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Show From the North-China Daily News, Mar. 17, 1936. THE USE OF STRENGTH POWERFUL AMERICA Our Place in a Rearming World.-By Eugene G. Young. Stokes, New York. G.$3.00. The League of Nations, the Nine-power Pacific treaty, the. Briand- Kellogg pact, the World Economic Conference, one after another, have failed as effective devices for accord and peace. In the light of this catastrophe, the author of this volume believes that in the interest of America and the world, America should resume and continue a strong, realistic, nationalistic development of the principles and practices on which American civilization is built. Since internationalism has failed to set up an authority which can contain aggressive nationalism, that authority, and the power to back it up, must be found elsewhere. America has the ability and the power to take the leadership; and, if it should do so, it could help to ensure a better world order. A m e r i c a ' s E x p e r i m e n ts The author draws a curious parallel between two experiments, both undoubtedly noble in purpose, and in general both composed of the same elements. One was the effort of America to break down the ancient evil of alcoholism, by national prohibition of the traffic in liquor; and the other was the project to break down the ancient institution of war by international prohibition. As in the case of liquor, selfish nationalism, the breeder of wars, proved to be too strong to be conquered in this fashion. Mr. Young believes that unless the world is to be plunged into another and greater war in the near future, America will have to take part in that effort. Again and again he asserts that authority and power rests with the great nations-chiefly with America and Britain and must be asserted by them if we are to have an era of peaceful development. N a t i o n a l i sm vs. I n t e r n a t i o n a l i sm Referring to the World Disarmament Conference of 1932 the long-delayed showdown proved that the internationalism of that day was not strong enough to overcome the nationalisms involved. A complete demonstration was given that America the great advocate of disarmament in theory, was too nationalistic in practice to enter into any plan of co-operation which would make the scheme work. The author states frankly that when Japan entered Manchuria arid tried to avoid penalties under the Briand- Kellogg treaty, as well as under the Covenant of the League, America backed away. Financial, trading and cotton interests, opposed any action against Japan, and there was also a strong and insistent protest against involvement of America in any sanctions under any pact. America as Protector Robust Americanism is returning, the Roosevelt administration has turned its back on internationalism and has become strongly nationalistic. Among other things, Mr. Young claims that the restoration of America's old policy of protecting China from aggression has restrained Japan in the Far East. Americans are now intent on studying, not what they should do for others, but what they should do for themselves. He recognizes that the American people have always been determinedly nationalistic. In acquiring their continental domain they did not hestitate to use their power in a realistic way, and kept up the process until they had attained everything necessary for their nationhood. To-day they are re-arming to protect the interests they have thus gained. Occupying a detached and strategic position, and having the good fortune to be supplied with abundant resources and wealth, America has been revising its code of conduct, and developing broad formulas which allow for the independence of other peoples. The League's Originator The author states that informed Britons and many others know that Mr. Woodrow Wilson was not the originator of the Geneva organization. The real originator was General Smuts, the South African statesman. Under Article X of the Covenant all nations were bound to defend indefinitely the boundaries and possessions of members, as they existed at the time it was adopted. This in effect recognized the British Empire as a permanent institution to be upheld by the whole world. Asia's Monroe Doctrine The book contains an interesting account of the rise of the Monroe Doctrine of Asia. Colonel Roosevelt, at that time President of the United States, is reported as having said to Baron Kaneko: Japan is the only nation in Asia which understands the principles and methods of Western civilization. All the Asiatic nations are now faced with the necessity of adjusting themselves to the present age. Japan should be their natural leader in this process, and their protector during the transition stage, much as the United States assumed the leadership in the American continent many years ago, and by means of the Monroe Doctrine, preserved the Latin- American nations from European interference while they were maturing their independence. The future policy of Japan toward Asiatic countries should be similar to that of the United States toward her neighbours in the American continent. A Japanese Monroe Doctrine in Asia will remove the temptation to European encroachment. China and Japan The author admits that Japan's emergence from her long retirement was not voluntary. It was compelled by the power