Yokai: the unworshipped Kami of Japan

Yōkai have long existed as the wicked and mischievous antithesis to the kami of Japan. Unlike the venerated kami found in Shinto shrines and Buddhist temples, these apparitions, depending on the place and time in Japanese history, were reviled, avoided, or made into caricatures for entertainment. Despite the contrast in the treatment of these two groups, there is little officially said to denote a difference between kami and yōkai. The common idea is that one is merely good, and the other is evil. Though the majority of yōkai are destructive to humanity, there are numerous records of these creatures amicably interacting with humans. Furthermore, some yōkai are highly sought after, and homes possessing such beings take great care to keep their resident spirit comfortable and happy so that they remain within the household. To further blur the lines between the two groups, there are yōkai that, over time, can mature into kami and even kami that degenerate to yōkai status. There is a fluid hierarchy amid these entities that few researchers in the field of yōkai studies tackle directly, choosing instead to leave the relationship vague. By examining specific yōkai and kami, it is possible to more clearly highlight the divergence between these spirit beings and thus recognize that yōkai are kami that have never received worship, were forgotten by humanity, or lost their venerated status due to their nature or appearance.

YŌKAI: THE UNWORSHIPPED KAMI OF JAPAN by Samantha Jane Mosher A thesis submitted to the faculty of The University of Utah in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Asian Studies College of Humanities The University of Utah May 2020 Copyright © Samantha Jane Mosher 2020 All Rights Reserved The University of Utah Graduate School STATEMENT OF THESIS APPROVAL The thesis of Samantha Jane Mosher has been approved by the following supervisory committee members: , Chair Shoji Azuma 02/10/2020 Date Approved , Member Wesley Sasaki-Uemura 02/10/2020 Date Approved , Member Winston Kyan 02/15/2020 Date Approved and by , Chair/Dean of Kim Korinek the Department/College/School of and by David B. Kieda, Dean of The Graduate School. Humanities ABSTRACT Yōkai have long existed as the wicked and mischievous antithesis to the kami of Japan. Unlike the venerated kami found in Shinto shrines and Buddhist temples, these apparitions, depending on the place and time in Japanese history, were reviled, avoided, or made into caricatures for entertainment. Despite the contrast in the treatment of these two groups, there is little officially said to denote a difference between kami and yōkai . The common idea is that one is merely good, and the other is evil. Though the majority of yōkai are destructive to humanity, there are numerous records of these creatures amicably interacting with humans. Furthermore, some yōkai are highly sought after , and homes possessing such beings take great care to keep their resident spirit comfortable and happy so that they remain within the household. To further blur the lines between the two groups, there are yōkai that, over time, can mature into kami and even kami that degenerate to yōkai status. There is a fluid hierarchy amid these entities that few researchers in the field of yōkai studies tackle directly, choosing instead to leave the relationship vague. By examining specific yōkai and kami, it is possible to more clearly highlight the divergence between these spirit beings and thus recognize that yōkai are kami that have never received worship, were forgotten by humanity, or lost their venerated status due to their nature or appearance. I dedicate this thesis to my grandfather Richard Alston. He always emphasizes the importance of education and taught me that if you find a job you genuinely love, you will never work a day in your life. I am forever grateful for his insistence on getting a degree as it has led me to paths I could have never explored without one. Karasu tengu ki inoshishi (烏天狗騎猪) Kaihō Yūshō (海北友松 1533–1615), Sairin-ji Temple, Kyoto. Photo from Faith and Syncretism: Saichō and Treasures of Tendai. Kyoto National Museum catalog, 2005. 「妖恠はいはゞ公認せられざる神である。」柳田国男 "Yōkai are kami that cannot be officially recognized." Yanagita Kunio TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT ....................................................................................................................... iii LIST OF TABLES ............................................................................................................. ix LIST OF FIGURES ............................................................................................................ x PREFACE .......................................................................................................................... xi Chapters 1. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 1.1 Defining Kami and Yōkai .................................................................................... 1 1.2. Objective ............................................................................................................. 4 1.2.1 Research Benefits for Scholars ................................................................ 5 2. REVIEW OF LITERATURE ......................................................................................... 6 2.1 Thesis ................................................................................................................... 6 2.2 Japanese Resources .............................................................................................. 9 2.2.1 Early Contributors to Yōkaigaku ........................................................... 10 2.2.2 Modern Contributors to Yōkaigaku ....................................................... 14 2.3 English Resources .............................................................................................. 17 2.4 Methodology ...................................................................................................... 19 3. DISCUSSION ............................................................................................................... 21 3.1 The Birth of a Kami ........................................................................................... 21 3.2 The Birth of a Yōkai .......................................................................................... 22 3.2.1 Transformation Through Aging ............................................................. 23 3.2.2 Transformation Through Animosity ...................................................... 31 3.2.3 Transformation Through Death ............................................................. 36 3.3. Kami Degrade to Yōkai .................................................................................... 42 3.3.1 Oni.......................................................................................................... 43 3.3.2 Tengu ..................................................................................................... 54 3.4 Yōkai Ascend to Kami ....................................................................................... 62 3.4.1 Raijin as an Apotheosized Yōkai ........................................................... 62 3.4.2 Inari Ōkami as a Deified Kitsune Yōkai ................................................ 64 3.4.3 Inari Ōkami as Kūko .............................................................................. 76 4. CONCLUSION ............................................................................................................. 78 4.1 Yōkai and Kami Divergence .............................................................................. 78 INDEX .............................................................................................................................. 82 REFERENCES ................................................................................................................. 87 viii LIST OF TABLES Tables 1. Yūrei and Yōkai Characteristics ................................................................................... 36 2. Shinkai (神階 Shintō kami ranks)................................................................................. 70 LIST OF FIGURES Figures 1. Toriyama, Sekien. Tengu (天狗), 1776, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston......................... 3 2. Toriyama, Sekien. Biwa boku-boku (琵琶牧々), Hyakki tsurezure bukuro (画図百鬼 徒然袋), 1784, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.................................................................. 27 3. Nohjin, Suzuki. Namanari, 1978, Victoria and Alberta Museum, London .................. 32 4. Nohjin, Suzuki. Hannya, 2000, Victoria and Alberta Museum, London ..................... 33 5. Kawanabe, Kyōsai. Enma, 1800–1880, British Museum, London................................41 6. Namahage Masks from Different Districts, 2013, Oga Shinzan Folklore Museum, Akita, Japan....................................................................................................................... 50 7. Ogata Gekkō (尾形月耕 1859–1920). Inariyama, Kokaji (稲荷山, 小鍛治), 1892, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston ........................................................................................... 66 8. Diagram of koshin development....................................................................................72 PREFACE I have made several considerations for this paper to accommodate the use of Japanese within an English language thesis, including the use of passive structures commonly found in Japanese scholarship. Additionally, according to East Asian conventions, all proper Japanese names will be noted with the last name first and then the given name. Macrons will be utilized on any Japanese word with a long vowel to display its pronunciation correctly. For ease of recognition, other than proper nouns, non-English words will be italicized for their first appearance, followed by the appropriate kanji (漢字 Chinese characters) and the English definition. After the word's first appearance, it will no longer be italicized, and no description or kanji will be displayed. I would like to thank the University of Utah's Asia Center for keeping me up to date on policies, procedures, and for helping me fund my graduate program with the Foreign Language and Area Studies scholarship. I would also like to extend my deepest gratitude to my committee members Professor Shoji Azuma, Professor Wesley SasakiUemura, and Professor Winston Kyan, for dedicating their time and energies to this thesis. I would also like to thank my parents William and Tamara Teaney, for supporting my interests from childhood to adulthood, so I felt empowered to take on challenging goals. Lastly, I would like to thank my husband, Alex, for his patience and understanding while I was absorbed in research and writing this thesis. CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION Though the supernatural entities kami (神 gods) and yōkai (妖怪 bewitching apparitions) are regarded disparately in Japanese history, folklore and research show that they are uncommonly similar and have the capability to change from one to other in status and title. Significant causes of fluctuations in attitudes towards individual kami and yōkai are ideals that are being perpetuated during that period as well as changes in political systems. It is essential first to examine both groups and determine modern definitions, then explore the histories of specific yōkai and kami that are similar, and finally to outline how yōkai are born, how yōkai become kami, and how kami devolve into yōkai. My theory is that yōkai are kami that never received worship , were neglected, or were demoted from deity to demon due to their nature or appearance, and that human veneration determines the prestige of phenomenal entities. 1.1 Defining Kami and Yōkai Kami is the Japanese word for gods or any kind of venerated spirit. These otherworldly beings are worshipped and regarded with respect. For this thesis, I will focus solely on Shintō and gongen (権現 incarnation) kami, which were thought to be bodhisattvas that chose to appear in Japan as Shintō kami in a theory known as honji 2 suijaku (本地垂迹 tracing to the original ground). Shintō deities can come in many shapes, from an ancient tree, a local mountain range, or a gushing stream to humans or animals. They are typically regarded as benevolent and often have shrines or temples built in their honor for formal worship. Visitors pray to them, asking for blessings and protection against the evil forces of this world and the unseen world. This invisible world is where the extraordinary other dwells, beings that fall into the cracks of simple categorization, being neither man nor beast nor kami. They can be grotesque or dazzling, tricksters, manslayers, or lovers. Often, they are regarded as the malevolent antithesis to the gracious kami. They have been called many names throughout Japanese history: mononoke (物の怪 specter), fushigimono (不思議物 mysterious thing), bakemono (化け 物 shapeshifter), ayakashi (あやかし something suspicious), mamono (魔物 evil spirit) and yōkai. Hereafter, I will refer to these beings as yōkai as this is the most modern, etic term that broadly defines the creatures. Though the word yōkai was not widely used until the Edo period, the comprehensive term envelopes all previous terminology used. There was not a single, collective word used for unusual happenings in pre-Edo Japan as it was not yet deemed necessary to categorize these creatures under a general rubric . During the burgeoning popularity of yōkai art in the Edo period , supernatural phenomena became corporeal through illustrations such as the one seen in Figure 1. This created a need to classify and name these beings for the sake of narrative for the artist's curious audience. Unnamed phenomena were designated with a fixed name, and denominated phenomena acquired an authoritative form. With a variety of shapes, sizes, and abilities, it was decided that all abnormal, metaphysical beings and unexplainable events should be 3 Figure 1. Toriyama, Sekien. Tengu (天狗), 1776, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston1 1 Figure 1 is an example of a woodblock print from the first volume of Gazu hyakki yagyō (画図 百鬼夜行 Illustrated Night Procession of a Hundred Demons), one of the first yōkai encyclopedias. For more on Sekien's tengu illustration, see Japandemonium page 10. 4 termed yōkai.2 As new chronicles arrived to compile yōkai data into illustrated encyclopedias, the use of the word yōkai only further solidified in the Japanese vocabulary. Through it is a relatively new appellation, through content-based analysis of yōkai oddities, it can be determined that had the term been coined in pre-Edo Japan, it could have been the choice expression when dealing with the supernatural as other terms are overly specific to certain kinds of yōkai. Bakemono refers to yōkai with transformation abilities, ayakashi is primarily used for sea-related apparitions, mononoke encompasses yōkai, human spirits, and sometimes kami, and fushigimono refers to anything unusual. Yōkai is the only word that strictly envelopes the supernatural phenomenon/entities without including other spirit beings. 1.2. Objective I aim to make reliable connections between Japanese kami and yōkai and their vague scheme of classification. The conventional, layman interpretations of categorization are that yōkai, by nature, are wicked and mischievous while kami are benevolent and compassionate. However, research shows that this is over-simplifying a more complex relationship, as there is evidence of amicable yōkai and malevolent kami. By establishing some boundaries on how kami and yōkai differ , we can determine a more sophisticated method of grouping by examining their nature, origins, and interactions with other beings, human or otherwise. My theory is that yōkai are kami that never 2 Note that the first record the term yōkai in Japan comes from an entry in the Nihongi (日本紀 Japanese Chronicles) from 722, stating that "great purification is performed frequently in the imperial court to warn away yōkai." Original: 「大祓、宮中にしきりに、妖怪あるためなり」 (Nihon yōkaigaku taizen 208). 5 received worship, were neglected, or lost their venerated status due to their nature or appearance, and that human worship controls the prestige of supernatural beings. Veneration or the lack thereof can promote or deteriorate the position of kami and yōkai alike. By examining the recorded legends and histories of the yōkai tengu (天狗 winged mountain goblins), kitsune (狐 foxes), and oni (鬼 ogres), which have risen and fallen as kami and yōkai, I have found firm connections that tie the status of yōkai and kami to the way in which they are perceived by humanity at any point in history. As society changes, so do the status of the supernatural. 1.2.1 Research Benefits for Scholars Separating monstrosity from divinity is exceptionally challenging when a country has so many deities and apparitions. This separation could provide information and theories for additional research for scholars in the fields of anthropology, folklore studies, cultural linguistics, and religious studies. Japan, like other East Asian countries, practices ancestor worship, which further extends the scope of what could be considered kami. This ties my research to Chinese and Korean cultural and religious traditions and can be used as a foundation for studies in Chinese and Korean monsters, mythology, and what separates these ideas from divinity. As many East Asian nations have their own legends of native mythical creatures or spirits, some of which are even similar to Japanese myths, this paper can be used to open up a valuable dialogue on the relationship between native folklore, culture, and religion. It also serves as a new lens in which researchers can view texts regarding mononoke, fushigimono, bakemono, ayakashi, yōkai, and kami from the perspective of the flexible status of their positions within Japan's animistic belief system. CHAPTER 2 REVIEW OF LITERATURE 2.1 Thesis My analysis differs from previous yōkai scholars as they theorized that yōkai are fallen kami, while I go one step beyond and propose yōkai can rise to kami status just as kami can degenerate into yōkai and this flexible relationship depends on the worship and reverence provided by humanity. I concur with Kato when he says, "Kami are not august by themselves, but they are august and sacred only when they are worshipped by men. Again, men are not in peace by themselves, but they are [at] peace only when they are supported by kami" (Kato 43).3 Through human actions and language, an entity can lose or gain influence, respectively. This quote indicates that the primary difference between yōkai and kami is not whether they are good or evil; the difference lies in how humans perceive them as useful, awe-inspiring/overwhelmingly frightful, and therefore worthy of the time and resources necessary to worship and placate for favor. In order to define yōkai, we must look at ways in which they are brought into existence, their interactions with humanity, and people's attitudes towards these apparitions in different time periods to understand the processes by which yōkai may become kami and vice versa. The birth of a yōkai is straightforward; an unexplainable 3 See Kato, chapter 3, Theanthropic Tendencies in Shinto and Honchō monzui (本朝文粋 Japanese Book of Classical Poetry), vol. 13, page 2 for more on human/kami reciprocity. 7 phenomenon occurs, instigates an emotional response, the story spreads to others, and the belief begins. At some point within this process, the phenomenon is given a name. As illustrator Shinonome Kijin (東雲騎人 1976–) noted, to be a yōkai, it "must be given a name; otherwise, it is just a scary story [怪談 kaidan]."4 In this fashion, yōkai are linguistically instituted as, once it is given a moniker, it moves from being a hypothetical actuality to a more substantial presence capable of existing outside of stories. On the other hand, Shinto kami do not require a formal given name, though the most notable among them do have names. A shimenawa (注連縄 enclosing rope) is tied around various boulders, trees, and sacred spaces associated with kami to indicate the area is pure, to ward off evil, or to denote that a kami dwells within the object. If these kami were ever named, most are long forgotten though the need to acknowledge them is still present enough for the shimenawa to be kept intact and the surrounding area well kept. Being a kami alone is worthy of reverence, whether or not they have a set name. The concept of kotodama (言霊 the power of words) is an aspect of animism that details how spoken and written words have spiritual power that can influence people and objects. The idea of kotodama was developed during the Nara period (奈良時代 710– 784) and is associated with both Shintōism and waka (和歌 thirty-one syllable Japanese poems). According to the Encyclopedia of Shintō 's "kotodama" entry, in waka "it is traditional to think that words move heaven and earth."5 A well-composed poem with exquisite word choice purportedly could sway circumstances in the physical world, and thus poetry and everyday speech should be well guarded to avoid sabotaging oneself and 4 Dylan Foster, The Book of Yōkai (California: University of California, 2015) 93. For more on kotodama, see "The Encyclopedia of Shinto" entry at http://k-amc.kokugakuin.ac.jp/, search word "kotodama." 