORGANIZATION" . Senator Henri La Fottmiuc, Belgium President International Peace Bureau, Berne ADDRESSES 0? WELCOME: On Behalf of the City . On Behalf of the Exposition . . . Mayor Jame: Ralph, Jr. . . Prerident C. C. Moore Mr. James W. Mullen . . . “WHY LABOR OPPOSES WAR” Editor Labor Clarion, San Francisco “A PLEA FOR CONSTRUCTIVE ACTION” Mme. Rorika Sch-wimmer, Budapest, Hungary PRESENTATION or EXPOSITION MEDAL. Vice-Chairman International Committee of Women (r WAR, BUSINESS AND INSURANCE” A NORTH . . for Permanent Peace Dr. David Starr Jordan L AMERICA’S INTERNATIONA EXPERIMENT" TUESDAY, OCTOBER 12 Dre Jamex A. McDonald 9:30 O'CLOCK A. M. CIVIC AUDITORIUM, SAN FRANCISCO l l MONDAY AFTERNOON Topic: Education and Peace 2:00 O'CLOCI; M. E. DAILEY, LL.D., Presiding FESTIVAL HALL, EXPOSITION GROUNDS President State Normal School, San Jose Joint Meeting With World’s Insurance Congress I INVOCATION I Prof. E. A. Wicker, D.D. ,. San Francisco Theological Seminary DR. STARR JORDAN, Presiding ,.~L - “EFFECTS or THE WORLD WAR ON CENTRAL AND SOUTH AMERICA” . Hon. Walter Scott Penfield, l/Vashitzgton American Secretary of The Hague Court in Dr. John Mez, rereutly of Munich, Germany Federation of Students International President Mn Kiyo Sue Inui NOS” RSTANDI MISUNDE “INTERNATIONAL America of Society Lecturer for the Japan “SCIENCE AND PEACE” Pious Fund Arbitration 187 186 “A GUIDING PRINCIPLE FOR OI‘R FOREII;N PUIIIKY“ I‘mfmsnr ({I‘m'gr M. Stratum University of California .. , MILITARI ~ ,. . TRAINING IN SCIIOOLs , . “THE NEw ORIENT AND OUR NEW ORIENTAL POLICY” Dr. Sidney L. Cnliel: .llr. Louis 1’. Larlmer Of the Federal Council of the Churches Of Christ in America Secretary~ Chicago Peace Society TUESDAY NOON Dr. Ng Poon Chew . . “CHINA’S OUTLOOK—PEACE 0R WAR?” Editor Chang Sai Yat PO, San Francisco 12:00 O‘CLOCK WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 13 The American Peace Society will act as host :It a Buffet Luncheon to be served in Hall C-2 of the Civic Auditorium, Regular members of the Congress Will receive a card Of admission at the time of registration 9:30 O'CLOCK A. M. FAIRMOUNT HOTEL, SAN FRANCISCO TUESDAY AFTERNOON Joint Meeting of Peace Societies and Peace Workers Topics: 2:00 O’CLOCK Constructive Work for Peare The Problem of Preparedness Cmc AUDITORIL'M. SAN FRANCISCO Our Duty in the Present Situation Topic: Women and War MR. HENRY C. MORRIS, Presiding MRS. JOHN F. MERRILL, San Francisco, Presiding President Chicago Peace Society, Former United States Consul “THE CALL OF OLD GLORY FOR HEROIsM” at Ghent, Belgium Mir: Ezva Marshall Shout; Rabbi Martin A. Meyer INVOCATION “AMERICA’S DANGER AND OPPORTI‘NITI” Mrs. Lucio Amer Mead, Boston DISCUSSION INTRODUCED BY Senator Henri La Fontaine Mr. Arthur D. Call Dr. John Mcz National Secretary \Voman’s Peace Party "THE INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS OF WOMEN AT THE HAGUE" Miss Clzryrtal McMillan, London, England Secretary International Committee of Women for Permanent Peace DR. CHARLES S. MACFARLAND, New York General Secretary Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in America PROFESSOR G E. UYEHARA, D.Sc. TUESDAY EVENING Department of Political Science, Meiji University, Tokyo, Japan 8 :00 O’CLOCK CIVIC AUDITORIUM, SAN FRANCISCO Topic: Some Aspects of Our International Relatiom PRELIMINARY REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON PLATFORM WEDNESDAY AFTERNOON H. H. GUY, PH.D., Presiding 2:00 O’CLOCK President Japan Society of America “WORLD UNITY: CIVIC AUDITORIUM, SAN FRANCISCO THE GOAL OF HUMAN PROGRESS” Mirza Ali Kuli Khan Commissioner—General for Persia, P.-P. I. E. “TEE NEGLECI'ED ASPECT or AMERICAN-JARANEsE RELATIONS” Dr. Yamato Iehihaxhi Stanford University Topic: Pan—American Relations JUDGE W. W MORIaow, Prexidiug Ninth District United States Circuit Court Of Appeals, ADOPTION or CONGRESS PLATFORM Senor Dan I. E. Lefeme “PAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS“ 188 Secretary of Panama Legation 189 “Two SUCCESSFUL MODELS FOR PAN~AMER1CAN IMITATION” Mr. Edward BrnL-ick, Pacific Grove “THE TEMPERATE AMERICAS AND THE WORLD’S WORK” Profmsor Bailey Willis, Stanford University WEDNESDAY AFTERNOON 4 :30 O’CLOCK CONFERENCE Dr. Sidney L. Gulick of New York City. representing The Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in America, held a conference with all the members of the Peace Makers‘ Committee, whom he addressed on “The Best Methods of Carrying on Peace Work in the Churches." WEDNESDAY EVENING 8 :00 O’CLOCK Cmc AUDITORIUM, SAN FRANCISCO Peace Centenary Celebration Commemorating ONE HUNDRED YEARS OF PEACE AMONG ENGLISH-SPEAKING PEOPLES AND A CENTURY OF ORGANIZED PEACE WORK MR. HENRY C. MORRIS, Chicago, Presiding (Fill in Themes) “THE NAVY As A PEACE SOCIETY” Col. Robert M. Thompson, New York Rev. Frederick Lynch, DD “A FORWARD LOOK” . . Mr. Herbert S. Hourton, New York “A HUNDRED YEARS or ORGANIZED PEACE WORK" Mr. Arthur D. Call, Washington, D. C. Miss Eva Marshall Shonlz, Chicago. “THE TREATY or GHENT AND THE HUNDRED YEARS OF PEACE” Bishop Edwin Halt Hughes, San Francisco. Mir: Chrystal McMillan, London, England Hon. James A. McDonald, LL.D. “A RESUME" Chancellor David Starr Jordan 190 |
| Contributors | Bell, H. H.; Root, Robert Cromwell, 1858-1942; Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in America. Committee of One Hundred; Council on Religion and International Affairs; American Peace Society; American League to Limit Armaments; American League to Limit Armaments; San Francisco Federated Peace Committee for 1915; Woman's Peace Society |
| Date | 1915 |
| Type | Text |
| Format | application/pdf |
| Language | eng |
| Rights Management | http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/NoC-US/1.0/ |
| Holding Institution | J. Willard Marriott Library, University of Utah |
| Scanning Technician | Jaclyn Martin |
| Call Number | JX1932 .A5 1915 |
| ARK | ark:/87278/s6tb5x5q |
| Setname | uum_rbc |
| ID | 1463361 |
| Reference URL | https://collections.lib.utah.edu/ark:/87278/s6tb5x5q |