Community voices for housing equality: engaging tenants with immigrant and refugee backgrounds in participatory action research

This multiple article path (MAP) dissertation is comprised of three interrelated and independent articles that will be submitted for publication in peer-reviewed journals. Community Voices for Housing Equality (CVHE) is a participatory action research project that developed organically out of residents' increasing sense of urgency surrounding what many perceived to be increasing eviction rates and unfair treatment while renting. Utilizing a PAR framework created an opportunity to unearth circuits of injustice, challenge dominant discourse of low-income renters as the problem, and take action addressing gaps in policy and shifting power back into the hands of community members to increase housing stability. Chapter 1 provides an overview of CVHE, a structural analysis of CVHE findings, as well an introduction to participatory action research as foundational social work. The articles for this MAP dissertation are located in Chapters 2, 3, and 4. Chapter 2 describes the socio-historical and political context of housing, describes grounds of identity related to race, class, and country of origin, and frames CVHE participant experiences within a structural racism framework. Chapter 3 describes Community Voices for Housing Equality, a participatory action research project examining the experiences of low-income renters with refugee and immigrant backgrounds. Chapter 4 presents participatory action research as a foundation for social work practice and research, uniquely suited to understanding experiences of immigration and resettlement. Chapter 5 is a summary and conclusion of the MAP dissertation.

COMMUNITY VOICES FOR HOUSING EQUALITY: ENGAGING TENANTS WITH IMMIGRANT AND REFUGEE BACKGROUNDS IN PARTICIPATORY ACTION RESEARCH by Kara Ann Byrne A dissertation submitted to the faculty of The University of Utah in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy College of Social Work The University of Utah August 2016 Copyright © Kara Ann Byrne 2016 All Rights ReservedThe University of Utah Graduate School STATEMENT OF DISSERTATION APPROVAL The dissertation of Kara Ann Byrne has been approved by the following supervisory committee members: Rosemarie Hunter , Chair April 25, 2016 Date Approved Caitlin Cahill , Member April 25, 2016 Date Approved Aster S. Tecle , Member April 25, 2016 Date Approved David S. Derezotes , Member April 25, 2016 Date Approved Ruth A. Gerritsen-McKane , Member April 25, 2016 Date Approved and by Lawrence Henry Liese , Chair/Dean of the Department/College/School of Social Work and by David B. Kieda, Dean of The Graduate School. ABSTRACT This multiple article path (MAP) dissertation is comprised of three interrelated and independent articles that will be submitted for publication in peer-reviewed journals. Community Voices for Housing Equality (CVHE) is a participatory action research project that developed organically out of residents' increasing sense of urgency surrounding what many perceived to be increasing eviction rates and unfair treatment while renting. Utilizing a PAR framework created an opportunity to unearth circuits of injustice, challenge dominant discourse of low-income renters as the problem, and take action addressing gaps in policy and shifting power back into the hands of community members to increase housing stability. Chapter 1 provides an overview of CVHE, a structural analysis of CVHE findings, as well an introduction to participatory action research as foundational social work. The articles for this MAP dissertation are located in Chapters 2, 3, and 4. Chapter 2 describes the socio-historical and political context of housing, describes grounds of identity related to race, class, and country of origin, and frames CVHE participant experiences within a structural racism framework. This has been submitted to a peer-reviewed journal. Chapter 3 describes Community Voices for Housing Equality, a participatory action research project examining the experiences of low-income renters with refugee and immigrant backgrounds. This article has been submitted to an action research peer-reviewed journal. Chapter 4 presents participatoryiv action research as a foundation for social work practice and research, uniquely suited to understanding experiences of immigration and resettlement. This chapter has been submitted to a social work education journal. Chapter 5 is a summary and conclusion of the MAP dissertation. To my mother Patricia. My angel along the way. TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT ....................................................................................................................... iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ............................................................................................. viii Chapters 1 INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................1 Definition of the Problem ........................................................................................1 Importance of the Problem.......................................................................................4 Participatory Action Research ................................................................................ 5 Theoretical Perspectives ......................................................................................... 7 PAR as Foundational Social Work ......................................................................... 