5 8 others unintentionally. Kotodama act as linguistic constructions in which words have power because the words themselves access and form the object or individual in question. This emphasis on the importance of word choice extends to the classifying of the supernatural as well. Something that is dubbed a kami has enough influence (in kotodama through speaking the word) that a name need not be applied and remembered as people automatically grasp that the kami fundamentally commands deference. Several shrines in Japan house nameless kami, and still, an ornate omikoshi (御神輿 portable shrine) is brought to the shrine yearly where the sacred object that represents the kami is then transferred from the inner sanctum of the shrine to the omikoshi. The palanquin is then mirthfully hand-ferried through the town to the center of the matsuri (祭り festival) where miko (巫女 shrine maidens) perform kagura (神楽 kami entertainment),6 venders sell confections and food and station game booths while townspeople visit and enjoy the evening while paying respect to local deities. These festivals demonstrate that a kami's lack of a known moniker does not deter people from upholding the local culture and showing reverence towards numen. The linguistic construction alone delivers a channel for native Japanese speakers to access the types of behavior that kami demand. Merely being aware that the entity is a kami is enough. If a phenomenon is designated as a yōkai, it is automatically assumed to be lower than kami, and sometimes humans as well, despite their mysterious abilities. The naming of various yōkai provides a frame of reference for narratives . If someone were to say they 6 Kagura is ancient Shintō music and dance performances performed for the pleasure of the kami. It is used to pacify spirits, beseech kami for blessings, or perform divinations. The styles of kagura exhibited depend on regional preferences and can vary widely in dance, costume, and music. 9 saw a kappa (河童 river-child)7 in a nearby pond, the listener would instantly know generally what kind of creature the speaker was talking about. It is necessary to name classes of yōkai as their particular endowments provide information imperative to the account and also denote the level of danger that may be present nearby. Power is expressed through language and shapes how humans proceed when encountering others. The words chosen to signify others reflect relationships of power and, in the case of kotodama, can even shape reality according to Nara-era Japanese beliefs. 2.2 Japanese Resources I will be primarily examining and analyzing works by Komatsu Kazuhiko, Yanagita Kunio, Toriyama Sekien, Chigiri Kōsai, Baba Akiko, Ema Tsutomu, Inoue Enryō, and Terajima Ryōan, as well as English translations of the Kojiki (古事記 Records of Ancient Matters) and the Nihongi (日本紀 Japanese Chronicles). This includes yōkai illustrations, theories, written histories, and related folklore as well as their relations to certain Shinto and Buddhist deities and surrounding myths. Unless otherwise stated, all Japanese to English translations are my own. I will discuss two of the authors mentioned above in particular in greater detail for their contributions to yōkai studies and theories which align in some respects with my own: Yanagita Kunio and Komatsu Kazuhiko. 7 Kappa are aquatic, humanoid yōkai that are said to drown people, especially children (The Night Parade of One Hundred Demons, 12–13). 10 2.2.1 Early Contributors to Yōkaigaku Japan's first illustrated encyclopedia Kashiragaki zōho kinmō zui (頭書増補訓蒙 圖彙 Annotated and Expanded Illustrated Dictionary for Beginners) was compiled by Nakamura Tekisai (中村惕齋 1629–1702) in 1666. Much like Chinese encyclopedias at the time, it contained entries for a great variety of creatures, even yōkai such as oni.8 This encyclopedia was intended for children to use in studying the natural world and drew attention to the differences between Chinese and Japanese codifications.9 About fifty years later, another encyclopedia with unusual taxonomic inclusions was published. Osaka doctor Terajima Ryōan (寺島良安 1654–unknown) contributed to yōkaigaku (妖怪学 yōkai studies) by compiling the 105-volume Wakan sansai zue (和漢 三才図会 The Illustrated Sino-Japanese Encyclopedia) in 1712. He set about assembling the encyclopedia, which included entries and illustrations for crafting objects and buildings, a multitude of Japanese and Chinese plants, animals, and even yōkai. I used a few volumes of this series to understand how yōkai were viewed by the academic community and see how they fit into the natural world. It seems that at the time, named yōkai were considered just rare, unique animals, while unnamed yōkai were not included in the encyclopedia, likely because Chinese encyclopedias did not include unknown specimens with no convincing data or materials. Named yōkai were placed matter-offactly between the chapter on rodents and waterfowl in a section dedicated to fabled varieties (寓類 gūrui) and mysterious varieties (恠類 kairui) of creatures, which also 8 Oni are extremely large, humanoid yōkai that often have horns, tusks, and red, blue, or green skin. They are frequently depicted as vicious, killing humans for sport and eating them (The Night Parade of One Hundred Demons 66–67). 9 See Pandemonium and Parade pages 35–38 for more on the Kashiragaki zōho kinmō zui (Kinmōzui). 11 included several species of monkey. The same volume also contains entries on kitsune and tanuki (狸 Japanese raccoon dogs)10 under the chapter on beasts; however, alongside their basic information such as coloration and diet are notations of their shape-shifting abilities.11 Foster translates a portion of these entries as "When a kitsune reaches the age of one hundred, it worships the Big Dipper, metamorphoses into a man or woman, and deceives people."12 Early Japanese encyclopedias were likely a gateway for the upsurge in yōkai popularity during the Edo period (江戸時代 1603–1868). Parlor games involving yōkai such as the storytelling game called The Gathering of 100 Scary Stories (百物語怪談会 Hyaku monogatari kaidankai) were popular at social gatherings. Participants would light one-hundred candles in a dark room and take turns telling eerie stories.13 After each story, a candle would be extinguished, plunging the room into a deeper and deeper darkness as the evening wore on. Writer Asai Ryōi (浅井了意 1612–1691) wrote that "It is said that when you collect and tell one-hundred stories of scary or strange things that have been passed down since long ago, something scary or strange is certain to occur."14 The superstition was that once the final candle was put out, a specter or monster would appear. Many games ended with the last candle still lit to avoid a potentially frightful encounter. 10 Tanuki are members of the canine family and resemble raccoons or badgers . Native to the Japanese archipelago, these animals are omnivorous and nocturnal. According to yōkai legends, tanuki can shape-shift (The Night Parade of One Hundred Demons 174–175). 11 The full entries for tanuki and kitsune can be found in Wakan sansai zue vol. 6 pages 91, 92, 94–99. 12 Dylan Foster, Pandemonium and Parade: Japanese Monsters and the Culture of Yōkai (California: University of California Press), 41. 13 Note that one hundred does not literally mean exactly the number one hundred here. It is a place holder word that simply means a great number. Thus, it was unlikely that the game was ever played with one-hundred stories and candles. 14 Foster, The Book of Yōkai, 44. 12 The mix of uncertainty and amusement that fueled the yōkai boom also increased the demand for yōkai art. Illustrator Toriyama Sekien (鳥山石燕 1712–1788) was at the forefront of the movement, producing a multitude of pieces featuring the strange apparitions that fans were curious about, and even additional yōkai that were probably invented by Toriyama himself. I will primarily be using Toriyama's depictions to illustrate the various forms of yōkai relevant to this thesis as his works are some of the oldest in existence. He used a combination of encyclopedias, folklore, and emaki (絵巻 picture scrolls) as source materials for his work, which included over two hundred yōkai. Tada Katsumi estimates in Hyakki kaidō that around eighty-five of these might have been his own concoctions.15 Many of these inventions were based on wordplay or popular expressions rather than folklore.16 Toriyama's illustrations and annotations would later be used by researchers searching for yōkai truths and the way these creatures developed into their modern forms. Several scholars have delved into yōkaigaku after the Edo period. The earliest yōkaigakusha (妖怪学者 yōkai researcher) was Inoue Enryō (井上円了 1858–1919) who 15 Foster, The Book of Yōkai, 49. An example of this is Toriyama‟s chirizuka kaiō (塵塚怪王 the aberrant, garbage-heap king) from the Gazu hyakki tsurezure bukuro (画図百器徒然袋 The Illustrated Horde of One Hundred Haunted Artifacts). The yōkai‟s name is based on a pun from essay 72 of the 14th century Tsurezuregusa (徒然草 Essays in Idleness), which states, "In the overabundance of certain things I find vulgarity. Thus I object to an overcrowding of furniture in the sitting-room, to a whole bunch of writing-brushes beside the ink-slab, too many images of the Buddha in the chapel, too great a profusion of stones, trees, and grass in a garden, too many children in a house, too many words to a friend, [and] too verbose dedications of sacred offerings. Things I feel can never be overdone are books in the book receptacles and rubbish on the rubbish heap" 「賤しげなる物、居たるあたりに調度の多き。硯に筆の多き。持仏堂に仏の多き。前栽に石・草 木の多き。家の内に子孫の多き。人にあひて詞の多き。願文に作善多く書き載せたる。多くて見 苦しからぬは、文車の文。塵塚の塵。」 (Kurakata, et. al. 57–58, Nishio, et. al. 148). Additionally, Toriyama writes that chirizuka kaiō is the king of yamauba (山姥 mountain witches), which is wordplay based on the play Yamanba (山姥 The Mountain Witch). In the play, it mentions that if one allows “worldly attachments pile up like dust, and if you let them build up into a dust heap, then you may turn into a yamauba” (The Night Parade of One Hundred Demons 78–79). 16 13 coined the term and became known by the nickname of Obakehakase (お化け博士 Doctor Monster) by his peers. Inoue's research was generally based on the notion of proving these apparitions to be superstitious and fictional as per the Japanese government's attempts to enlighten Japan during the Meiji era (明治時代 1868–1912). I found his system of categorization for individual species of yōkai useful as he classified them by their physical appearance and content into separate genera, families, and then orders. Through his work of dividing currently unexplainable mysteries and scientific occurrences, his passion for yōkai developed into a full-fledged, new field of research to be explored. Japanese historian Ema Tsutomu (江馬務 1884–1979) specialized in the history of customs and manners and in his book Nihon yōkai henge shi (日本妖怪変化史 1923) he examined human-yōkai interactions from a historical standpoint with the assumption that yōkai exist. I reviewed this work in particular as it drew a line between henge (変化 shapeshifters) and yōkai in a way that previously was left untouched as the words often were used interchangeably. According to Ema, "yōkai are strange and mysterious things while henge change their outer appearances or identities."17 Yōkai generally have a fixed form, whereas henge can shape-shift or are forced to change shape in order to return to the world of the living after death. In addition to a permanent structure, he goes on to say that there are five types of yōkai bodies: human, animal, plant, human-made objects, and natural objects. As Ema‟s system of categorization for yōkai varieties is extremely useful and logical, I have incorporated his taxonomy in my thesis. His work must also have 17 Tsutomu Ema, Nihon yōkai henge shi (Tōkyō: Chūō Kōronsha, 1976), 12. 14 prevailed during the first half of the 1900s as Yanagita Kunio, who wrote dozens of yōkai related essays and journals, claimed Nihon yōkai henge shi to be his inspiration. 2.2.2 Modern Contributors to Yōkaigaku Yanagita Kunio (柳田国男 1875–1962), regarded as the father of Japanese folklore studies (民俗学 minzokugaku), wrote about yōkai their mysteries in detail. Despite the era in which he was an active scholar, I list him here as a modern contributor as his publications, unlike premodern contributors, focused not only on the categorization, credibility, records, or marketability yōkai, but also examined the significance of these apparitions and how people might perceive them. He described them as a "fusion of fallen deities and fear."18 His work played a vital role in my research as his theory is similar to that of my own. However, his writings do not take into account how yōkai can be born from other strong emotions,19 or be birthed from objects that survive one hundred years20 with no relation to a fallen deity. Still, Yanagita's publications add value to research as they focused on Japanese folklore and culture as he traveled throughout Japan, giving lectures and collecting local legends and myths of strange happenings. It was through his work that I came across modern yōkai researcher named Komatsu Kazuhiko (小松和彦 1947–), who wrote several books regarding yōkai, Japanese folklore, and the relationships between humanity, kami, and yōkai. 18 See An Introduction to Yōkai Culture: Monsters, Ghosts, and Outsiders in Japanese History page 71 and Teihon Yanagita Kunio shū, vol. 5 pages 124–125 for information on Yanagita's theories. 19 Zashiki warashi (座敷童子 parlor room child) are yōkai that have the form of five to six-yearold children dressed in kimono or child-sized warrior costumes. They are rumored to originate from children who died young and were buried with great love and care (The Night Parade of One Hundred Demons 194–199). 20 Tsukumogami (付喪神 artifact spirit) are yōkai that come from objects that survive one hundred years. 15 Komatsu agrees with Yanagita's theory of yōkai as fallen kami. He also continues to write several texts on the history of human relationships with yōkai and outsiders (異 人 ijin) and the nature of yōkai even to this day, making his publications highly accessible to the modern audience. The availability of his pragmatic works has been indispensable to my research as his quote "Yōkai, however, are not evil entities"21 lends credibility to my theory that yōkai are considered lower than kami not because of inherent wickedness, but because humans chose to perceive them as lesser beings, whether it be due to the spirit's aesthetics, abilities, or associations.22 His works discuss the birth of various yōkai, and, in many cases, the strength and value placed upon the entity are directly related to its age. I use his writings to reinforce Yanagita's reasoning that "Yōkai are kami that cannot be officially recognized."23 Though this statement is quite broad, and I argue that all kami are yōkai but not all yōkai are kami , it still serves its function by opening a new line of discourse other researchers can work towards more precisely in defining them. Komatsu expands upon Yanagita's fallen god theory by offering examples found by researchers Chigiri Kōsai (知切光歳 1902–1982) and Baba Akiko (馬場あきこ 1928–). Chigiri's Oni no kenkyū published in 1978, along with Baba's completely separate book of the same title published in 1998, offers a look into the history of oni as beings that were once revered by humans. Chigiri's work looks in particular at oni throughout history and in Buddhism, utilizing Japanese, Chinese, and Korean sources 21 22 Original: 「 妖怪だが悪い存在ではない。」 Kazuhiko Komatsu, Yōkaigaku no kiso chishiki (Tōkyō: Kadokawa Gakugei Shuppan, 2011), 23 Kunio Yanagita, Teihon Yanagita Kunio shū (Tōkyō: Chikuma shobō , 1971), 125. 86. 16 tracing their relations to ironworkers and yamabushi (山伏 Shugendō monks)24 while Baba focuses on the rise and fall of oni and as kami and their use as metaphors. These two extremely focused works provided some background to validate my theories of yōkai being able to transcend to kami and even decline back to being merely suspicious apparitions by giving specific examples in yōkai taxonomy. The final Japanese contributor to yōkaigaku that I have considered is Mizuki Shigeru (水木しげる 1922–2015), a graphic novel artist whose most famous work Gegege no Kitaro (ゲゲゲの鬼太郎 Cackling Kitaro) rekindled Japanese interest in yōkai after it had faded from memory during modernization and the events of World War II. Though he was not directly responsible for yōkai-related studies, Gegege no Kitaro inspired a new generation of yōkai enthusiasts when the concept of yōkai had mostly faded from the modern world. His yōkai characters primarily originated from folktales he heard in his youth in Sakaiminato, Tottori Prefecture, Japan. His manga (漫画 Japanese graphic novel) was also made into several anime (アニメ animated cartoons), movies, a live-action drama, and games. Furthermore, the renewed popularity of yōkai led him to create yōkai encyclopedias, much like Toriyama Sekien. His long list of works revitalized and repackaged yōkai as charming tricksters rather than the perilous fiends feared in ancient Japan. With a Showa-era (昭和時代 1926–1989) art style of rounded character designs, his encyclopedias contain information from reference books, folklore, and oral 24 Shugendō (修験道) is an ascetic practice that combines elements of Buddhism and Shintōism. Yamabushi train in the mountains to find a kind of enlightenment that centers on nature and its relationship with humanity and with this comes immortality and spiritual powers. 17 tradition, and as one reads their descriptions, it is possible to see their histories and legends through his eyes, providing a modern insight to yōkai. 2.3 English Resources There is a significant lack of English yōkai researchers both historically and presently. The field historically was largely dismissed as unacademic by scholars in Japan as, according to Komatsu Kazuhiko in his 2012 book An Introduction to Yōkai Culture, there is "a strong tendency in other academic fields, with the exception of folklore studies, to treat yōkai as frivolous, superstitious, or inconsequential–unworthy of academic inquiry." As Japanese researchers often view yōkaigaku in a negligible light, it has been difficult to expand its scholarship into the west, leading to the current situation of scarcity in yōkaigakusha outside of Japan. As one of the first westerners to write about the supernatural in Japan, Patrick Lafcadio Hearn (1850–1904) is likely the root of yōkaigaku in the west. Hearn moved to Japan when he was forty and discovered a fascination with the culture, marrying a Japanese woman, becoming a naturalized citizen, and spending the rest of his life on the archipelago, teaching, and writing books. Some of his works, in particular, focused on folktales and scary stories, and while he wrote the tales narratively, without attention to their historical significance or the implications of the yōkai, his writing drew western attention to a portion of Japanese culture that had not been discussed previously. It was nearly one hundred years later that Gerald Figal (1962–) published his book Civilization and Monsters: Spirits of Modernity in Meiji Japan, which offers a historical look at Japanese folklore and yōkaigaku. I used his book as an introductory 18 piece to begin my research as it was difficult to know where to start in the yōkai field. This work was precious as a secondary source as it led me to several Japanese primary sources that I could translate and use for research. Figal examines yōkai from a historian's perspective, looking at records of yōkai-related incidents and publications by Japanese yōkaigakusha. Still, it would be a decade later that the next book by a new yōkaigakusha would be published in the west. Michael Dylan Foster (1965–) has, thus far, written two fascinating books on the topic of yōkai research Pandemonium and Parade in 2009, which has a strong academic focus and The Book of Yō kai in 2015, which takes on a more entertainment-based tone. Both texts hold a plethora of beneficial yōkaigaku information, and Foster too appears to believe that yōkai are a type of "lower-order deity."25 His agreement with Yanagita's theory was encouraging, and his writings maintained his viewpoint while presenting evidence from other yōkaigakusha. As his works were not designed to prove a connection between yōkai and kami, the evidence was limited. Still, his works cited led my research in a positive direction and provided several primary sources for this thesis. The final English source that served me in this thesis I mention in the spirit of yōkai codices in the West, which is relatively rare except for the occasional translated work from the past. Matthew Meyer (1982–) is an illustrator, folklorist, and modern yōkai encyclopedia creator. His self-published encyclopedias are in full-color and easily accessible, making them a convenient source for details about specific yōkai. I found them extremely useful for gathering preliminary data on the region-specific names of yōkai, areas they have been said to appear, and some folkloric stories on human-yōkai 25 Foster, Pandemonium and Parade, 2. 