of an American fleet. Forced to face the world, Japan is laying down a programme of expansion, the like of which has seldom been attempted. The change of policy from co-operation with the Western powers to assertion of Japanese primacy in the Far East, began in 1915 with the presentation to China of the twenty-one demands. Mr. Young attempts to answer the question as to what progress Japan has made in establishing her position, and what real profit there has been in the aggressions and defiances. The first effect of the attempt to control China was the break with America, and the second effect was the alienation of British support. This, left Japan virtually isolated and had' immediate consequences. Adverse developments have mounted up to a total large enough to alarm the strongest of nations. Mr. Young thinks two ways toward concord are open. First it might be possible for Britain, France, and America, to recognize Manchoukuo, and to send their diplomats to the Manchoukuo court, to be a check on further Japanese adventuring from that base. The second solution is even more breath-taking, and to it the author devotes an entire chapter. He proposes a union of Manchoukuo and North China. In presenting this scheme for the division of China, Mr. Young claims that he is a friend of the Chinese people. We shall not be impatient with Chinese patriots who think otherwise. The author says: One who looks with clean unprejudiced eyes on China will find these remarkable facts: Its people are divided into three great, and several minor, racial groups that are fully as distinct from one another as are the Italians and French, the French and Germans, and the Germans and Western Slavs. These groups are separated by natural strategic barriers that have prevented close commingling in the past, and are still setting them apart. Behind these barriers three virtually independent governments have operated in the past and the present. Union or Disunion in China The author goes on to say that behind these barriers have grown up cultures and interests as divergent as those of any two European nations. The question now arises whether development of separate national consciousness and interest shall be discouraged or encouraged. The problem is placed before Americans because with America chiefly will lie the decision. The author believes that a first-class movement for independence in North China could easily be set under way if there were a prospect that America and Britain would not veto it. Mr. Young thinks the Chinese do not make good colonial subjects. They have their own ways of making things uncomfortable for the occupying forces, and for Japan to take over the vast population of North China would be very risky indeed. In this the question is constantly raised as to the attitude of America: Shall America go on stubbornly supporting the policy of a united China, under which the Far East is heading toward a desperate and devastating war as Japan, Russia, and China, prepare to -struggle for the control ' of Manchuria and North China? Mr. Young believes that America's assent is all that is necessary to permit the centrifugal forces, already at work in China, to succeed. The Balance of Power In discussing the subject of the balance of world power passing to America, the book assumes "that the rise of the great American nation, on a land providentially reserved for it, fits into the scheme for the progress of mankind." So far as war with Britain is concerned, war with that nation is as unthinkable as the British say it is. There is a good understanding between Washington and London. No European nation can afford to overlook America's financial and economic strength. In these topsy-turvy days it is reassuring to know Mr. Young believes that the voice of America can be effective in the Far East whenever she chooses to raise it. One might dare to hope that it will not be raised in favour of a divided China; Whither America ? The author uses these words in answering the question as to whither great America is bound: If we stand aside and let present war tendencies continue unchecked, the situation may become dangerous for America, for the dictators of the world are scheming to get for themselves the power to challenge everywhere the principles of freedom and democracy for which we stand; to shut the Open Door wherever they can, to prevent the achievement of an Open World. Whatever may be the faults of Britain and France, they are, within their limitations, outstanding champions of the democratic system we wish to promote; and their downfall, or serious weakening, would open the way for the installation of systems to which we are opposed. We are already closely linked with them, especially with the British, by common interests in many and important parts of the world; and it is quite unlikely that we would permit these common interests to be broken down. We have penetrated deeply into the British Empire, both economically and politically, and are in a position, without entering it, to sway it foward the end we desire. Such an advantage will not be given up lightly. I(n, the words of General Smuts, "America and the Empire must march together into the unknown future." Mr. Young advises Americans to fuse in world affairs the common sense that has made American civilization.- G.W.S. |