9 Intersectionality and Structural Inequality .............................................................10 Current Manifestations of Structural Racism ........................................................12 Research Questions ................................................................................................13 Methodology ..........................................................................................................14 Discussion ..............................................................................................................16 Summary ................................................................................................................17 References ..............................................................................................................19 2 RACE, POVERTY, AND HOUSING: STRUCTURES SHAPING THE EXPERIENCES OF LOW-INCOME RENTERS WITH REFUGEE AND IMMIGRANT BACKGROUNDS .............................................................................................................23 Abstract ..................................................................................................................23 Introduction ............................................................................................................24 Background ...........................................................................................................25 Community Voices for Housing Equality..............................................................27 Objective ................................................................................................................30 The Intersectionality of Race, Class, and Country of Origin .................................31 National Values ......................................................................................................33 Contemporary Culture ...........................................................................................35 Current Manifestations ..........................................................................................36 Racialized Public Policy and Institutional Practices ..............................................40 Discussion ..............................................................................................................45 Conclusion .............................................................................................................50 References ..............................................................................................................52vii 3 THERE IS AN "ISBAARO": ROADBLOCKS IN THE EXPERIENCES OF LOW-INCOME TENANTS WITH REFUGEE AND IMMIGRANT BACKGROUND...........56 Abstract ................................................................................................................56 Introduction ..........................................................................................................57 Participatory Action Research ..............................................................................58 The Overlap of Two Worlds ................................................................................60 The Experience of Low-Income Renters ..............................................................62 Current Policy .......................................................................................................64 Community Voices for Housing Equality ............................................................66 Methodology.........................................................................................................69 Critical Race Theory.............................................................................................73 Key Findings ........................................................................................................75 Discussion.............................................................................................................86 Action ...................................................................................................................90 References ............................................................................................................95 4 PAR AS FOUNDATIONAL SOCIAL WORK: A FRAMEWORK FOR PRACTICE AND RESEARCH OF IMMIGRATION AND RESETTLEMENT.................................98 Abstract.................................................................................................................98 Introduction ..........................................................................................................99 Definition of PAR...............................................................................................101 History of PAR ...................................................................................................103 PAR as Foundational Social Work .....................................................................107 PAR Inquiries of Immigration and Resettlement ...............................................112 Contributions to Social Work Research, Practice, and Education .....................121 Summary.............................................................................................................123 References ..........................................................................................................125 5 CONCLUSION ............................................................................................................129 Community Voices for Housing Equality............................................................130 PAR as Foundational Social Work ......................................................................131 Summary Implications .........................................................................................132 Limitations and Future Research .........................................................................134 Reflection of Researcher Positionality.................................................................135 Conclusion ...........................................................................................................137 References ............................................................................................................139 Appendices A: INSTITUTIONAL REVIEW BOARD MATERIALS ...............................................142 B: FAIR HOUSING EXPO FLYERS .............................................................................156ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS First and foremost, I would like to thank my Community Voices for Housing Equality (CHVE) co-researchers Gilberto Rejon Magana, Abdulkhaliq Mohamed, and Ellie Goldberg. I would also like to thank University Neighborhood Partners (UNP) for providing the space, resources, and oftentimes snacks for the CVHE research team. To my committee, for challenging me, supporting me, and helping me to see things from different angles. Thank you Dr. Aster Tecle, Dr. Caitlin Cahill, Dr. Ruth Gerritsen-McKane, and Dr. David Derezotes. I would like to specially thank my chair, Dr. Rosemarie Hunter, for always keeping me grounded, teaching me the tricks of the trade, and pushing me to write how I think. To