19 interactions. His books usually had one page dedicated to each yōkai and a large illustration, often based on Toriyama Sekien's art. Armed with a variety of encyclopedias, publications from yōkaigakusha, and books of folklore, I was able to form my thesis. The status of supernatural beings is dynamic, changing throughout history as humankind sees fit. Yōkai and kami are one and the same, the difference being whether or not people have decided to venerate them. Objects, emotions, animals, plants, and humans can become yōkai, yōkai can be elevated to kami, and kami can degenerate to yōkai. The leading factor in separating kami and yōkai is whether the population has the desire to treat the spirit in question with deference or not. 2.4 Methodology For this thesis, I will be using a combination of linguistic and Foucauldian discourse analysis as human relationships with yōkai and kami appear to have an affiliation with fear and power. Sources will be used as primary data to make conclusions regarding the status of yōkai in the human realm and its fluctuations. Instances of yōkai rising and falling in prestige will be noted as well as any mysterious apparition that is known to appear in worship in shrines and temples in Japan. Linguistically, these specters have been known by a variety of different names throughout history, mononoke, fushigimono, bakemono, or ayakashi. However, all names denoted an air of the unknown. The naming of individual varieties of yōkai reveals much of their character and peels back a layer of the enigma to a certain degree. Once a supernatural phenomenon is dubbed with a proper name and kanji, and the knowledge of 20 its existence spreads, the fear of its presence lowers as it moves from the realm of the unexplained to that of the familiar. Yōkai encyclopedias captured and unmasked these apparitions that previously may not have held a defined physical form within folklore. It is important to note that dominant Shintō kami, having been written about in the Kojiki in 641 and Nihongi in 720, were not unknown forces in Japan, even in premodern eras. To what degree does a yōkai need to be venerated in order to become a kami officially, and what does it mean to be a kami rather than a specter? Foucauldian analysis can be used to determine why kami and yōkai are in separate categories . More so than in the West, East Asia has a strong emphasis on respect, especially towards elders and superiors. This Confucian ideal resonates within East Asian languages as specific grammar and honorifics are applied in social situations when people of contrasting social statuses interact. Individuals are linguistically marked and stratified according to their relationships with others, and this state is dynamic as the person interacts with varying social tiers. Specific language represents who is dominant in the relationship, creating a hierarchy through speech. In the same vein, using derogatory language about an individual or group, or labeling them with an insulting moniker, shifts the hierarchy, potentially creating negative assumptions of that person or group to others and lowering their perceived status. This is a realistic example of kotodama. While not the mystical enchantment that it would have been considered in ancient Japan, words have the ability to shape reality in relationships of power. This same concept can be applied to the relations between humans, yōkai, and kami, as giving a title to a phenomenon or entity automatically regulates socially appropriate behavior and language. CHAPTER 3 DISCUSSION This chapter examines the ways in which kami and yōkai emerge, highlights examples of kami degrading yōkai status, particularly oni and tengu, as well as explores worshipped kami who, according to my theory, were or are yokai. By scrutinizing these elements, I give evidence to my thesis that yōkai are kami in their juvenile state or are kami that are neglected or lost their prestige because Japanese people found their forms or associations vulgar. 3.1 The Birth of a Kami To classify yōkai as unworshipped kami, it is necessary to consider how both groups came to be in society. Kami are birthed from one another, receiving inherited nobility, can age into kami status through extreme longevity, or can be consecrated from a lower-ranking spirit to kami through deification by humans, usually to quiet an angry yūrei (幽霊 ghost) or yōkai. These three methods are found in Shintōism, and while each of these methods of ascending to kami rank is different, the result is the same; a kami is born and venerated. The first mechanism of kami emergence is common for kami of exceptionally high rank, such as deities born in the Kojiki and Nihongi like sun goddess Amaterasu 22 Ōmikami (天照大御神). These kami can be born from traditional vaginal birth like humans or can materialize from a deity's body, whether the parent is male or female. An example comes from the kami Susanoo no Mikoto (素戔男尊), Tsukuyomi no Mikoto ( 月読尊), and Amaterasu Ōmikami when they sprang from deity Izanagi's (伊邪那岐/伊 弉諾) face as he washed it in the river after escaping the underworld. After birthing from other kami, the most common way for a deity to emerge is through aging. This is a method usually reserved for nature as Shintō 's animistic nature assumes all things to contain a spirit, and over the course of hundreds or thousands of years, the object's spirit may become a kami. Generally, the persons to bestow the honor upon the element or physical object are Shintō priests. The most common things to be deified are trees, rocks, and bodies of water. These may be consecrated due to their age or because of their association with a kami descending to earth in that location. The final method of kami birth is a transformation from destructive spirit to a deity through deification in an attempt to quell an ireful spirit. Such is the case for kami Tenjin (天神), the kami of academics, previously Sugawara no Michizane (菅原道真 845–903), who died in exile after he fell victim to a plot by a rivaling clan. Upon his death, lightning and floods heavily damaged the capitol, alarming the emperor who ordered Sugawara to be officially deified as Tenjin. The storms ceased, and the kami has since been worshipped as the patron deity of scholarly affairs. 3.2 The Birth of a Yōkai In contrast to kami, most yōkai were born of supernatural phenomenon, unexplainable incidents or sightings, all called mononoke, fushigimono, etc. by those 23 who witnessed it and spread their story, later dubbed with individual names for certain types of occurrences. However, over time in the oral tradition, these instances were given their own origin stories, each with details that coincided with their yōkai behaviors and gave meaning to their actions. While the central kami in the Kojiki and Nihongi have legendary beginnings, often being birthed from one another, yōkai often have less distinguished introductions similar to the non major, eight million kami of Japan.26 With the widely varied forms and abilities, yōkai have emerged in an array of origins and inceptions in folklore. They can arise from emotions, events, humans, animals, plants, and even objects. 3.2.1 Transformation Through Aging One of the most common ways for something to evolve into a yōkai is through the natural process of aging. There are several ages at which yōkai can develop and gain mysterious powers from old age, and, according to Komatsu, those ages are one hundred, three hundred, and eight hundred. Beyond the initial years of growth in abilities, reaching the age of one thousand and later three thousand are significant for some yōkai , while others eventually pass away from old age before these ages can be realized. 27 The concept of transformation is common through these aging milestones as the physical form associated with the supernatural phenomenon in question changes or adapts to its new abilities. 26 Kami are divided into two main groups: amatsukami (天津神 the heavenly deities), kunitsukami (国津神 the gods of the earthly realm), and the latter group makes up the larger part of the yaoyorozu no kami (八百万の神 countless kami) in which most non major kami belong to (Yamakage 210 –211). 27 Komatsu, Yōkaigaku no kiso chishiki, 30, 47–49. 24 3.2.1.1 Transformation Through Aging: Beast Yōkai One commonly known yōkai family that illustrates increased faculties through aging is kaibyō (怪猫 yōkai cats). The most well-known kaibyō are bakeneko (化け猫 shapeshifting cats), who gain their powers after passing a cat's natural life span of around twelve to thirteen years of age or by drinking the blood of a murder victim.28 Bakeneko were a popular topic during the Edo period. These cats look like average house pets but can transform into humans (frequently prostitutes). They are often confused with another, older group of kaibyō called nekomata (猫又/猫股 two-tailed cats), which are the size of large dogs or mountain lions, can walk on two legs, and have a split tail. 29 Nekomata legends date back to the Kamakura period in 1233 from the Meigetsuki (明月記 The Record of the Clear Moon) in which a giant nekomata killed and ate several people.30 Like bakeneko, these are cats that live passed their average life span, but only the oldest cats with long tails become nekomata. Their tails slowly split in two from the tip, forming two independent tails, and the cat transforms into a ferocious, man-eating beast, different than its counterpart bakeneko, who thrives on deceit and playful tricks through shapeshifting. Though bakeneko too occasionally are said to eat people, most of the violent kaibyō myths portray nekomata. There are ways that people believed you could avoid kaibyō in your home and keep pet cats. In taking acts against the creation of yōkai, humans are exercising a degree of dominance over these apparitions, effectively preventing them from having the power 28 Zack Davisson, Kaibyō: The Supernatural Cats of Japan (Seattle: Chin Music Press, 2017), 32– 33. 29 More powerful still are the legendary mitsumata (三又 three-forked), three-tailed cats that are extremely rare in folklore. There are no records of cats with more than three tails. 30 See Davisson, chapter 3, Nekomata: The Split-tailed Cat pages 47–59 for related myths. 25 to act out against humans later. One method of avoiding kaibyō , according to an article studying Japanese folk beliefs, was to tell your cat that it must leave. The article says, "When a cat is brought into a Japanese home, it is told, 'you can stay here only three years.' Therefore, it goes away by itself after three years."31 In addition to this passive method of kaibyō prevention, a more active approach was also rumored to begin in the Izumo area, claiming that if you cut the tails off of long-tailed cats while they are kittens, they will never turn into nekomata, even in old age. And while outliving the natural lifespan of a cat does not appear to be an extreme feat in longevity, in ancient Japan, with wolves, predatory birds, dogs, and lacking in animal medical care, it was quite rare for a cat to have a chance to grow old, much less die of natural causes. Thus, the rarity of elderly cats, combined with folkloristic, animistic beliefs, led to the creation of a variety of kaibyō. Other frequently mentioned animals said to become yōkai through aging include kitsune, tanuki, kawauso (川獺 river otters) itachi or ten (鼬 weasels or 貂 martens), and mujina (狢 badgers). These animals are all said to gain the ability to transform themselves once they reach a certain age, sometimes being merely old age for the breed of animal, and sometimes being the age of one hundred, depending on the species. Three of this group, in particular, are known for their shape-shifting prowess: kitsune, tanuki, and ten. The saying "foxes have seven transformations, raccoon dogs have eight transformations, and martens have nine transformations."32 The number of 31 Morries Edward Opler, “Japanese Folk Belief Concerning the Cat,” Journal of the Washington Academy of Sciences vol. 35, no. 9 (1945): 271. 32 Matthew Meyer, The Night Parade of One Hundred Demons: A Field Guide to Japanese Yōkai (Haddonfield: self-published, 2015), 48. Original: 「狐七化け、狸八化け、貂九化け。」 26 transformations indicates how many different forms the yōkai can assume . These three creatures are also known for extreme longevity, ranging from one hundred to over three thousand years, gaining wisdom and prowess along the way, some even opting to live as humans for the rest of their days like the priest Shukaku (守鶴) of Morinji Temple (茂林 寺), who was a tanuki that was said to have assumed human form for thousands of years and served the temple using his tanuki powers.33 3.2.1.2 Transformation Through Aging: Artifact Yōkai After an in-depth look at animal-related yōkai, it is prudent to examine yōkai born from mundane objects. One of the most popular strains of yōkai deviations are tsukumogami (付喪神/九十九神 artifact spirits). This category of supernatural entities is born from human-made objects such as musical instruments, farming tools, clothing, hair ornaments, lanterns, etc. The Tsukumogami emaki says, "According to The Miscellaneous Records of Yin and Yang, when an object reaches one hundred years,34 it transforms, gaining a spirit, and deceives the hearts of people; this is known as tsukumogami."35 These apparitions typically appear as their object of origin but with arms, legs, and faces, ranging from humanoid to beastly. Figure 2 illustrated an instrument tsukumogami in robes. There is a similar concept in English known as “character” for man-made objects 33 Matthew Meyer, The Book of Hakutaku: A Bestiary of Japanese Monsters (Haddonfield: selfpublished, 2019), 178–179. 34 Note that one hundred is an auspicious number in Japan and does not always mean exactly one hundred, but rather a large number of something (years, stories, yōkai etc.). 35 Tsutomu, Nihon yōkai henge shi, 30. Original: 「陰陽雑記云、器物百年を経て、化して精霊を得てより人との心を誑かす、こ れを付喪神と号すといへり。」 27 Figure 2. Toriyama, Sekien. Biwa boku-boku (琵琶牧々), Hyakki tsurezure bukuro (画 図百鬼徒然袋), 1784, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston36 36 Text reads, "The Genjō and the Bokuba were renowned biwa lutes in times of old and knowing that many strange incidents are said to have accompanied them, perhaps this yōkai is called Boku-boku because it is the Bokuba lute, changed. So I dreamed" (Toriyama 273). 28 that have received heavy use over a long period of time.37 Old buildings and objects have a character of their own due to years of human handling, each one worn and aged uniquely according to the way their owners treated them. This idea extends further in Japanese folklore, with the object in question slowly gaining a spirit as the years pass. According to legends, at the ripe age of one hundred, they become a full-fledged tsukumogami, able to act independently of humans, possessing a will of their own. However, it is essential to note that human-use is associated with the object gaining a spirit over time. An object made by human hands but never put to use seems unlikely to ever develop into a tsukumogami. Therefore, it is once again that people determine the status of the supernatural. The Tsukumogamiki (付喪神記 Record of Artifact Spirits)38 are picture scrolls from the Kōhō era (康保時代 964–967) and illustrate the story of objects thrown away just before they reach the one-hundred-year mark. In the annual, year-end cleaning practice of susuharai or susuhaki (煤払い or 煤掃き soot cleaning),39 worn items are disposed of in alleyways, beside the roads, or taken to shrines and temples to be ceremonially incinerated, lest they grow into deceptive tsukumogami over the years. A group of articles that were abandoned had reached ninety-nine years of age and were resentful that they had been denied the power of tsukumogami. The objects, lacking the strength to take revenge, took the advice of an old, discarded scroll, which suggested they 37 In Japanese, this is often referred to as aji (味 uniqueness; flavor). The Tsukumogamiki was made for both entertainment and to promote Shingon Buddhism, illustrating that even "plants and nonsentient beings become Buddhas by arousing the desire for enlightenment and performing ascetic and religious practices" (Reider 241). 39 This practice involves thoroughly cleaning one's home and business to welcome the kami of the New Year and has been practiced on December 13 since the 1600s. It symbolically washes away stains from one's spirit that accumulated over the year from misdeeds. 38 29 worshipped a creation kami who will turn them into oni.40 Once transformed, they drank, gambled, and captured humans and animals to eat. They were later subdued by Shingon priests and their acolytes and converted to Buddhism, finding enlightenment. This story illustrates the power humans have over the supernatural in folklore as not only were the artifacts initially denied power by their former owners, but later, after transforming, were defeated by Buddhist humans and, in essence, the authority of the Buddha, a kami. The Tsukumogamiki appears to delineate a ladder of dominance placing immature yōkai entities at the bottom, then humans, then full-fledged yōkai, and finally kami at the top. At least for the case of tsukumogami, people are able to determine whether or not an object will ascend to becoming a yōkai, providing that the artifacts do not find an alternate path. 3.2.1.3 Transformation Through Aging: Plant Yōkai Due to Shintō‟s animistic beliefs and their natural longevity, trees are common plants said to become yōkai after many years. A popular tree with leaves that can be made into tea and seeds that can be expressed for oil for cooking or beauty products is the tsubaki (椿 camellia tree). Its reddish-pink or satin-white flowers are a common sight in Japanese gardens. Upon reaching old age, the tree will produce its own spirit known as a furutsubaki no rei (古椿の霊 spirit of an old camellia tree). It can separate from the tsubaki and often takes the form of a beautiful woman and who tricks passersby, sometimes with deadly consequences. However, one legend of benevolent furutsubaki no 40 That this time in history, oni was a common word for any variety of yōkai or demon -like creature. However, oni are associated with evil much more so than tsukumogami who are usually mischievous, not murderous. 30 rei is known in Nikaho, Akita, at Kanmanji Temple (蚶満寺). The story asserts that the priests of the temple would hear a woman's forlorn voice a few nights before a great disaster at the temple occurred as if she were crying out a warning to the priests and parishioners. A few incidents later, priests took the signs to heart, and the tree was christened the "Yonaki Tsubaki" (夜鳴き椿 The Night-crying Camellia) where it has remained for the more than seven hundred years.41 Possibly the most widely known tree yōkai are kodama (木霊/木魂 tree spirits), which live within ancient trees in untouched forests. In folklore, they are known for mimicking human sounds deep in the woods, and when a person's echo reverberates back to them a little later than usual, it is the voice of a kodama. Toriyama Sekien's depiction of kodama is an elderly couple stepping out from an old pine tree. He wrote that "It is said when a tree reaches the age of one hundred, it has a kami that will show its form."42 This is a fascinating quote for yōkaigaku, and it differs from tsukumogami, which are quoted to obtain a seirei (精霊 spirit), not a kami, after one hundred years. Kodama are widely considered yōkai, as they have been depicted in yōkai encyclopedias . However, he specifically uses the word kami here, not reikon (霊魂 soul), tamashī (魂 soul), or seirei. While kami can mean spirit as well as god, this illustrates the spiritual hierarchy in which yōkai dwell between ordinary beings and the divine kami scaling from low to high. Note as well that kodama are separate from sakaki (榊 sacred Shintō trees)43 as sakaki will have shimenawa wrapped around them to denote their status and are officially 41 Matthew Meyer, The Hour of Meeting Evil Spirits: An Encyclopedia of Mononoke and Magic (Haddonfield: self-published, 2015), 30–31. 42 Foster, The Book of Yōkai, 116–117. 43 Sakaki (cleyera japonica) are evergreen trees native to East Asia. These sacred trees are also known as shinboku/kannbi (神木 sacred trees) or reiboku (霊木 spirit trees). 31 venerated in Shintōism. These sacred trees are the locations of a kami's descent to the mundane world or are believed to house a kami, not a yōkai. This difference is of necessary discernment when studying the differences between yōkai and kami and their correlations. 3.2.2 Transformation Through Animosity People or animals that transform into yōkai during their lifetimes due to bitterness or for revenge are a unique group in the world of the supernatural. Rather than changing at a specific stage in life or after death, they can convert at any time, depending on the degree of their hostility. These are a variety of yōkai henge (妖怪変化 shape-shifting yōkai) as a physical transformation occurs, though, after this initial transformation into an apparition, their form is generally static. One of the most popular of this group is the female yōkai hannya (般若 horned demoness) who were once human women but were transformed into yōkai by their own jealousy or hatred. Hannya are part of a broader category of yōkai called kijo (鬼女 demoness) or sometimes onibaba (鬼婆 demon-hag) if they are aged.44 Kijo are the embodiment of resentment and unfulfilled desire, or worldly attachments, and are used narratively as obstacles to be overcome in Buddhism. This also has negative implications regarding women as deterrents to the path to enlightenment, painting women as prone to beastly ferocity and as only a moment away from demon transformation, and thus, as dangerous distractions from Buddhism. 44 Meyer, The Hour of Meeting Evil Spirits, 179–180 32 Hannya are kijo unique to Nō (能 Noh theatre), which are highly stylized, masked dramas that have a strong focus on aesthetics and used dialogue, dance, and poetry to express the character's emotions. There are three stages in which a woman may become a hannya, namanari (生成り incomplete change) (Figure 3), chūnari (中成り half change), and honnari (本成り true change) (Figure 4).45 As they develop, hannya grow closer to a real demon in form and actions. Figure 3. Nohjin, Suzuki. Namanari, 1978, Victoria and Alberta Museum, London 45 Ibid., 179–180 33 Figure 4. Nohjin, Suzuki. Hannya, 2000, Victoria and Alberta Museum, London Namanari look like ordinary women but with disheveled hair and small, protruding horns. Chūnari are similar but with longer horns and giant fangs like an oni. Honnari often undergo more drastic transformations as they have embraced their jealousy entirely and can never again return to being human, unlike namanari and chūnari which are capable of reverting by releasing their grudges or by exorcism through Buddhist prayer. An example of a full-fledged, honnari is Kiyo hime (清姫 Princess Kiyo), with her snake-like lower body, fire-breathing ability, and an unquenchable rage. After she was rebuked by and lied to by the man she loved, she transformed and burnt him alive inside of a giant temple bell. Her tale is meant to preach morality by showing the dangers of jealousy, dishonesty, and worldly attachment. Kiyo hime's story can be found in the 34 Nō drama Dōjōji (道成寺) dating back to the eleventh century or earlier.46 A similar narrative can be found in the 1776 Ugestu monogatari (雨月物語 Tales of Moonlight and Rain) in Jasei no in (蛇性の淫 The Serpent‟s Lust) by Ueda Akinari (上田秋成 17341809) in which a man falls in love with the spirit of his lack of discipline and lust, a white snake disguised as a woman. The female figures in Dōjōji and Jasei no in are the embodiment of male desire, and thus the male protagonist must overcome his weaknesses in physical form. The theatrical, demon-like hannya masks are often used to represent kijo as a whole, the peak of a woman's urami (恨み resentment), and to visibly portray women as the adversary to Buddhism. Though kijo is written with the character for oni (鬼) and woman (女 onna), I believe that I should point out that kijo are not simply female oni. While both have ties to Buddhism, they are separate classes of yōkai . First, kijo do not have any connection with the afterlife like oni do, and they are not transformed after death like most oni, but in life, and by their emotions, not their actual deeds. However, though the oni in hell are the most well-known, there are oni that live in the mundane world and attack humans according to folklore. These oni are hostile towards the Buddha and are born from only the vilest of humans who transform into these fearsome oni during their ordinary lives.47 Through great acts of inhumane cruelty, their souls and bodies are warped into that of oni. Another yōkai considered the enemy of Buddhism is the tengu . Priests of competing sects or temples would often label one another as tengu trying to lead others astray from the path to enlightenment, though this was likely slander more than a true 46 The Kamakura period (鎌倉時代 1185–1333) instituted patriarchy in Japanese homes, and stories in which women were written to be the villain were commonplace. 47 Komatsu, Yōkaigaku no kiso chishiki, 85–86. 35 belief. Typically, tengu are after-death incarnations, but there is evidence of living humans transforming into tengu, at least metaphorically, through pride. Though an unconventional method, Komatsu says, "Those with an arrogant and apathetic heart will surely become a tengu, but they will not notice. The heart that desires outrival others is called tengu, and it eats away at the self."48 According to the tengu boy in When Tengu Talk: Hirata Atsutane’s Ethnography of the Other World: It happens that birds and beasts after living for an extremely long time, all of them, eagles, kites, crows, monkeys, wolves, bears, deer, or boar, turn into tengu. Birds grow arms and legs, and beasts grow wings. In addition, the human soul after death and also the human while he is living can turn into tengu. However, the tengu who result from human transformation can be either evil or good. The evil tengu eventually joins the ranks of monsters and demons. The average person cannot distinguish between the workings of the various types, and so they call all of them tengu.49 Nevertheless, the majority of known tengu are humans who transform in death and are reborn as this feathered yōkai. Thus, in life, there are only a few methods of which a person would be reduced to an apparition. These approaches only come from the qualities and emotions of the subject themselves and how they live their lives or react to being wronged. Even jealousy and hatred are faults in one's character. No one can be forced to become a yōkai in life where they are still in command of their own minds . However, death is a more explicit approach to yōkai transformation. The emotions held at 48 Ibid., 91. Original: 「驕慢無道心の者は必ず天狗になるが、本人気付かない。人に勝ろうという心 が天狗を呼び寄せ、自らを蝕んでいく。」 49 Wilburn Hansen, When Tengu Talk Hirata Atsutane‟s Ethnography of the Other World (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2008), 78. Scholar Hirata Atsutane (平田篤胤 1776–1843), literary name Ibukinoya (気吹舎), wrote Senkyō ibun (仙境異聞) in 1822 about his conversations with fourteen-year-old Kōzan Torakichi (高山寅吉), who claimed to be an apprentice tengu, about the tengu world and sanjin (山人 mountain hermits). As Hirata rejected Buddhism and Confucianism, these immortal, Shintō sanjin provided background for his nativist research promoting the return to the ancient ways. For more on Hirata views on religion, see When Tengu Talk: Hirata Atsutane‟s Ethnography of the Other World, particularly chapter 5. 36 the time of death are final, and there is no way to set a deceased spirit free from their melancholy or spite without significant intervention from outside. A tragic death filled with animosity is a prevailing manner of yōkai birth. 3.2.3 Transformation Through Death There are several varieties of yōkai that are allegedly born from the dead. The deceased can be a human, animal, or even a plant. As death sparks fear and uncertainty, it is a common breeding ground for folklore. It is important to note, however, that I believe that yōkai are separate from yūrei (Table 1). They both reside in the overarching family of the supernatural but are distinguishable from one another. I disagree with Tsutomu Ema, who says that yūrei are a variety of yōkai henge in his book Nihon yō kai henge shi. The nature and motivations of both groups are too dissimilar. Table 1. Yūrei and Yōkai Characteristics Yūrei and Yōkai Characteristics Pattern Yūrei 幽霊 Origins Death Aging, animosity, death Location Mobile; follows their prey Generally stays in habitat (rivers, mountains, etc.) Time 2:00 A.M to 4:00 AM Dawn and dusk Habits Method to Dispel Appear only before persons they begrudge or have unfinished business with Allow them to speak of their earthly attachments, quell their spirit through ritual, and/or allow their victim(s) to die so that they no longer have worldly attachments Yōkai 妖怪 Can appear before anyone who enters their domain Ritual, deification, and/or offerings 37 Yanagita Kunio best described their differences as "yōkai generally appear in set locations" and that if one were to avoid "these particular places, you could live your entire life without ever running into one."50 While yūrei "only target the person it was concerned with" and would follow their victims wherever they went.51 Another point to consider is that yūrei are often said to only appear in the dead of night, during the third quarter of the hour of the ox (丑三つ時 ushimitsutoki), 2:00 A.M. to 4:00 A.M., effectively the witching hour in Japan, and are also are believed to appear more frequently during the summer when the wall between worlds is at its thinnest. In contrast, yōkai are most often seen when the sun is low, during dawn and dusk. Yōkai appearances during these hours and the fear of strangers entering the village founded the word tasogare (黄昏 twilight), originating from "tare so kare" (誰そ彼 who is that), previously kata wa tare (形は誰 who is that figure),52 a question posed in the dim light of dawn and dusk for silhouettes that you cannot recognize. Yanagita claims in his essays that "Depending on their answer, you know if it is a stranger, villager, or yōkai."53 Upon identifying the differences between yōkai born through death and yūrei , it is possible to examine the former more concisely. A prime example of a yōkai arising after death is the previously mentioned zashiki warashi.54 Within yōkai folklore, the nature of this apparition is closely tied to how the body was handled after the child passed, showing further human interference with yōkai development. If the deceased was buried 50 Foster, The Book of Yōkai, 23. Ibid., 23. 52 "Tare so, kare" comes from kawataretoki (彼は誰時 the hour of unknown persons) (Ibid., 23). 53 Ibid., 89–90. 54 See page 15 note 19 for zashiki warashi definition. 51 38 lavishly, and their bedrooms turned into a shrine for the child, filled with their favorite toys, its spirit would become a chōpirako (チョウピラコ/蝶ぴら子 fluttering butterfly child). This variety of zashiki warashi is more challenging to keep appeased than the others, as it requires more offerings and gifts, but in exchange, it provides greater luck than any other zashiki warashi and is said to be a sight to behold, a beautiful child radiating white light. The child's room is kept clean and tidy, and usually, only family members may enter. If the yōkai is treated well and kept happy, it will stay for generations; however, driving out or exorcising a zashiki warashi will always lead to misfortune for the household.55 This is even true for the less wanted varieties of zashiki warashi like the usutsuki warashi (臼搗童子 mortar-pound child). Rather than providing luck for families, this yōkai makes eerie noises by crawling around under the house at night, yet causes no damage unless you drive it out, which will bring your family to ruin like any other zashiki warashi. The apparition usually originates from kuchiberashi (口減らし reducing the number of mouths to feed in a home when impoverished). Infanticide was the unfortunate side-effect of this practice, with a common method being crushing to death with a heavy object, like a mortar. In The Night Parade of One Hundred Demons, Meyer says, "The cost of a funeral also being too high, these children were buried underneath the house, or in a storage shed. Instead of a tombstone, often a usu [臼 millstone/mortar] was placed as a grave marker."56 The death of these children, combined with their yōkai afterlives, is quite comfortless. 55 56 Meyer, The Night Parade of One Hundred Demons, 194–195. Ibid., 198 39 The deceased transforming into yōkai is not limited to secular individuals but can also affect Buddhist monks as well. However, it is not how the monk‟s bodies were handled in death that determines this, but how the monk acted in life. Tengu57 are said to be Buddhist monks who were proud or strayed from the path of the Buddha. After death, their spirits fall to chikushōdō (畜生道 the way of beasts), and they become tengu on earth.58 The fourteenth-century Taiheiki (太平記 Record of the Great Peace) considers tengu to be "emperors, aristocrats, warriors, and monks who fail in their various political and battlefield struggles" and "gather to plot the overthrow of the government" (ibid., 122). It mentions explicitly former Emperor Sutoku (崇徳天皇 1119–1164) who was exiled in 1156 to what is modern-day Kagawa, Shikoku after his failure in the Hōgen Rebellion.59 The banished emperor, attempting to redeem himself in the eyes of the court, became a monk, wrote five copies of Buddhist sutras, and sent them to the new emperor. Emperor Konoe (近衛天皇 1139–1155), believing the sutras contained a curse from Sutoku, shredded the sutras and sent them back, enraging Sutoku (Brabazon 182–185).60 According to legend, after the banished emperor's death, he became a vengeful tengu. In the Taiheiki, his tengu incarnation was described as a kite,61 sitting with other demons plotting to cause chaos for the court that wronged him; however, in the 1953 Ugetsu 57 See page 3 of this thesis for Toriyama Sekien's Tengu illustration. Kazuhiko Komatsu, et. al., An Introduction to Yōkai Culture: Monsters, Ghosts, and Outsiders in Japanese History (Tōkyō: Japan Publishing Industry Foundation for Culture, 2017), 120. 59 The Hōgen Rebellion (保元の乱 1156) was a civil war held over the dispute regarding royal succession after Emperor Toba (鳥羽天皇 1103–1156) died (Brabazon 178–180). 60 Richard Arthur Brabazon, et. al., The Exiled Emperors, in The Imperial House of Japan (Kamikamo: Ponsonby Memorial Soc., 1959), 178–185. 61 Kites are medium-sized birds of prey with V-shaped tails. They are smaller than eagles but larger than most hawks. The kite most often described in Japanese texts is the black kite, characterized by its dark brown feathers and black-tipped beak. 58 40 Monogatari's first chapter "Shiramine," his tengu form is described as having “a face as red as though blood had been poured over it; a tangle of knee-length hair; angry, glaring eyes; and feverish, painful breathing. The robe was brown and hideously stained with soot; the nails on the hands and feet had grown as long as an animal‟s claws” (68).62 This example of transformation applies to both a monk who fell away from the path towards enlightenment and an emperor who failed in his duties. The prideful ex-emperor, failing to take back his position and later being rebuffed by the court even after attempting a peace offering, could not put his hubris to rest. Thus, he was unable to find peace after death, becoming a yōkai. He failed as a ruler and as a monk, but as a yōkai, succeeded. His curse was rumored to be the cause of the descent in the imperial court's power and the rise of the samurai class. Posthumous transformations into yōkai can befall any human. However, one class of yōkai, in particular, is reserved for only persons that were truly wicked in life, oni.63 Upon death, these humans fall to jigoku (地獄 hell),64 where they are transformed into oni and administer karmic punishments on other humans for all eternity under the will of King Enma (閻魔王 demon-gate king) (Figure 5). King Enma judges the dead and determines whether they may proceed to heaven, be reincarnated, or for the wicked, how long and what kind of torture their deeds warrant before reincarnation. His oni servants then carry out his will and abuse the persons until their sentence is complete, after which they are reincarnated and sent back to earth. 62 Akinari Ueda, and Anthony H. Chambers, Tales of Moonlight and Rain (New York: Columbia University Press, 2007), 68. 63 Refer to page 11, note 8 of this thesis for a description of oni. 64 Jigoku is associated with Buddhism and is a separate afterlife concept from yomi no kuni (黄泉 の国 The Land of Darkness) in Shintōism. 41 Figure 5. Kawanabe, Kyōsai. Enma, 1800–1880, British Museum, London.65 Because of their connection with death, oni are associated with pestilence, famine, and ill fortune, making them the most feared class of yōkai with the darkest reputations. However, oni legends tying them to King Enma are only one of the many origin stories of this particular yōkai. There is also evidence to suggest that oni were once reverent deities worshipped by the Japanese. This is key to my argument that yōkai a re kami who have been decidedly dubbed monsters by humans at some point due to their forms, natures, or associations being unfavorable. 65 King Enma sits behind his desk listening to a dead man's appeal while the man struggles against his grotesque oni captors who seem to jeer at their prisoner. Note that Kawanabe Kyōsai (河鍋暁斎 1831– 1889) was taught by Tsukioka Yoshitoshi (月岡芳年 1839–1892), who was taught by Utagawa Kuniyoshi (歌川國芳 1797–1861), who was taught by Toriyama Sekien (鳥山石燕 1712–1788) (The Book of Yōkai 49). 42 3.3. Kami Degrade to Yōkai The connection between yōkai and kami is by no means tenuous. Inokuchi Shōji (井之口章次 1924–) wrote that "it must be recognized that yōkai existed alongside ancient religious belief, or even before those beliefs in some cases. After examining the roots of each yōkai in detail, I found that nearly all represented degenerated beliefs or fallen gods."66 Connecting to this is a theory, I agree that the two supernatural groups exist together in an ever-dynamic way, with the only difference being in how people treat them. They can alternate from yōkai to kami and vice versa , as people see fit based on societal beliefs and politics. Even with this awareness, determining how and when these phenomena are categorically nominated and relabeled is a challenging feat. Because humans see yōkai as uncontrollable forces, they were set into a separate category from kami, which can be mollified by human action. In this way, yōkai are generally considered aratama (荒魂 wild souls) while kami are nigitama or nagomutama (和魂 gentle souls).67 When kami grow restless and become aratama, they can be calmed by being satisfied with worship or by having festivals held in their honor, and thus return to being nigitama. Yōkai, however, appear to be unable to be or have never been allayed or are difficult to be appeased due to their unpredictable natures, and thus they are merely feared rather than worshipped. As they are typically associated with uncontrollable natural phenomena, this is a reasonable assumption. By denoting yōkai as aratama and kami as nigitama, it linguistically marks a relationship and changes the way people recognize these two groups as, one believed to be a dependable relationship with set rules 66 67 Komatsu, An Introduction to Yōkai Culture, 71–72. Komatsu, Yōkaigaku no kiso chishiki, 16. 