my husband Spencer, for helping me enjoy the journey and providing me with consistently sound advice and love.CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION Definition of the Problem Landlords and low-income renters with refugee or immigrant background navigate a relationship moderated by contracts, policy, and systems, with critical outcomes that can increase unplanned mobility in a community. Community Voices for Housing Equality (CVHE) is a participatory action research (PAR) project that developed organically out of residents' increasing sense of urgency surrounding what many perceived to be increasing eviction rates and unfair treatment while renting. We are based in Salt Lake City and our research team is composed of renters and service providers. Utilizing a PAR framework created an opportunity to unearth circuits of injustice, challenge the dominant discourse of low-income renters as the problem, and take action addressing gaps in policy and shifting power back into the hands of community members to increase housing stability. In Salt Lake County, state-run agencies and nonprofits have given significant attention to increasing the number of renters' rights workshops, however, there is a lack of system-level change regarding access to these rights. These assumptions have consistently placed the burden of proving discrimination or unfair treatment on the tenant and done little to prevent unfair treatment or discrimination.2 The context of immigration and resettlement in the United States shapes the experiences of renters with immigrant and refugee background. This context includes individual and community meanings of home and the impact of cultural assumptions on policy. Context includes cultural beliefs and assumptions surrounding immigration and resettlement, locally and nationally (Finn & Jacobson, 2008). Housing, immigration, and resettlement intersect in unique interpretations of home and community. For families who have been uprooted from their homes, making a home has significant meaning. A home may be current physical spaces where a family resides, previous communities in a country of origin, as well as complex migration experiences along the way (Freund, 2015). Making a home includes personal perceptions and experiences as well as a collective community process of creating home in a new community (Freund, 2015). The meaning of home can be influenced by the conditions surrounding immigration and resettlement, shaping an individual's perception of home as having a range of meaning, from home as a placed filled with hope and opportunity to a desire to repatriate and return to the country of origin (Trapp, 2015). Brun (2015) describes home as a "material base for creating agency" for individuals with immigrant and refugee background. The context of immigration and resettlement can also be hostile. Stereotypes have perpetuated rationalization of unfair treatment and lack of access to rights. In Salt Lake City, for example, immigration has been framed around deportation and the construction of physical barriers to keep immigrants out (Cahill, 2010). Policies surrounding immigration and resettlement (e.g., determining immigration status) shape context, and these are informed by underlying assumptions or cultural beliefs. "Policies are, in effect, cultural snapshots framed by particular assumptions of what is true, right, 3 and good" (Finn & Jacobson, 2008, p. 44). Housing experiences, within the context of immigration and resettlement, are shaped by policies that determine the amount and kind of resources to allocate to people who have immigrant and refugee backgrounds. Tenant-landlord law, defined in the Utah Fit Premise Act (outlining habitability requirement) and Utah Code 78B-6-801 (outlining eviction proceedings) place an emphasis on quickly removing uncooperative tenants and includes stringent documentation guidelines (see Utah Code 57-17 and 57-22 for example). Title VIII of the Civil Rights Act of 1968 (Fair Housing Act) is aimed at protecting tenants from discrimination, but does little to prevent discrimination, and discrimination is difficult to prove (powell,1 2008). Renting within the context of immigration and resettlement processes is complex, and the voices of low-income tenants with refugee and immigrant background have been largely left out of housing research. There is a dearth of research centering housing discussions on these experiences, let alone providing a space to challenge dominant discourse surrounding renters with refugee or immigrant background. Given the impact and complexities of renting compounded with immigration and resettlement experiences, Community Voices for Housing Equality (CVHE) utilizes PAR to recognize and describe the experiences of low-income renters with refugee and immigrant backgrounds and amplify these realities and descriptions as central to the housing discussion and necessary for informing change. The complex history surrounding homeownership and segregation illustrates how race and renting have intersected overtime (The Aspen Institute, 2004). The intersection 1 powell intentionally left lowercase at powell's request. 4 of race and renting has mostly been illustrated in housing research by reference to the disproportionate number of renters who are African American, Hispanic, Asian, Pacific Islander, or Native/Alaska Native (HUD, Fall 2012). Utah is a diverse state, with around 60,000 people resettled in 2015 from over 20 countries, with Salt Lake County west side neighborhoods home to the majority of individuals with refugee and immigrant backgrounds (Mai & Schmit, 2013; Utah Department of Workforce Services: Office of Refugee Services, 2015). In Salt Lake County, people of color make up just over 25% of the total population, but account for almost 44% of the poor population (Bureau of Economic and Business Research, 2013). The Fair Housing Equity Assessment (FHEA) highlights the location of racially or ethnically concentrated areas of poverty (RCAP/ECAP), characterized by high concentrations of poor and renting households of color (Bureau of Economic and Business Research, 2013). Importance of the Problem Stable and affordable housing is a major contributor to secure neighborhoods and increases opportunities to improve quality of life (Evans, 2004). For example, stable housing benefits the next generation: If