43 both the worshipper and the worshipped follow, and the other being a vulnerable and uncertain relationship with little means of securing stability and faith. Language has the power to create affiliations in supernatural folk beliefs and religions, especially animistic faiths. 3.3.1 Oni Oni are believed to be the most vicious of all apparitions in Japanese folklore. They are seen as tormentors in hell, antagonists in fairytales, the representations of the cruelest parts of the human mind, bringers of pestilence, famine, and death, man-eaters, rebels, and, in modern lore, foolish brutes. However, research shows that ancient Japan revered oni in the same way in which kami were honored. Oni are one of the strongest contenders to illustrated Yanagita's fallen god theory as well as my own regarding the unfixed distinctions of yōkai and kami. Oni can be separated into three groups: "(1) wicked spirits or evil kami, (2) oni as foreigners or strangers, and (3) oni as good kami."68 The first group contains akushikimono (悪敷者 wicked spirits) or matsurowanu kami (順わぬ神/服わぬ神/まつ ろわぬ神 kami that cannot be controlled) that initially had no visible form and brought pestilence, disease, and famine. One of these matsurowanu kami is Amatsu Mikaboshi (天津甕星) from the Nihongi, a malevolent celestial deity that would not submit to rule and had to be subjugated by Futsunushi no kami (経津主神) and Takemikazuchi (建御雷 /武甕槌), that kami who prepared Japan for the descent of Ninigi no Mikoto (瓊瓊杵尊), 68 See “The Encyclopedia of Shintō” online database, search word oni for more details on oni in Shintōism and folklore. 44 the grandson to Amaterasu Ōmikami, who would begin the imperial family line. Though Amatsu Mikaboshi was defeated, he is still kept his kami status and was not reduced to a yōkai. However, he is still known to this day as a matsurowanu kami associated with oni. For oni as evil spirits, tsuina (追儺 ritual purification) is a common practice in both Shintō and Buddhism to rid people of oni influences and other adverse elements. Shintō purification rituals include misogi (禊 purification ceremony with water), ōharae (大祓い great purification), shubatsu (修祓 ritual purification with salt before an event) which all involved ridding people of pollutions, sins, and exorcising evil. Buddhist rites Shushōe (修正会 New Years‟ Service) and Shunie (修二会 Second Month Service) or Omizutori (お水取り water drawing) are held in the New Year to drive away destructive forces. Patrons Bishamon (毘沙門 the kami of war and justice) and hiten (飛天 heavenly bodhisattvas) are invoked to purify individuals and exorcise evil spirits. A popular rite is the Setsubun (節分 last day of winter) ceremony, which involves throwing dry, roasted soybeans69 at a shrine, temple, outside the door of one's home, or at people wearing oni masks and calling out "oni wa soto, fuku wa uchi!" (鬼は外, 福は内 out with oni, in with luck), symbolically driving away evil. This is a type of onioishiki (鬼追式 driving out oni ceremony)70 in which people in oni masks holding torches, axes, or hammers terrorize the crowd and stage only to be defeated and chased away by priests, prayer, or by being doused in purified water. After driving the oni away, to bring in luck, participants eat the 69 Beans represent luck and vitality, and the word mame (豆 beans) shares the same pronunciation as mame (魔目 demon eyes), and thus you are throwing evil away. This also sounds like mametsu (魔滅 to overthrow evil), deepening the wordplay. 70 Another version of this is performed in the New Year at certain temples and is called oni barae ( 鬼儺會/鬼儺会 the gathering to purge oni). This is believed to eradicate spiritual and physical impurities from the body as participants undergo mizugori (水垢離 cold-water ablutions) wearing only a loincloth. 45 number of soybeans equivocal to their age and sometimes one extra to bring in luck for another year, warding off calamity, including oni influences. The second group of oni comes from a broad assemblage of people. This refers to strangers, outsiders, foreigners, mountain dwellers, indigenous peoples, and rebels. Essentially, anyone outside of one's own village or social sphere was considered an outsider, or ijin. An outsider or group of such represented a threat to the town, and during times of social instability, changes in village structure due to an influx of outsiders moving in was met with concern. At times, it was not unusual for outsiders to be murdered in an act called ijingoroshi (異人殺し outsider killing) by the villagers with the reasoning that the persons were yōkai, particularly oni. Such tales covered up the crime with a folkloric premise, thus making the act more forgivable. While lacking in the murderous aspects of dealing with strangers, the Nihongi mentions the Yamato army trading with the Mishihase (粛慎 the solemnly discreet), a group of people living near the Sea of Japan in the north that text calls oni. The Mishihase engaged in a foreign style of bartering known as called kishi (鬼市 oni market), a form of silent trading.71 Between their unfamiliar bartering system and different outward appearance, they were easy to cast into the oni category for the people of Yamato. The third oni group is much less common than the first two as oni acting as benevolent kami is unusual in modern Japan. In Kitashitara District, Aichi Prefecture, the ten-day hanamatsuri (花祭 flower festival) or shimoki kagura (霜月神楽 kami 71 Silent trading is used to facilitate bartering between peoples who do not share the same language and spread to Japan from Mongolia and China. Hand gestures, drums, gongs, etc. are used to signal intention, acceptance, or refusal for silent trade. See “The Encyclopedia of Shintō” online database, and search word “oni” for details on the use of the word oni when dealing with outsiders. 46 entertainment of the frosted months) has been performed for over seven hundred years. Unique to Aichi, these rituals are performed in the cold months of December through January and have origins in Shugendō , Pure Land Buddhism, and Shushōe. As these months are when the energies of nature and the kami deplete, the ceremony is held to rejuvenate the spirit. Several songs and dances are performed during the service, and two kami appear symbolically as people in giant oni masks wielding great axes or hammers, dancing, and stamping the ground to chase away evil spirits. These sakaki oni (榊鬼 oni of the sacred tree) are named Yamami (山見) and Sakaki (榊). Though these specific oni deities exist only in Aichi, a similar oni ritual exists at Ōmiya Hachiman Shrine (大宮八 幡宮) in Miki, Hyōgo Prefecture and Tsukinowa-dera (月輪寺) in Ukyo Ward, Kyoto in which people in oni masks carry torches and shake them at the steps leading up to the temple or shrine, purifying the entryways and praying for the safety of the townspeople. These oni are said to possess zentama (善魂 virtuous souls), practically unheard of in Japanese folklore. These rituals are likely ancient as modern Japan has moved away from revering oni. 3.3.1.1 Oni Etymology, Definitions, and Prominence The first appearance of the kanji for oni (鬼) in Japan was in the Nihongi, used to refer to evil gods, who refused to submit to rule,72 and later used to identify people who stood against the imperial line. However, it was read as ashiki rather than oni, and, later, 72 This could have included the ujigami (氏神 clan deities) of clans who did not submit to Yamato rule, exemplifying how politics can determine the status of the supernatural. 47 it was pronounced mono,73 as seen in the Manyōshū (万葉集 Collection of Ten Thousand Leaves),74 being applied to ghosts and spirits. The earliest use of term oni in a document may come from the tenth-century kanji dictionary the Wamyō ruijūshō (倭名類聚抄 An Annotated Collection of Japanese Nominations). In this dictionary, oni did not have direct connections to evil as it was a term used for the souls of the dead, much like the way the character was used in China. Its etymology comes from the character on (隠 to hide or conceal), fitting the early concept of oni and ghosts being invisible to humans. The modern character, 鬼, consists of three radicals, 甶 (demon's face), 儿 (person; child; legs), and 厶 (self; private; tail). This kanji was established during the Heian period, and as the character and pronunciation of the word changed, so too did the characteristics of oni.75 The 1666 encyclopedia Kinmōzui's entry for oni states, “Oni is chimi [魑魅 mountain, forest, and swamp spirits], which is the spirit of an old thing; mōryo [魍魎 mountain and river spirits] or mizuchi [蛟 dragon, water deity], which is a water deity [水神 suijin]; and also the tree spirit [木の霊 kinomi] or kodama; mountain demon [山鬼 sanki] or yamazumi [山棲み mountain dweller].”76 Perhaps due to their resemblance in shape, author Nakamura chose to classify oni together with jinbutsu (人物 persons; humans) in the Kinmōzui. The entry gives a broad scope of which to identify oni, giving it a range of disparate attributes from corpse eater 73 Mononoke was originally written as 鬼の気 (oni energy) and later became 物の怪 (mysterious thing). 74 The Manyōshū is the oldest collection of waka, being compiled during the Nara period (奈良時 代 710–794 CE) with poems dating back to as early as 600 CE. 75 Foster, The Book of Yōkai, 118. 76 Foster, Pandemonium and Parade, 38. 48 to kami. It also further solidifies the oni form and describes its physical features, which previously were nondescript, being invisible to the naked eye. Like many other aspects of Japanese culture, the appearance of the Japanese oni originated in China. While oni are often associated with Buddhism, the Chinese predecessor to Japanese oni guǐ shén (鬼神 ghosts and spirits) did not emerge from the religion as it was the word for the souls of the dead. However, the once formless oni were closely modeled after guǐ shén when it arrived from China during the seventh century giving shape to oni that is known today, meaning that oni were absorbed into Buddhism but did not stem from it.77 Contrary to their appearance being of Chinese origin, author Orikuchi Shinonu says that the word oni is rooted in Japan and was written as ōni (大人 giants) (Oni to sanjin to 121).78 He equates marebito (稀人 divine beings) or marōdo (客人 guests from afar) to oni, putting them in the same category as kami as these giants would bring good fortune to the places they visit. Another theory is that oni was written as 御二 (the noble secondary), tying their relationship as being only second to the kami, and acting as divine emissaries. These theories correlate with the folklore in the Tōhoku region. While not necessarily oni, a similar idea exists in northern prefectures near the Sea of Japan. This area is known as the Tōhoku chihō (東北地方 North-eastern region), and it holds a wealth of folklore involving yōkai and kami. Perhaps due to their distance from the capital, even after the Meiji period, the region was able to continue the oral 77 Noriko T. Reider, Japanese Demon Lore: Oni from Ancient Times to the Present (Logan: Utah State Univ Press, 2013), 9. 78 In the Konjaku Monogatari (Tales of Times Now Past), there is a tale about a person who saw an oni that was nine feet tall at Agi Bridge, Oumi, lending credit to the theory that oni were giants. 49 tradition without interference from the government, deeming it unscientific. One of such traditions are the namahage (生剥 blister peelers),79 which are believed to be toshigami (年神 kami of the New Year), messengers of mountain kami, and possibly village ancestors that act to keep villagers from growing slothful. Namahage today are young men in oni-like masks and straw raincoats wielding giant knives. They go from house to house on koshōgatsu (小正月 the first full moon of the New Year), receiving offerings of food and drink and chastising the lazy, especially children. They developed separately from oni as they are a type of raihōjin (来訪神 joy-bringing spirit), and, while intimidating, their nature is to preserve prosperity in the villages they visit. Originally, namahage masks lacked horns, but due to the influences of the oni image, over time, the masks developed to resemble oni (Figure 6).80 Though not a revered deity in the modern era like namahage, there are still remnants of the oni's former kami status. Perhaps the most compelling is their connection to blacksmithing. Tanigawa Kenichi (谷川健一 1921–2013) proposed that one-eyed oni represent the fallen kami revered by blacksmiths in his book Seidō no kami ashiato (青銅 の神足跡 In the Footsteps of the Bronze Kami). Blacksmiths and miners, too, were sometimes viewed as oni, possessing strange magic, enabling them to create and give shape to metal as they pound away with great hammers at molten steel beside great hearths. To those with no understanding of metallurgy, it is easy to see how such beliefs 79 This yōkai is called namahage Akita Prefecture, amahage (天剥 heavenly peelers) in Yamagata Prefecture, amamehagi (小豆剥 little red blister peelers) in Ishikawa Prefecture, and appossha (あっぽっ しゃ [あっぽ (もち) 欲しや] give me mochi) in Fukui Prefecture (The Hour of Meeting Evil Spirits 38– 39). 80 Komatsu, An Introduction to Yōkai Culture, 113. 50 Figure 6. Namahage Masks from Different Districts, 2013, Oga Shinzan Folklore Museum, Akita, Japan.81 81 This image is from the Namahage Sedo Festival pamphlet published by the Oga City Tourism Promotion and Local Revitalization by Utilizing Cultural Heritage. 51 would form.82 In addition to their mysterious metalworking skills, blacksmiths were also said to possess conjury to ensure safe childbirth.83 This is likely because the Shintō deity of ironworks Kanayago kami (金屋子神 the kami of metalworking) is female, and the furnace is seen as a uterus that gives life to the steel. As mining is performed in the mountains, where oni are said to reside, blacksmithing and oni have several parallels, tying the two together in the oral tradition. While researchers argue over the "true form" of oni, whether it is metalworkers, strangers, yamabushi, natural phenomena, etc., I merely suggest that it is a broad yōkai term, encompassing a significant number of oni perceptions and that a portion of oni tradition stems from the kami of degenerated beliefs. There are a great number of ways these apparitions were believed to be born, and the surrounding myths of their actions are diverse, giving credence to the theory of oni possessing more than one true form. A point to consider is situations in which various yōkai bodies are labeled as oni. Tsukumogami were called oni in the Tsukumogamiki, and extremely wicked humans become oni in jigoku, or, if entirely vile, become oni in life while on earth. These oni are not fallen deities but transformed objects and humans who have never held divine status. The 1908 Nihon ryōiki (日本霊異記 Chronicles of Wondrous Japan) expands oni categorization further as it says "There is divine punishment from spirits of the dead and foxes and tanuki. You shan't allow yourself to lose to these oni."84 While it appears that oni was once an all-encompassing designation for yōkai, Ema claims that during the Nara, 82 Komatsu, An Introduction to Yōkai Culture, 108–109. Ibid. 84 Komatsu, Yōkaigaku no kiso chishiki, 83. Original: 「こりや死霊の祟がある。此の鬼に負けては成らねぞ。」 83 52 Heian, and Kamakura periods, yōkai activities spread and that the spirits of the dead could take animal form, like kitsune and tanuki.85 Thus, as oni was a term for the souls of the dead,86 it would make sense that these animal yōkai could also be referred to as oni, expanding the forms which oni may assume. In this, I agree with Chigiri Kōsai that oni is a broad term used to denominate several genera of yōkai from the same family. Much like varieties of Ursidae (bears) share similarities with others of their family, but maintain their own temperaments, habitats, methods of acquiring food, body sizes, etc. so too are oni. Fallen kami are the most powerful category of oni and exercise more wisdom and restraint than their transformed cousins. Humans and objects that become oni are often driven only by their desires, and while terrible, they lack the command over thunder and lightning that fallen kami oni possess. 3.3.1.2 Hōsōshi as a Fallen Kami The hōsōshi (方相氏 one who sees all), or fāngxīangshì in Chinese, is a central figure in Chinese nuóxì (儺戲 Nuo drama), which was popularized in eastern China during the Zhōu Dynasty (周 771–256 BCE). It later spread to Japan, where it was a prominent device in tsuina rituals at the imperial palace during the early Heian period (平 安 974–1185 CE).87 A Shintō priest acting as an imperial minister would wear the hōsōshi costume consisting of priest's robes, a shield in his left hand, and a spear in his right, and a large, red, four-eyed mask with oni-like fangs and horns. The four eyes of the 85 Tsutomu, Nihon yōkai henge shi, 22–23. Yūrei is the modern term for the spirits of the dead while oni is now strictly used for the yōkai with horns and great fangs, or as a metaphor for a cruel person. 87 Meyer, The Book of Hakutaku, 74–75. 86 53 hōsōshi represent the ability to see in all four directions at once, hence the name the one who sees all. The priest in costume would effectively become the kami hōsōshi and perform tsuina at the imperial palace on Ōmisoka (大晦日 the last day of the year) or officiate imperial funerals and drive away corpse stealing yōkai like chimi and mōryo, which would whisk away corpses during funerals or dig up graves when no one was looking and later feasted on the bodies. The hōsōshi bangs its spear on its shield while chanting to drive away wicked forces while officials fire arrows in the four directions, creating a barrier that evil may not cross.88 Gaining in popularity, hōsōshi rites spread to shrines, temples, and onmyōdō (陰陽道 the way of yin and yang).89 However, this kami's terrifying appearance and association with death led to it being demoted from deity to demon.90 Rather than being powerful and purifying kami that protects the royal family, it was reduced to the status of yōkai, and its purpose was to be driven away by priests during the ceremonies as a representation of evil being expelled. To have an oni-figure, which is generally considered a pollutant,91 safeguard the imperial living and dead was not acceptable. Thus, it lost its status and now serves to represent disaster rather than 88 Foster, The Book of Yōkai, 125. Onmyōdō is a Taoist-based system of divination using yin-yang, astrology, and the five elements (earth, water, fire, wind, and void) that developed in Japan in the middle of the seventh century. 90 The hōsōshi's treatment and loss of status due to its association with death is reflection of the burakumin (部落民 village people) class. From the Kamakura to the Edo period, burakumin, those whose professions cause them to come into contact with dead bodies, tanners, butchers, undertakers, etc., were at the bottom of the social hierarchy and ostracized for their impure line of work. 91 Physical and spiritual purity are some of the key concepts in Shintōism and during the early Heian period, new laws were enacted regarding shrine visitations and ceremony participants. People were forbidden to visit shrines or attend ceremonies if they had come into contact with a dead body within the last thirty days, given birth in the last seven days, come into contact with the dead of six kinds of domestic animals, for three days after touching said animals when they gave birth (with the exception of hens), or within three days of eating animal meat (Kato 139). This was to avoid bringing contamination into the shrine. 89 54 divinity. As seen in the previous two sections, the hōsōshi is not an isolated incident, and oni underwent significant alternations to become the modern demon they represent. 3.3.2 Tengu Tengu have gone through several iterations to develop into their prominent, contemporary form as well as their yōkai status. They have moved from shooting star to a dog demon, kite, humanoid bird, and finally, to the long-nosed tengu most found in Japanese culture today. Each variant possessed a new version of its folklore as it evolved through the years, rising and falling as kami. 3.3.2.1 Molting and Transforming Through Time The tengu‟s original form is mentioned in the Nihongi as "a great star that floated from east to west, and there was a noise like that of thunder."92 A monk who had returned from China wrote in Asuka (飛鳥) year nine (546 CE) that it was "a celestial dog [tengu], the sound of whose barking is like thunder." This is most often assumed to be a shooting star. The word tengu comes from the Chinese tiāngǒu (天狗 heavenly dog), a fierce, black, dog-like demon that brings war and descends from the heavens as a shooting star.93 If somewhere were to witness a shooting star in China, it meant that a bloody battle would take place within one thousand ri (里 a Japanese league),94 spelling the loss of 92 See entry 637 of the Nihongi for the legend of the tengu shooting star. The tiāngǒu, as a great black hound, was also said to have eaten the moon during lunar eclipses. It later was believed to become the gatekeeper of the heavens, much like the three-headed, onyx dog Cerberus guards the gates of Hades in Greek mythology (The Book of Yōkai 131). 94 1,000 ri equals about 3,927 kilometers or 2,440 miles. 93 55 territory, soldiers, and disheveling politics within the nation.95 According to Chinese poet Du Fu's (杜甫 712–770 CE) tengu poems (天狗賦), tengu were mountain men and looked like monkeys. Historically, they were depicted as birds, beasts, mountain hermits, etc., but they all pointed to stars of bad fortune and shooting stars.96 It was from this that the tengu morphed into a lesser mountain spirit (山の小妖精 yama no koyō sei), though there is no data gathered on when it changed.97 As a minor mountain spirit in Japan, tengu were the medium-sized, birds of prey kites, but maintained human intellect as well as shapeshifting abilities. Their alternate form was nearly always the size of a ten-year-old child with a human body, humanoid head, sharp beak, golden eyes, bird legs, and wings about a yard long.98 Occasionally, rather than a bird‟s beak, they would have a human nose and face. Their shape was likely inspired by the bodhisattva Garuda (迦楼羅), a Buddhist and Hindu bird god who spat gold fire, had red wings spanning 3,360,000 ri (about 13,195,637 kilometers), two to four arms, a bird‟s head, and was the trampler of snakes and dragons.99 Tengu are found in the Konjaku monogatari (今昔物語 Tales of Times Now Past) in this part-human, part-avian form as the incarnations of the prideful who fail in their monastic, political, or social endeavors. In China, they developed similarly but still retained some canine characteristics. The Chinese Shùyìjì (述異記 a collection of bizarre stories), compiled in 1791, says that tiāngǒu walked upright, had sharp beaks, but were otherwise dog-like. 95 Kōsai Chigiri, Tengu no kenkyū (Tōkyō: Tairiku shobō, 1978), 136. Ibid., 121–122. 97 Ibid., 125. 98 Foster, The Book of Yōkai, 133. 99 Chigiri, Tengu no kenkyū, 182. 96 56 This appearance has remained largely unchanged in China. However, in Japan, tengu would make one last physical transformation during the Muromachi period. Perhaps one of the most iconic yōkai presently is the daitengu (大天狗 great tengu), often simply referred to as tengu, with their bright red faces, long, phallic noses, and feathered fans that control the winds. The first long-nosed tengu was depicted by Kanō Motonobu (狩野元信 1476–1559), whose family was painters for the shogunate for six generations. The Ashikaga shogun dreamed that Sōjōbō (僧正坊),100 the tengu high priest of Mount Kurama (鞍馬山), stood at his pillow and requested Kanō paint his likeness for the Kurama Temple. When he awoke, he contacted Kanō for the commission, who he came to find had the same dream the previous night. However, Kanō was troubled because he had no model to paint from as dreams leave not a trace behind. Up until this point, only kotengu (小天狗 lesser tengu) also known as karasu tengu (烏天狗 crow tengu) had been depicted. 101 Such a vulgar image would not be appropriate to illustrate Sōjōbō, said to be the most powerful of all tengu. After some time of consideration and fruitlessness, “he witnessed fourteen spiders spindling down from the ceiling, dragging their threads across his paper as they crawled. He dyed his brush, traced their webbing, and slowly a figure appeared on the sheet. He was able to complete his painting.”102 100 Minamoto no Yoshitsune (源義経 1159–1189), the military commander of the Minamoto clan (源) who fought during the Genpei War (源平合戦 1180–1185) against the Taira clan (平氏), was rumored to have been trained by a tengu on Mount Kurama, possibly by Sōjōbō (The Book of Hakutaku 78–79). 101 Note that kotengu and karasu tengu are the bird-faced tengu that had been popular in art up until this point. 102 Chigiri, Tengu no kenkyū , 180–181. Original: 「天井から一四の蜘蛛が紙の上の這い下りてきて、糸を曳きながら這い歩く、 その跡をたどって筆を梨めて見ると、思うような姿するを得て、完成することができた。」 57 Aside from the fantastic folktales, Kanō may have been influenced by gagakumen (雅楽面 ancient musical performance masks) such as kotokumen (胡徳面), botoumen (抜 頭面), and nasorimen (納曽利面) with their large noses and, in the case of the first two masks, red faces.103 This courtly entertainment contained songs and dances from China and Korea, Shintō music, and lyrics that include folk poetry. As the genre has existed since Asuka period and the Kanō family was wealthy, it is reasonable to assume that Kanō Motonobu would have been exposed to gagakumen at some point which may have inspired his painting of Sōjōbō.104 This image remodeled tengu as noble and gave way to further representations bearing the tengu's new form. Their previous, bird-like figure is now known as kotengu or karasu tengu, and, while still visible today, it is no longer the primary perception of the yōkai as daitengu have come to represent the tengu family. As tengu art developed and altered, so too did their position and dignity in folklore and religion. 3.3.2.2 Tengu as Kami Tengu are considered kami in the Shugendō105 religion founded during the Heian period and are said to be priests, both Buddhist and Shintō. However, for the rest of Japan, they are merely yōkai with daitengu as the rulers over all lesser tengu. Komatsu wrote that “if there is not worship enough for a supernatural being to be considered kami, 103 Kotokumen, botokumen, and nasorimen are tengu-like masks worn by bugaku (舞楽 court dance and music) dancers (Tengu no kenkyū 183). 104 Ibid., 183. 105 See page 17, note 24 of this thesis for information on Shugendō . 58 then that kami becomes yōkai.”106 I find it reasonable to agree with Komatsu when he implies that kami are simply worshipped yōkai, suggesting the possibility of being both kami and yōkai simultaneously. As tengu only receive worship in certain sects and in a meager portion of temples and shrines, it cannot be considered kami to the Japanese. Early in his career, Yanagita Kunio accepted the notion of "tengu as [an] intermediary between kami and humans."107 His position is that they are not as great as the kami but superior to man. My yōkai theory branches from Yanagita's in that tengu are emissaries to the kami but become kami themselves overtime as aging slowly grants divine power, meaning that emissary is an intermediate category for yōkai. These tengu kami are often not officially recognized and lack the title and worship; thus, they are considered yōkai. However, some tengu are revered in Japan and have a presence in shrines and temples. In truth, there are several known tengu that are subject to worship, many of which were courtiers. The list includes Fukenbō (普賢坊) (formerly the Uji Minister of the Left Fujiwara no Yorinaga (宇治左大臣藤原頼長 1120–1156)), Mitsugyōbō (三密坊) (formerly a monk on Mount Eizan (叡山法師)), Mitsuibō (光井坊) (formerly Minamoto no Tametomo (源為朝 1139–1170)), Tōkonbō (東金坊) (formerly Minamoto no Tameyoshi (源為義 1096–1156), Tennanbō (天南坊) (formerly Emperor Sutoku (崇徳天 皇 1119–1164)), Tarōbō (太郎坊) (formerly Emperor Go Daigo (後醍醐天皇 1288– 106 Kazuhiko Komatsu, Yōkaigaku shinkō: Yōkai kara miru nihonjin no kokoro (Tōkyō: Kōdansha, 1994), 163–164. Original: 「人々の祭祀が不足すると、神は妖怪に変貌することになるのだ。」 107 Gerald Figal, Civilization and Monsters: Spirits of Modernity in Meiji Japan (Durham: Duke University Press, 1999), 145. See Miyata's 1990 Yōkai No Minzokugaku: Nihon no mienai kūkan pages 3–4 for an analysis of Yanagita's theories on tengu. 59 1339), and Kangibō (観喜坊) (formerly Prince Moriyoshi (護良親王 1308–1335)).108 As tengu are the after-death incarnations of people in positions of power who failed in their duties or were unduly proud, wealthy courtiers who compete in displays of affluence and authority and priests were the most common to transform into the yōkai. These courtiers receive tengu names posthumously, so any ill-effects of their wrath can be referred to directly while simultaneously remarking that the individual is not merely a vengeful yūrei, but a yōkai. In addition to these popular tengu, some gongen deities are some of the oldest and most active tengu, and believers have either forgotten this or were unaware from the start.109 Perhaps the most notable of tengu gongen deities is Saburō (三郎), kami title Īzuna Gongen (飯網権現), of Mount Īzuna (飯綱山) in Nagano Prefecture.110 This deity is also actively venerated at Yakuōin Temple (薬王院) on Mount Takao (高尾山) in Tōkyō. Īzuna Gongen is recorded as a kami in the 228 volume Asabashō (阿婆縛抄 An Annotation of the Ancient Recesses of Restraint),111 compiled in Bunei (文永) year twelve (1275) during the Kamakura period. He is characterized as a karasu tengu, holding a sword and riding upon a white fox. This kami is closely related to Sanjakubō (三尺坊) of Akiba Shrine (秋葉神社) in Nagano. Sanjakubō, too, is depicted as karasu tengu 108 Chigiri, Tengu no kenkyū , 266. Ibid., 319. 110 Saburō is also known as Daimyō Tengu Īzuna Saburō (大妙天狗飯綱三郎) and is often associated with Kanagawa's Hakone Gongen (箱根権現) and Kōrai Gongen (高麗権現). Īzuna Gongen's honji suijaku (本地垂迹 tracing ground), or original form, is said to be the bodhisattva Ojizō (御地蔵), the protector of children ("The Encyclopedia of Shintō "). However, the Yakuōin Temple (薬王院) claims Īzuna is the avatar of Dainichi Nyorai (大日如来 The Buddha of Cosmic Life) (Head Temple Takao-San Yakuo-in Official Site). 111 The Asabashō is the only iconographic collection of all the statues of esoteric Tendai Buddhism, including the rituals, sutras, iconography of sutras, and records of the practice. 109 60 riding a white fox while brandishing a sword. The 1934 Shinano meisō ryakuden shū (信 濃名僧略伝集 Biographies of Notable Shinano Priests) states that Sanjakubō trained on Mount Togakushi (戸隠山) in Nagano during the Eikan era (永観 983–984) of the Heian period. These two gongen deity tengu illustrate the status that this apparition is capable of maintaining in Buddhism. In addition to Buddhist deities, Shintō also retains kami that resemble tengu. Sarutahiko Ōkami (猿田彦大神)112 may be a daitengu with his long nose, red face, spear, and geta (下駄 wooden clogs). Despite his name containing the character for saru (猿 monkey), his only monkey-like trait is his red face and his hand to hand combat prowess. He is the patron kami of martial arts and the most august kunitsukami, earthly kami.113 In the Nihongi, he acted as a guide to Ninigi no Mikoto,114 the grandson of Amaterasu, when he descended from the heavens. Sarutahiko was also in the Kojiki where he drowned in the Isuzu River (五十鈴川) in Mie Prefecture after getting his hand caught in a giant clamshell. There are currently an estimated two thousand shrines dedicated to Sarutakiko Ōkami, and he is one of only seven total kami to receive the title Ōkami (大神 great god). According to the Tsubaki Grand Shrine of America, the sound of his name holds a special meaning in kotodama, as each syllable represents a different element found on earth.  SA= piercing power and element of thunder (saku (裂く/割く to divide)) 112 "He is considered the ancestor of the Ujitoko clan in Ise, and the central object of worship at the Sarutahiko Shrine located in Ise. During the Tokugawa period, he was also adopted as the 'ancestor of the teaching' in the school of Suika Shintō," a blend of Neo-Confucianism and Shintō ("Encyclopedia of Shintō" Sarutahiko). 113 See footnote on page 24 note 25 for details about kunitsukami and amatsukami. 114 Before being willing to submit to Ninigi no Mikoto's rule, he was confronted by female kami of dance Ame no Uzume no Mikoto (天宇受売命). For her bravery, Ninigi granted to her the clan title Sarume no Kimi (猿女の君), which founded kagura. Ame no Uzume later marries Sarutahiko. 61  RU= whirling power and element of earth (ruten (流転 continuous change))  TA= emitting power and element of heaven (Takamagahara (高天原 the high plains of heaven) or ta (田 rice field))  HI= developing power and element of fire (hi (日 sun))  KO= lacerating power and element of wind (ko (子 child) (kogarashi (凩 biting cold wind))115 This multitude of tengu deities illustrates the tengu's ability to rise as kami, but it also shows how, despite their status, only the most notable receive active worship in Japan. While, as a whole, they were once revered as powerful mountain spirits in history, now, except for a small number of deities, they have fallen to being merely yōkai . Even the tengu deities that are worshiped in shrines and temples are not considered tengu by parishioners, despite their visual representations and associations with ascetic practices. I concur with Chigiri when he claims that “Even a tengu can be wicked, just, fierce, or gentle."116 Therefore, all of these representations of tengu, whether fallen kami, esteemed kami, or conspirators, are indeed all tengu with the same potential. It is people who determined which ones to exalt, which would be forgotten, and which would be feared. By labeling some as yōkai and some as kami, the Japanese actively opted to not acknowledge nearly all tengu as divine. 115 Koichi Barrish, "Tsubaki Grand Shrine of America," www.tsubakishrine.org/history/sarutahiko-o-kami.html. Accessed 19 Jan. 2020. 116 Chigiri, Tengu no kenkyū , 253. Original: 「天狗にも邪あり、正あり、猛烈なるあり、温和なるあり。」 62 3.4 Yōkai Ascend to Kami In addition to the previously mentioned tengu that receive veneration as kami, a couple of other popular kami are likely to have yōkai origins. These deities are also believed to have yōkai attendants at their command, creating an interesting relationship between the two allegedly separate groups. Their apparition servants may very well be the adolescent form of the kami in question, as I mentioned before that aging plays a role in the authority granted to phenomena or spiritual entity. 3.4.1 Raijin as an Apotheosized Yōkai The Shintō deity Raijin (雷神 the thunder kami) sits at the peak of strength in his control over thunder in lightning. His fearsome countenance resembles that of a snarling oni with his protruding horns, red skin, and prominent fangs. A ring of linked drums marked with mitsutomoe (三つ巴 three comma shapes in a circle)117 surrounds him, and he beats the drums to create thunderclaps. In the Kojiki, Raijin was birthed from Izanami no Mikoto's (伊弉冇尊/伊邪那美命) rotting corpse and sent after the fleeing Izanagi to drag him back to Yomi no kuni (黄泉の国 The Land of Darkness). Despite his gruesome birth and aggressive appearance, he is a widely venerated kami. Statues and paintings of Raijin and his brother Fūjin (風神 the wind kami) are a common site on shrine and temples grounds in Japan as they are viewed as warriors and protectors. Raijin, in particular, has strong connections to oni. Aside from sharing their countenance, his affinity with lightning and his birth in the underworld edge him into the 117 The mitsutomoe is representative of magatama (勾玉/曲玉 comma-shaped jewel), a symbol of life and power. The magatama is also one of three Imperial Regalia of Japan. 63 category of oni. While he is revered as the bringer of storms and rain, he is also feared for his violence. If thunder, or kaminari (雷),118 was heard during the planting season, in certain regions, farmers would perform kandachioi (神立追い escorting a heavenly power to another place)," a rite involving the striking of split bamboo or affixing scythe blades to the end of bamboo as a symbolic exorcism of the Raijin."119 However, some villages thought objects struck by lightning were good luck and signified a bountiful rice harvest. The struck object, or kandachi (神立 kami landing site), would have a shimenawa placed around it and amagoi (雨乞い rainmaking rituals) would be performed at the local shrine. It is truly the individual's perception that causes a phenomenon to be dubbed a benevolent kami or a troublesome demon to be exorcised. Raijin is also believed to allow the yōkai raijū (雷獣 thunder beasts)120 to accompany him as he storms through the skies. This association makes his status slightly murky as worshippers would not usually consider a kami to have yōkai familiars since yōkai are often seen as disquieting at best and vulgar at worst. However, as a servant sent out to crack down upon people or their properties for ill deeds, they were known to be fast and relentless, adequate traits for executioners. Much like oni are obligated to deal out punishment in the afterlife, so too are the raijū conscripted by Raijin. Raijū are purported to have a range of forms from a squirrel to a weasel, and later, during the Edo period, they often took the shape of large dogs or cats. In the early seventeenth century, the Běncǎo gāngmù (本草綱目 Compendium of Materia Medica) was imported from 118 Kaminari literally means the "sounds of the gods" as kami would be written as 神 (god) and nari as 鳴り (sound; ringing) ("Encyclopedia of Shintō" Raijin). 119 See the online database "Encyclopedia of Shintō" and search word "Raijin" for more on Raijin and lightning strikes. 120 See pages 98–99 of Meyer's The Book of Hakutaku for information on raijū. 64 China, and with it, a variety raijū legends that may have inspired the large number of raijū sightings documented in Japan during the Edo period.121 Raijin's association with thunder beast retribution strikes, the underworld, and his demonic appearance all give credence to his identity being a deified oni. As his mother was one of the first kami, it is understandable that he too would receive reverence, despite his form and temperament. However, due to the evidence above, my opinion is that Raijin is an ancient, powerful oni. 3.4.2 Inari Ōkami as a Deified Kitsune Yōkai Inari Ōkami (稲荷大神)122 is one of the most influential kami, ruling as the avatar of agriculture and commerce. Presently, more than one-third of Shintō shrines in Japan are dedicated to this deity, making his123 acclaim undeniable. Inari has a curious connection to foxes as fox motifs can be found in great numbers at Inari shrines in Japan. Along with the kami himself, they receive veneration as his sacred messengers. However, there is not a definite source that states why foxes are associated with the deity. Due to the unclear relationship between yōkai and kami, this leaves reason to theorize that Inari Ōkami is an ancient yōkai kitsune. As he has been worshipped in Japan for thousands of years, it would be feasible to believe that the kami had humble beginnings as a mere fox spirit and that his origins have been lost. 121 Foster, The Book of Yōkai, 197. The etymology of Inari's name is purportedly from inenari (稲成り to grow rice), inetabaneri (稲束ねり to bundle rice stalks), or inataba (秉 a bundle of rice stalks; granary), and while his name had various character's relating to rice used for in name for some time, the modern characters were first seen in Ruijū kokushi (類聚国史 A Collection of National History) in 892 (Smyers 15). 123 Inari has been portrayed as male and female in historical images. For the sake of simplicity, I will be referring to Inari as a male. However, do note that foxes too often assume different genders when shape shifting into human form. 122 65 While it is unclear exactly how or when Inari‟s association with foxes began, the 1332 Buddhist text the Inariki (稲荷記 Inari Chronicles) mentions events that relate Inari to this animal. The Inariki reads that a pair of elderly foxes and their kits traveled to Mount Inari (稲荷山) in Kyōto to call upon the deity. They expressed that, even though they were animals, they were wise and wished to become shisha (使者 sacred assistants). Inari considered this and agreed to make them his shrine assistants. After that, the foxes made ten official vows to serve him. Their appointment was to grant people‟s desires and ferry prayers to Inari.124 Inari‟s kitsune messengers are so prominently portrayed in shrines and temples that many worshippers assume Inari to be a fox himself, much to the chagrin of the priests. However, there is strong evidence that shows Inari may be an ancient kitsune yōkai. Often regarded with suspicion, in folklore, kitsune can shapeshift, mimicking the human form perfectly, unless suddenly startled, which causes them to sprout their tails, ears, or revert entirely. These abilities are common in bakemono, such as tanuki, badgers, and kitsune, and because of this, these creatures are regarded as highly deceptive and dangerous. However, what of the kitsune that serve Inari Ōkami (Figure 7)? Surely there are not evil spirits in shrines being left reverent offerings of aburāge (油揚げ fried tofu), allegedly the kitsune‟s favorite food.125 While these servants are not kami, they are treated with respect due to their association with a deity. These emissaries are a strain of the kitsune yōkai family and are not to be confused with ordinary, wild foxes. 