their family has more control over if and when they move, children may have better educational and health outcomes (Cohen & Wardrip, 2011). That being said, mechanisms are not in place to ensure housing is stable for everyone. Most policies and practices around the tenant-landlord relationship are state specific, heavily relying on the tenant and landlord to negotiate; yet tenants and landlords look back to these policies for structure on how to respond to each other. In considering 5 the impact of structural racism and negative national sentiment regarding immigration and resettlement (The Aspen Institute, 2004), a landlord who is responsive to tenants with refugee or immigrant background is not reliable. Lack of responsiveness or willingness to negotiate makes it difficult to integrate the tenant's lived world with a business culture of improving the bottom line. When renters and landlords are unable to negotiate or mediate when issues arise, unnecessary forceful action occurs that increases the rate of eviction and unplanned mobility (Desmond, 2016). Unplanned mobility, related to heavy cost-burdens of living in unstable housing, poses a risk to children, particularly in education and physical/mental health. Children who move from one school to the next may lose valuable school supports or may feel their parents' stress as a result of the unplanned move (Cohen & Wardrip, 2011; Jelleyman & Spencer, 2008). When families experience multiple unplanned moves, this affects the families themselves as well as the community as a whole. When families are constantly moving, this disturbs the valuable social networks that link community members to resources and social support (Clark, 2010, p. 6). Unplanned mobility is fairly common with low-income households; however, a gap in research exists with regards to understanding the intricacies of the tenant-landlord relationship, specifically regarding immigrant and refugee experiences (Cohen & Wardrip, 2011). Participatory Action Research Community Voices for Housing Equality is a participatory action research project. Participatory action research (PAR) is an epistemological approach to research that situates power in the hands of those experiencing the issue being researched. 6 Appadurai (2006) argues research as a human right, as critical for the "exercise of informed citizenry" (p. 168). Participatory action researchers acknowledge research as a human right, as a tool to amplify the stories and experiences of those typically silenced in social science (Fine, 1992). It brings together people affected by the issues and trained researchers to work in partnership as co-researchers throughout some or all of the research process, from the development of research questions to dissemination of findings (Cahill, 2007; Reason & Bradbury, 2001b). PAR targets systems of inequality as spaces of change (Finn, 1994; Stoudt, 2009). When facilitating PAR, researchers take a strengths-based approach to research, building and strengthening existing networks and capacities within the community (Collie, Liu, Podsiadlowski, & Kindon, 2001). Reason and Bradbury (2001a) point out that action research "seeks to bring together action and reflection, theory and practice, in participation with others, in the pursuit of practical solutions to issues of pressing concern to people, and more generally the flourishing of individual persons and their community" (p. 1). Participatory action research was especially relevant to understanding the experiences of low-income renters with refugee and immigrant backgrounds because of the urgent need to respond to issues related to housing while simultaneously challenging the dominant discourse about low-income renters as a problem. Additionally, PAR provided an opportunity to strengthen existing networks within the fair housing community, as well as between participants as they came to understand how their personal experiences of renting were shared by many. 7 Theoretical Perspectives Grounded theory and Critical Race Theory informed analysis of findings from this participatory action research project. Grounded theory made it possible to examine the under-researched experience of low-income renters with refugee and immigrant background. Additionally, grounded theory led to the incorporation of Critical Race Theory, as issues of race, power, and systemic oppression emerged from the stories of low-income renters with refugee and immigrant background. Grounded Theory The research team took a grounded theory approach to gathering and analyzing data. While there are many interpretations of a grounded theory approach, this study followed a procedure outlined by Charmaz (2006), similar to the work of the originators of grounded theory, Glasser and Strauss. Analysis of data begins early when using a grounded theory approach, as researchers begin to study and compare initial data. From here, codes are developed and memos written describing the emerging researcher insights. As these codes and analytic categories emerge from the data, future focus group guides contain questions that seek to confirm and expand on emerging substantive theories (Charmaz, 2006). Grounded theory, as described by Charmaz (2006), allows analysis and data collection to be a part of one cyclical process as opposed to two separate processes with analysis following data collection in a linear fashion. Methods, described in detail below, included focus groups and a brief questionnaire. An analysis of the data began early in the process as researchers studied and compared initial data. From here, codes were 8 developed and memos written describing emerging researcher insights. As codes and analytic categories emerged, researchers integrated questions into future focus group guides to confirm and expand on substantive theories (Charmaz, 2006). Critical Race Theory Grounded theory typically requires beginning research without facilitating a thorough literature review, to prevent inserting assumptions into interpretation of findings (Charmaz, 2006). As research moves along, however, grounded theory allows for existing theories to find their place in the analysis of gathered data (Charmaz, 2006). In analyzing the first three focus groups, Critical Race Theory (CRT) emerged as a guide to understanding tenants' experiences. Critical Race Theorists study and transform, "the relationship