124 Karen Ann Smyers, The Fox and the Jewel: Shared and Private Meanings in Contemporary Japanese Inari Worship (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1999), 8. 125 Kitsune are also said to eat candles and lamp oil as well as drink alcohol (Yōkai.com Kitsune). 66 Figure 7. Ogata Gekkō (尾形月耕 1859–1920). Inariyama, Kokaji (稲荷山, 小鍛治), 1892, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.126 126 Inari Ōkami and his fox servants aid blacksmith Kokaji Munechika (小鍛治宗近) in forging the blade Kogitsunemaru (子狐丸) for Emperor Ichijō (一条天皇 980-1011). 67 3.4.1.1 Inari Worship Inari has been worshipped in Japan as early as the eighth century where he was mentioned in the Yamashiro no kuni fudoki (山城国風土 a record of the Yamashiro region's climate and culture).127 However, it is unclear when Inari worship truly began as he is not mentioned in classical, Japanese mythology, and Shintō, in its early, highly naturalistic stage, "existed as a tribal religion which later developed into a national religion," and therefore, there would be little written record as it likely was an oral tradition.128 In addition to Shintō, Inari has a strong presence in Japanese Buddhism. In temples, he is often the chinjugami (鎮守神 temple guardian), but he is occasionally revered as the main deity of worship. The Enpukuzan Toyokawakaku Myōgonji (円福山 豊川閣妙厳寺), or Toyokawa Inari (豊川稲荷), in Aichi prefecture and the Saijō Inarisan Myōgonji (最上稲荷山妙教寺) in Okayama are chief sites of Inari worship where he is exalted as a Buddhist figure (Reader 69). It was Kukai (空海 774–835), the founder of the Shingon sect of Buddhism, who decided to implement Inari, which was still just a local kami at the time, as a temple guardian.129 The Shingon sect grew and overshadowed other faiths, and Inari‟s standing increased.130 127 Yamashiro Province was located on the southern portion of modern-day Kyōto, bordering Nara Prefecture. 128 Katō Genchi, A Historical Study of the Religious Development of Shintō (Greenwood, 1989), 49. 129 One account states that, in a previous incarnation, Kūkai and Inari were friends in India. He told Inari, "I will be born in an eastern land and will spread Buddhism there, and at that time you will come and be the protective deity of the secret teachings." In 816 at an inn in Japan, Kūkai met a robust old man of around eight feet tall, and two years later, that same man came to the south gate of the Tōji Temple carrying rice over his shoulder. The man was Inari and the two were overjoyed to find one another. "Inari honored his vow to become the protecting deity of Kūkai's Buddhism" (Smyers 17). 130 Smyers, The Fox and the Jewel, 17, 69. 68 However, Inari worship in the Toyokawa Inari Temple is a case of mistaken identity. In 1267, Priest Kangan Gīn (寒巌義尹 1217–1300) had a vision of Dakini Shinten (陀枳尼真天)131 riding on a large, flying, white fox, holding a large gem in one hand, while carrying rice. Dakini spoke and said, “When this spell is chanted, the faith in me reaches everywhere, and by the true power of the Buddhist precepts, evil and misfortune will be abolished, and luck and wisdom attained, suffering removed and comfort achieved, and pain transmitted into delight.”132 Touched by this, Kangan fashioned a sculpture of the deity and celebrated it. Because of the fox, rice, and jewel motif, Dakini was mistaken for Inari, who has a strong association with rice, vulpines, and the gemstone of wish fulfillment. This confusion was never officially cleared, and thus Inari spread into Buddhism further, extending his worship. Inari celebration increased during the Heian period. However, it was in 827 that Inari attained the shinkai (神階 kami rank) of kunrokutō (勲六等 the sixth order).133 Emperor Junna (淳和天皇 785–840) became very ill, seemingly without cause. A miko used divination to determine what spirits were ailing him. She said Inari was punishing him for using trees from Mount Inari to build the pagoda at the Tōji Temple (東寺) in Kyōto. To appease the angry kami, the court bestowed upon Inari a higher rank to calm his fury. The additional shrines that were built as a result helped Inari become more popular with the people of the capitol. The deity attained shōichī (正一位 greater first 131 Dakini is also known as Shinkoō Bosatsu (辰狐王菩薩 Celestial Fox Bodhisattva), and Kiko Tennō (貴狐天王 Noble Heavenly Fox Queen) in Japanese Buddhism. 132 Smyers, The Fox and the Jewel, 25. 133 Kami are ranked by power and the number of followers and shrines. See Table 2 on page 70. 69 rank) in the year 942 due to the increased level of Inari worship and to show the gratitude of Emperor Suzaku (朱雀天皇 923–952) for aiding in the suppression of revolts.134 A kami‟s power is directly related to the number of its worshippers. These deities draw their energy from being venerated, which is why a rural town‟s local kami are considered weak in comparison to popular metropolitan kami. To attain top grade, a deity must have numerous followers. Therefore, Inari‟s acclaim among devotees, along with aid from government officials, helped him achieve more influence and move up in rank (Table 2). For example, Toyotomi Hideyoshi (豊臣秀吉 1537–1598) was a firm supporter of Inari and believed that Inari had assisted him in battles.135 Toyotomi was one of the greatest warlords of his era and even went so far as to enshrine Inari at his castle in what is now present-day Kyoto as Manzuko Inari (満足稲荷 fulfillment Inari). He also enshrined Inari in his home estate as Shusse Inari (出世稲荷 Inari of worldly success). It would be assumed that his serfs would also pay homage to this kami because of their master‟s victories, thus furthering Inari‟s fame. Eventually, more shrines were built for Inari worship due to his reputation. In the early modern period (1600–1868), the number of shrines and temples dedicated to the deity increased vastly. There was a satiric poem written in this time by an anonymous author about the vast number of shrines in Edo. It said, “Around here, shops called “Iseya” and Inari shrines are as numerous as dogs‟ droppings."136 134 Smyers, The Fox and the Jewel, 15–17. Smyers, The Fox and the Jewel, 19. 136 Ibid., 20. Original: 「 町内会に伊勢屋稲荷に犬の糞。」 135 70 Table 2. Shinkai (神階 Shintō kami ranks)137 Shinkai 神階 Shintō Kami Ranks Title Ranking N/A 1 2 Imperial Ranks (Court Ranks) 文位 (位階) 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 Ranks of Merit (Military Ranks) 武位 (勲位) 7 8 9 10 Nobility Ranks 品位 137 11 12 Rank Name Transcend Ranking 位階を超越 Greater First Rank 正一位 Lesser First Rank 従一位 Greater Second Rank 正二位 Lesser Second Rank 従二位 Greater Third Rank 正三位 Lesser Third Rank 従三位 First-Order 勲一等 Second-Order 勲二等 Third-Order 勲三等 Fourth-Order 勲四等 Fifth-Order 勲五等 Sixth-Order 勲六等 Seventh-Order 勲七等 First Finest 一品 Second Finest 二品 Number of Kami 3 13 13 13 12 18 27 7 5 3 5 8 7 10 2 1 For details on shinkai, see "Encyclopedia of Shintō," and search word "shinkai" and the information sourced from the Rikkoshi (六国史 Six National Histories) in the Kokugakuin database. 71 3.4.1.2 Kitsune Yōkai The fox yōkai class is hierarchic and filled with a variety of habits, nobility, and capacity, based on the age and personality of the fox. A general rule to consider is that as the fox ages, it becomes yōkai and its capabilities grow steadily over time, gaining additional tails as a physical manifestation of its talent. Kitsune yōkai as a whole are referred to as koshin or kojin (狐神 fox spirits), and occasionally, yōko (妖狐). There are two overarching groups that koshin fall into: yako or nogitsune (野狐 wild, wicked foxes) or yakan (野干 field interloper), regionally yakan (射干 launching interloper) in Kyūshū , and zenko (善狐 virtuous foxes) (Figure 8).138 Wicked foxes are often the source of possession and mischief, while zenko are more likely to be associated with Inari worship. Initially, all koshin are ashireiko (阿紫霊狐 foxes of the Azi spirit) under the yako category. They are simply animals surviving how beasts often do, with their only concerns being to fulfill their physical needs. The term ashireiko comes from Azi (阿紫), an evil fox spirit from a fourth-century Chinese legend in volume eighteen of the Sōushénjì (捜神記 Records of Searching for Spirits) by Gān Bǎo (干宝 280?–336).139 Fox spirit Azi lured soldier Wáng Língxiào (王欞孝) away from his duties, bewitching his mind, and partially transforming him into a fox himself.140 Koshin exist as ashireiko from the time they are newborn kits to the age of one hundred. At age fifty, they begin to worship the heavens and study shapeshifting and other wizardry (仙術 senjutsu). 138 Shunsensai Takehara, et. al.,. Ehon Hyaku Monogatari: Tōsanjin Yawa (Tōkyō: Kokusho, 1997), 156. 139 Igor Alimov, “Text and Its Cultural Interpretation: Concerning „Records of Searching for Spirits‟ by Gan Bao,” Manuscripta Orientalia. International Journal for Oriental Manuscript Research 12, no. 1 (June 2012): pp. 3-14, https://doi.org/10.31250/1238-5018, p.3, 8). 140 Ibid., 8–9. 72 Figure 8. Diagram of koshin development141 141 These data were sourced from the 1858 Miyagawasha manpitsu (宮川舎漫筆 Miyagawa's Incidental Jottings), Mizuki and Murakami's 2005 Nihon yōkai daijiten (日本妖怪大事典 The Great Dictionary of Japanese Yōkai), and Meyer's online, yōkai database on Yōkai.com, and Takehara‟s 1841 Ehon hyakumonogatari-Tōsanjin yawa (絵本百物語 -桃山人夜話 The Picture Book of a Hundred TalesNight Tales of Tōsanjin), pages 158–159. Also note that most of these sources agree that tenko are of a higher rank than kūko, but as kūko are more powerful and wise due to their advanced age, I consider kūko to hold the highest rank. 73 At age one hundred, these kitsune can develop into chiko (地狐 earth foxes). This is the highest rank of yako, wicked foxes, and the second rank of zenko. At this point, both yako and zenko may begin to grow additional tails as the years pass, as many as nine tails total. However, yako chiko can never achieve a rank beyond chiko, no matter how many tails they sprout.142 On the other hand, at age five hundred, zenko chiko can become kiko (気狐 spirit foxes) and begin to serve Inari Ōkami as myōbu (命婦 a title for high-ranking ladies of the court).143 Kiko come in a variety of types and are named according to the colors of their coat. Within the kiko rank, there are byakko or hakuko (白 狐 white foxes), alternatively called reiko (霊狐 spirit foxes), kurogitsune (黒狐 black foxes) or genko (玄狐 black foxes), kinko (金狐 gold foxes), and ginko (銀狐 silver foxes). Kiko do not have physical bodies but can take on many different physical forms. One famous kiko is the legendary byakko Kuzunoha (葛の葉), the alleged mother of famous onmyōji (陰陽師 diviner; medium) Abe no Seimei (安倍晴明 921–1105). She transformed into a beautiful woman to repay Abe no Yasuna (安倍保名) for setting her 142 Tamamo no Mae (玉藻前), the legendary, golden-white, nine-tailed kitsune held the rank of chiko. She possessed Dájǐ (妲己) courtesan of King Zhòu of Shāng (商紂王 1105–1046 BCE), and when the dynasty fell, she fled to India where she transformed into Lady Kayō (華陽夫人) to bewitch prince Banzoku (班足太子). When the prince went mad and murdered hundreds of people, she hid herself away in China where she became Bāo Sì (褒姒), lover to King Yōu of Zhōu (周幽王 795–771 BCE). King Yōu tried to please his melancholy concubine however he could, but the only thing to make her smile was to light all the beacons to summon surrounding lords, a tactic reserved for military emergencies. Eventually, the lords stopped coming when a legitimate attack occurred, and the kingdom was overtaken. The kitsune stayed hidden for over a thousand years and then appeared in Japan as the beloved courtesan Tamamo no Mae of Emperor Toba (鳥羽天皇 1103–1156 CE). The emperor gradually grew weak, and when his spiritual mediums accused her of sorcery, she vanished (The Hour of Meeting Evil Spirits 252–253). 143 While also a courtly title, myōbu has long been associated with Inari's fox messengers as a reverent title for those who serve him faithfully. Ladies of the court who served Inari may also receive this title. 74 free from a trap when she was in fox form by marrying him and bearing his son, Abe no Seimei.144 Kiko can become tenko (天狐 heavenly kitsune) after having lived for one thousand years.145 They have pure white, gold, or silver hair and look like beautiful, human goddesses with four to nine foxtails.146 These kitsune are believed to similar to kami in capabilities, and they no longer act in self-interest in any way. They can predict the future and help people avoid calamity. After reaching 3,000 years of age, kitsune become kūko (空狐 void foxes) or inari kūko (稲荷空狐 Inari void foxes) the highest rank of kitsune and exist as pure energy. Kūko and tenko both are classified as shinko (神狐 fox gods), but when depicted, kūko lack any vulpine features except for perhaps a pair of foxlike ears, unlike tenko who retain their tails. Kūko work to better humanity by helping them fulfill wishes or by teaching troublesome individuals a lesson in humility and patience. With power equal to that of the kami, kūko act independently from other deities, officially retiring from servitude. 144 Tales of fox wives are abundant in Japanese folklore and usually end with the wife tearfully leaving her human family after her indentity is discovered. Despite Japan holding a negative view of women during the Edo period, fox wives were believed to be hard workers and loving mothers. They flee their homes once found out so as to protect their families from societal backlash . Their offspring, being half yōkai, often have superhuman abilities like strength, speed, and in the case of Abe no Seimei, prowess in divination and spiritual affairs. (Kincaid 26–30). Japan focuses on fox wives while China on fox husbands. In the Chinese late imperial period, women's sexual services sold as a means of survival for herself and her family. The idea of a fox disguised as a man paying for her affections made the practice more palatable and circumvented the illegality of the matter as it could be said that the fox seduced her. On the other hand, in Japan, prostitutes would sometimes claim to be a fox in disguise to lure men into their chambers out of curiosity, and since prostitution was federally regulated, there were no concerns over the law. (Ibid. 20–21). 145 In the Chinese text Genchuki (玄中記) of the Western Jin Dynasty, Xī Jìn dài (西晋代 265– 316), vulpine spirits turn into a tenko after absorbing enough energy from beautiful, young women for a thousand years. 146 Kyūbi no kitsune (九尾の狐 nine-tailed foxes) are rumored to be at least one thousand years old. 75 One kūko legend can be found in the Kitsune monogatari (狐物語) of the 1858 Miyagawasha manpitsu (宮川舎漫筆 Miyagawa's Incidental Jottings) by Miyagawa Masayasu (宮川政運). Possessed by a kūko named Tenbi (天日), fourteen-year-old Nagasaki Genjiro's (長崎源次郎) mind is healed from his mental illness. Initially, the boy is concerned that the fox had come to cause him harm, but Tenbi says, "Kitsune may be yako or zenko, and for zenko, the five types are gold foxes, silver foxes, white foxes, black foxes, and heavenly foxes. All of these zenko varieties, from birth, detest harming humans the way yako do."147 Tenbi stays within the boy for five days, entertaining him with stories from the battles of the Sengoku period (戦国 warring states 1467–1615), and left on the morning of the sixth day, explaining that he cured Nagasaki because he was a virtuous person. The only evidence left behind was Tenbi's signature on a piece of paper, along with a short phase, written the previous night. When Nagasaki asked what it meant, Tenbi explained it as "only one person will receive the sole secret of Shirakawa Shintō ."148 With his benevolent task complete, the kūko vanished. 147 Hidemitsu Masuda, Yōkai no hon: Ikai no yami ni ugomeku hyakki yagyō no densetsu (Tōkyō: Gakushū Kenkyūsha , 1999), 81–82. Original: 「狐には野狐と善狐があって、善狐にも金狐・銀狐・白狐・黒狐・天狐の 5 種 がおります。いずれも生まれながらの種でございますこれら 5 種の善狐は、野狐のように人を悩 ますことは嫌っていたしません。」 148 Masuda, Yōkai no hon, 80-82. Shirakawa Shintō , or Hakke Shintō (伯家神道), has been headed by the Shirakawa Hakuo (白川 伯王) family from the tenth through the fifteenth century in Japan. Presiding over the Jingikan (神祇官 Department of Divinities), which closely intertwined religion and politics, the family was the official authority over every Shintō ritual and priest in the nation. It is unclear how this "secret" that Tenbi mentions relates the Nagasaki or what it means for Shintōism . I suspect it has some connection to Shirakawa Hakuo family head possessing some wisdom or secret that no other members are privy to. Whether this is a warning or just a matter of fact statement is ambiguous. Original: 「白川唯一神道之極 意、唯授一人之伝。」(Ibid.). 76 3.4.3 Inari Ōkami as Kūko My theory is that Inari Ōkami is a deified kūko, so ancient that people have long forgotten, or were never aware, of his early days as a common kitsune yōkai. I doubt that he could be a tenko because he is never depicted with foxtails like tenko are reputed to possess. His unknown origins, association with agriculture, and affinity with foxes make him suspected of having kitsune beginnings. Foxes, too, are associated with crop production as they hunt mice that would otherwise be detrimental to rice harvests. Due to this, foxes were considered auspicious in ancient Japan. The Nihongi mentions kitsune five times as good omens and three times as bad omens. One, in particular, was a black fox that was presented as an auspicious gift to the emperor in July 712 in what is modernday Mie Prefecture. The emperor said: "We hear that, according to the old tradition, in the year of the rat, the crop is not good; yet, by the assistance of Heaven and Earth, we have a very good crop this year. A wise king of old said: 'An abundant year is better than good forecastings.' Moreover, the black fox, presented to me by the Governor of Iga province and his officials, corresponds to the 'Good Forecastings.' That book says: 'A black fox appears when a king by his government causes profound peace.'"149 In this passage, the fox is a protector of the harvest and a bringer of order. Early kitsune symbolism is comparable to concepts traditionally associated with Inari Ōkami. While later foxes, especially howling ones, become ill omens, early texts reveal that they were once treated with high regard. Inari also has strong ties to grain guardianship in symbolism as common motifs found at Inari shrines are keys and scrolls, often held in the mouth of a kitsune statue. The key represents the key to the rice storehouse, and the scroll represents wisdom in 149 John Laidlaw Atkinson, “The Ten Buddhistic Virtues. The Third Precept and Virtue- Fu-Ja-in, or Not Committing Adultery,” Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, vol. 36 (Tōkyō: The Asiatic Society of Japan, 1908), 9–24. 77 agricultural practice, business, and the cooking and fermentation of rice. The vulpine emissaries hold the items; therefore, symbolically, the concepts behind these treasures are in the possession of Inari Ōkami, or under his rule. While it may be impossible to be one hundred percent certain that Inari is a kūko, there is too much evidence to deny it as a possibility. CHAPTER 4 CONCLUSION 4.1 Yōkai and Kami Divergence By examining yōkai and kami, I have found that the primary difference between the two supernatural groups is that the former is simply the adolescent, despised, or neglected rendition of the latter. All kami are yōkai but not all yōkai are kami. The difference lies in the treatment they receive from humans, in whether they received exaltation. Kami are any variety of divine spirit venerated in shrines and temples, able to be placated through worship, and yōkai are feared, caricaturized, treated with suspicion due to their strange appearances, abilities, and affinity with the unknown, and placation is either ineffective, not performed because of distaste for the entity, or simply not worth the effort because the phenomenon is exceedingly rare or not overly dangerous. By giving each yōkai genus idiosyncratic names , Japanese people have attempted to classify these apparitions, removing a layer of their mystery in an effort to exercise a degree of control, much like they have for the creatures of the animal kingdom. The desire to create encyclopedias and organize yōkai information, a treatment never performed upon kami, is one method of mitigating the power of the cryptic. Many Japanese kami are unnamed, as their divine status alone allows them to rise above any further scrutiny. It appears the instinct of the Japanese people, when confronted with 79 unknown phenomena, was to abolish their fear by subjugating the threat by any means possible, in this case, with cataloging, naming, and by distancing the element from whatever is considered sacred or pure, like the kami. In separating yōkai monstrosity from kami divinity in Japan, my research acts as a framework for further analysis for cultures with similar gods and apparitions like Korea and China. Folklore and religious studies are a valuable asset to anthropology as examining human history paves the way for understanding modern society, language, and culture. Studying yōkai and kami is, in actuality, studying humanity and its behaviors. A culture's reaction to unexplained phenomena varies from place to place, even individual villages and towns. How persons or groups attempt to understand, interact with, and articulate their encounters with things outside of the natural or ordinary world expresses their cultural perceptions. Studying the metaphysical in Japan illuminates data for psychology, philosophy, history, and anthropology for Japan, Korea, China, and possibly other cultures as well. One key point to my thesis is the concept that kami can fall to yōkai status, just as tengu and oni did. Tengu began as falling stars, and then became celestial dogs, kites, lesser mountain spirits, yamabushi, and finally, yōkai. In their mountain spirit and yamabushi eras, they were emissaries to the kami and sometimes kami themselves, worshipped in select shrines and temples. Few of these beliefs remain, and the only prominent tengu kami who are actively worshipped are Īzuna Gongen, Sōjōbō, and Sarutahiko Ōkami. The perceived notion that tengu exist to lead people astray from Buddhism was likely one of the leading causes of the loss of their divine status. Another category of fallen kami is the yōkai oni. The hōsōshi, which originated in 80 China, is a prime example of a kami that was reduced to nothing more than a yōkai to be driven away. Once a respectable deity responsible for purifying the Imperial family and their dead, its association with death and demon-like appearance was found unfavorable; thus, it lost its divinity and became an oni. Oni etymology originated in spirits that brought good luck from afar, and it was not until Buddhist influences were interjected that they became man-eating monsters or distributors of punishment in jigoku. As the blacksmithing kami, oni were revered for their mysterious metalworking abilities and power to give life to steel, and in a similar vein, gave life to infants by assuring safe childbirth. As these ideas deteriorated and Buddhism permeated into Japanese beliefs, oni lost their prestige and devolved into demons. The few remnants of the benevolent spirits that visit to bless towns lie in the traditions of sakaki oni and namahage. However, I do propose that Raijin, who was never classified as an oni, and despite his noble heritage and presence in temples and shrine, is a deified oni, and thus a yōkai. The final objective of this thesis is to illustrate that deities, which are likely yōkai, possess the authority and status of kami despite their appearances and histories. Raijin, the kami of thunder, with his red skin, horns, fangs, power over thunder and lightning, and association with the yōkai raijū , thunder beasts, is indistinguishable from oni, except for in worship. As his mother is Izanami no Mikoto, the kami of creation and death, his distinction was locked in place; therefore, despite his form and abilities being identical to oni, he never suffered a loss of stature and never was lowered to the status of yōkai. I expect that Raijin will remain a kami for all time. Inari Ōkami is another deity that I believe to be a yōkai variant. He likely has fox 81 roots and began as an ashireiko, and then became a chiko, kiko, tenko, and finally, a kūko. His ancient worship history, unknown origins, affinity for foxes and rice, and his portrayals not consistently being the same gender make him suspiciously foxlike. Inari ascended from a rural, agricultural deity to the highest national rank achievable in Shintōism, showing evolution through time, much like fox spirits do. As a kūko, it would be reasonable to assume that he would still care genuinely for other koshin, making his servant of choice the fox spirits kiko. Under his care, they are safe from molestation and can carry out his will to reward or punish humans accordingly. His prominence for local worship likely developed while he was a tenko, and by the time he became kūko, his acclaim had spread, and he was honored as an Imperial kami. Though tenko and kūko both fall into the shinko or divine fox category, they still are considered a variety of yōkai. Thus, Inari Ōkami is the yōkai kūko. After analyzing these examples of yōkai and kami, I have concluded that the two are not opposing forces, but the same type of supernatural phenomena or entities. The decisive point of distinguishing between the two lies in how they are perceived and treated by humans. These treatments alter over time, causing the status of yōkai and kami alike to fluctuate in an ever dynamic way. In the field of yōkaigaku, it would be fruitful to further examine yōkai-human interactions and worship throughout history to find more connections and varieties of yōkai that were once venerated . Additionally, scholars of religious studies would do well to examine gongen, and Shintō derived deities and their histories from searching for any links to yōkai. I believe that it is just as Yanagita Kunio said, "Yōkai are kami that cannot be officially recognized."150 150 Yanagita, Teihon Yanagita Kunio shū, 125. INDEX 83 aburāge ................................................ 65 aji......................................................... 28 akushikimono ...................................... 43 amagoi ................................................. 63 amahage ..................... 49, See namahage amamehagi ................. 49, See namahage Amaterasu ............................... 21, 44, 60 Amaterasu Ōmikami Amaterasu ................................. 22, 44 Amatsu Mikaboshi .............................. 43 amatsukami ................................... 23, 60 Ame no Uzume no Mikoto ................. 60 anime ................................................... 16 appossha ..................... 49, See namahage aratama ................................................ 42 ashiki ............................................ See oni ashireiko .............................. 81, See yako ayakashi................................... 2, 4, 5, 19 Azi ................................ 71, See ashireiko bakemono .............................. 2, 5, 19, 65 bakeneko .......................... 24, See kaibyō Bishamon ............................................ 44 Biwa boku-boku .................................. 27 botoumen.................. 57, See gagakumen bugaku ................................................. 57 burakumin ........................................... 53 byakko .................................. 73, See kiko chiko .............................. 73, 81, See yako chikushōdō .......................................... 39 chimi ............................................. 47, 53 chinjugami........................................... 67 chirizuka kaiō ...................................... 12 chōpirako............ 38, See zashiki warashi chūnari....................... 32, 33, See hannya Daimyō Tengu Īzuna Saburō Saburō .............. 59, See Izuna Gongen Dainichi Nyorai ................................... 59 daitengu .................. 56, 57, 60, See tengu Dakini Shinten .................................... 68 emaki ............................................. 12, 26 Emperor Go Daigo .............................. 58 Emperor Junna .................................... 68 Emperor Konoe ................................... 39 Emperor Sutoku ............................ 39, 58 Emperor Suzaku .................................. 69 fāngxīangshì ....................52, See hōsōshi Fukenbō.............................. 58, See tengu fushigimono ...................... 2, 4, 5, 19, 22 Futsunushi no kami ............................. 43 gagakumen ...................... 57, See bugaku Garuda ................................................. 55 genko ........................ 73, See kurogitsune geta ...................................................... 60 ginko .................................... 73, See kiko gongen ....................................... 1, 59, 81 guǐ shén ............................................... 48 gūrui .................................................... 10 Hakke Shintō.. 75, See Shirakawa Shintō hakuko ............................. 73, See byakko hanamatsuri ......................................... 45 hannya ....................... 31, 32, 34, See kijo henge ..................... 13, 26, 31, 36, 52, 84 hi ......................................................... 61 hiten..................................................... 44 honji suijaku .................................... 2, 59 honnari ...................... 32, 33, See hannya hōsōshi ................................................ 52 Hyaku monogatari kaidankai .............. 11 ijin ................................................. 15, 45 ijingoroshi ........................................... 45 inari kūko ............................................ 74 Inari Ōkami ..... 64, 65, 66, 73, 76, 77, 80 Inari 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 71, 73, 74, 76, 80, 88 inataba ................................................. 64 inenari ................................................. 64 inetabaneri ........................................... 64 itachi .................................................... 25 Izanagi ........................................... 22, 62 Izanami no Mikoto Izanami ...................................... 62, 80 Īzuna Gongen ................................ 59, 79 jigoku ...................................... 40, 51, 80 jinbutsu................................................ 47 Jingikan ............................................... 75 kagura ........................................ 8, 45, 60 kaibyō .................................................. 24 kaidan .................................................... 7 kairui ................................................... 10 kaminari .............................................. 63 Kanayago kami ................................... 51 kandachi .............................................. 63 84 kandachioi ........................................... 63 Kangibō .............................. 59, See tengu kanji........................................... 0, 19, 46 kannbi ............. 30, See reiboku, shinboku kappa ..................................................... 9 karasu tengu ....... 56, 57, 59, See kotengu kata wa tare .............. 37, See tare so kare kawataretoki ............. 37, See tare so kare kawauso............................................... 25 kijo .......................................... 31, 32, 34 kiko .............................. 73, 81, See zenko Kiko Tennō ....... 68, See Dakini, Shinkoō Bosatsu King Enma .................................... 40, 41 kinko .................................... 73, See kiko kinomi 47, See kannbi, kodama, reiboku , shinboku kishi ..................................................... 45 kitsune ... 5, 11, 25, 52, 64, 65, 73, 74, 76 Kiyo hime.............................. 33, See kijo ko......................................................... 61 kodama ......... 30, 47, See kannbi, kinomi, reiboku , shinboku kogarashi ............................................. 61 Kogitsunemaru .................................... 66 Kojiki ................. 9, 20, 21, 23, 60, 62, 87 kojin ........................ 71, See koshin, yōko koshin .................. 71, 81, See kojin, yōko koshōgatsu........................................... 49 kotengu ............. 56, 57, See karasu tengu kotodama ........................... 7, 8, 9, 20, 60 kotokumen....................... 57, See bugaku Kōzan Torakichi ....................... See tengu kuchiberashi ..... 38, See usutsuki warashi kūko.... 72, 74, 75, 76, 77, 81, See shinko kunitsukami ................................... 23, 60 kunrokutō ........................ 68, See shinkai kurogitsune ................73, See genko, kiko Kuzunoha . 73, See byakko, hakuko, reiko kyūbi no kitsune .................................. 74 magatama ............................................ 62 mame ................................................... 44 mametsu .............................................. 44 mamono................................................. 2 manga .................................................. 16 Manzuko Inari ..................................... 69 marebito .............................................. 48 marōdo ................................................ 48 matsuri................................................... 8 matsurowanu kami .............................. 43 miko ................................................ 8, 68 minzokugaku ....................................... 14 Mishihase ............................................ 45 misogi ................................ 44, See tsuina Mitsugyōbō ........................ 58, See tengu Mitsuibō ............................. 58, See tengu mitsumata ......................... 24, See kaibyō mitsutomoe.......................................... 62 mizuchi................................................ 47 mizugori ............................ 44, See tsuina mono ...................................... 47, See oni mononoke.......................... 2, 4, 5, 19, 22 mōryo ............................................ 47, 53 mujina ................................................. 25 myōbu .................................. 73, See kiko nagomutama ........................................ 42 nigitama........................................... 42 namahage ...................................... 49, 80 namanari .................... 32, 33, See hannya nari ...................................................... 63 nasorimen ................. 57, See gagakumen nekomata .................... 24, 25, See kaibyō nigitama............................................... 42 nagomutama .................................... 42 Nihongi... 4, 9, 20, 21, 23, 43, 45, 46, 54, 60, 76, 88 Ninigi no Mikoto........................... 43, 60 Ninigi .............................................. 43 Nō .................................................. 32, 34 nogitsune ............................. 71, See yako nuóxì ................................................... 52 Obakehakase ....................................... 13 ōharae ................................ 44, See tsuina Ojizō.................................................... 59 Ōkami ................................ 60, 64, 79, 81 omikoshi................................................ 8 Omizutori ......................... 44, See Shunie oni .. 5, 10, 15, 21, 29, 33, 34, 40, 41, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 51, 52, 62, 63, 64, 79, 80 ōni .......................................... 48, See oni oni barae .............................................. 44 85 onibaba .................................. 31, See kijo onioishiki...................... 44, See Setsubun onmyōdō ............................................. 53 onmyōji ............................................... 73 onna ..................................................... 34 raihōjin ....................... 49, See namahage Raijin ................................. 62, 63, 64, 80 raijū ............................................... 63, 80 reiboku ........... 30, See kannbi, shinboku, kodama reiko .......... 73, See byakko, hakuko, kiko reikon .................................................. 30 ri ................................................... 54, 55 ruten .................................................... 61 Saburō .................. 59, See Īzuna Gongen sakaki ...................................... 30, 46, 80 sakaki oni ......................... 46, 80, See oni saku ..................................................... 60 sanjin ........................... 35, 48, 71, 72, 85 sanki .................................................... 47 saru ...................................................... 60 Sarume no Kimi ..60, See Ame no Uzume no Mikoto Sarutahiko Ōkami Sarutahiko ................................. 60, 79 seirei .................................................... 30 senjutsu ............................................... 71 Setsubun .............................................. 44 shimenawa................................. 7, 30, 63 shimoki kagura .................................... 45 shinboku ........... 30, See kannbi, kodama, reiboku shinkai ................................................. 68 shinko ......58, 74, 81, 84, See kūko, tenko Shinkoō Bosatsu............... 68, See Dakini Shirakawa Shintō .. 75, See Hakke Shintō shisha................................ 65, See myōbu shōichī ............................. 68, See shinkai shubatsu............................. 44, See tsuina Shugendō....... 16, 46, 57, See yamabushi Shunie .........................44, See Omizutori Shushōe ......................................... 44, 46 Shusse Inari ......................... 69, See Inari Sōjōbō ..................... 56, 57, See daitengu suijin.................................................... 47 susuhaki susuharai ......................................... 28 ta ......................................................... 61 Takamagahara ..................................... 61 Takemikazuchi .................................... 43 Tamamo no Mae ........... 73, See kyūbi no kitsune, chiko tamashī ................................................ 30 tanuki................................. 11, 25, 51, 65 tare so kare .................... 37, See tasogare Tarōbō ................................ 58, See tengu tasogare ............................................... 37 ten............................................. See itachi Tenbi ................................... 75, See kūko tengu ... 5, 3, 5, 21, 34, 35, 39, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 79, See daitengu, karasu tengu, kotengu tenko............... 72, 74, 76, 81, See shinko Tennanbō ............................ 58, See tengu tiāngǒu.......................... 54, 55, See tengu Tōkonbō ............................. 58, See tengu toshigami ............................................. 49 Toyotomi Hideyoshi ........................... 69 tsubaki ................................................. 29 tsuina ............................................. 44, 52 tsukumogami ........................... 14, 26, 51 urami ................................................... 34 ushimitsutoki ....................................... 37 usu ....................................................... 38 usutsuki warashi . 38, See zashiki warashi waka ...................................................... 7 yakan ................................... 71, See yako yako ................. 71, 73, 75, See nogitsune yama no koyōsei ................ 55, See tengu yamabushi ....... 16, 51, 79, See Shugendō Yamami ...................... 46, See sakaki oni yamauba .............................................. 12 yamazumi ............................................ 47 yaoyorozu no kami .............................. 23 yōkaigaku ... 4, 10, 12, 16, 17, 18, 30, 81, 84 yōkaigakusha..................... 12, 17, 18, 19 yōko........................ 71, See kojin, koshin Yomi no kuni ...................................... 62 Yonaki Tsubaki ....30, See furutsubaki no rei yūrei .................................. 21, 36, 37, 59 86 zashiki warashi ..... 37, 38, See chōpirako, usutsuki warashi zenko ... 71, 73, 75, See kiko, kūko, tenko, shinko zentama ............................................... 46 REFERENCES Japanese Baba, Akiko. 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