among race, racism, and power" (Delgado & Stefancic, 2012, p. 3). "Critical race theory amplifies everyday experiences of racism and allows for an interpretation of racism as a material benefit to white elites and psychological benefit to working class Caucasians" (Delgado & Stefanicic, 2012, p. 8). CRT brings intersectionality into the analysis, considering the filtering of multiple identities through policy (Crenshaw, 1991). Additionally, CRT allows for situating the experiences of low-income tenants of refugee and immigrant backgrounds within a larger picture of segregation and policy (Kincheloe & McLaren, 2000). Critical Race Theory and PAR have come together to inform the present understanding of PAR as an approach to research that "expands notions of expert knowledge; recognizes that individuals have multiple, overlapping, potentially conflicting 9 identities, loyalties and allegiances; complicates identity categories; and makes the political nature of knowledge production explicit" (Torre, 2009, p. 112). CVHE focus group participants grappled with hopelessness and a tenant-landlord relationship many felt was largely influenced by race. The research team witnessed issues of power and injustice threading their way through stories. We situated the experience of low-income tenants of refugee and immigrant backgrounds within a larger picture of segregation and policy (Kincheloe & McLaren, 2000). PAR as Foundational Social Work Community Voices for Housing Equality is an example of social work research that amplifies social issues by centering the experiences of individuals with refugee and immigrant background in the housing discussion. Social work researchers can utilize participatory action research (PAR) to examine personal and community experiences with immigration and resettlement, but even with a foundation in social justice, social workers engaging in PAR is not common (Branom, 2012; Francisco, 2013). Acknowledging the intersections of social work and PAR and its appropriateness in examining experiences of migration and resettlement can significantly contribute to the field by breaking reliance on top-down research and practice approaches that perpetuate imbalances in power (Branom, 2012). Participatory action research is nested within social work praxis and uniquely suited to the profession (Finn, 1994; Finn & Jacobson, 2008). Possibilities of the integration of PAR and SW in examining experiences of immigration and resettlement include bringing diverse communities together (Torre, 2009), utilizing PAR as a space to 10 develop new subjectivities (Cahill, 2007), engaging in a critical discussion of power evolutions in the PAR process (Healy, 2001; Koirala-Azad, 2009-2010), including an ethic of reciprocity in the PAR process (Maiter, Simich, Jacobson, & Wise, 2008), and community accompaniment within PAR (Finn & Jacobson, 2008; Hall, 2001). Critical PAR holds possibility as a paradigm uniquely suited to engaging in research that unearths circuits of injustice and integrates critical theoretical frameworks throughout the research process (Fox et al., 2010; Torre, Fine, Stoudt, & Fox, 2012). Intersectionality and Structural Inequality Community Voices for Housing Equality (CVHE) is based in Salt Lake City and it was critical for us to focus action research efforts in the community we work and live in. Members of our team have experienced the issues we are researching, and as such the value of reciprocity in research is critical to our process. In other words, the research team not only contributes to the development of valuable knowledge to challenge dominant discourse, but the community itself also benefits from the addition of new action researchers and action that challenges systems of oppression. Salt Lake County is made up of diverse communities of color and the west side in particular is the poorest region of the county and home to a large number of renters who have immigrated or been resettled (Bureau of Economic and Business Research, 2013; Mai & Schmit, 2013; Utah Department of Workforce Services: Office of Refugee Services, 2015). As such, we have targeted our research efforts here. Considering Crenshaw's (1989) analysis of intersectionality and its impact on policy, the experience of low-income tenants with refugee and immigrant background 11 draws from grounds of identity related to race, class, and country of origin. Intersectionality provides a way of thinking about multiple identities and how these intersect with power, considering how different forms of discrimination interact and overlap (Crenshaw, 1989, 2015). For example, in considering the experiences of women of color, race and gender interact to inform discrimination. With regards to the experiences of individuals with refugee and immigrant background, race, class, and country of origin intersect and have been pushed to the margins of fair housing policy. Considering the intersectionality of race, class, and country of origin has significant practice and political implications. Where Crenshaw (1989) has described the filtering of Black women's experiences through analyses that separate race and gender, so too have immigrant experiences been filtered through analyses that ensure their needs will not be addressed (Crenshaw, 1989, p. 150). Structural inequality, related to White ownership of land in the United States, has a deep history that has shaped the current rental market and the emphasis on private property (The Aspen Institute, 2004; HUD, 2013; The Urban Institute, 2013). Housing discrimination, built upon segregation and unequal distributions, has included steering potential homebuyers of color away from predominately White neighborhoods, restricting purchasing power through redlining and withholding information, and showing people of color fewer homes (HUD, 2013; The Urban Institute, 2009). This discrimination has shaped the current trends in homeownership based on race (The Aspen Institute, 2004). The effects of discrimination are perpetuated by policy that does not encourage investment in communities of color (The Aspen Institute, 2004; Joint Center for Housing 12 Studies of Harvard University, 2011). This creates generational patterns of renting in neighborhoods where housing is affordable but opportunity low. The playing field for homeownership is not equal for people who, among other factors, do not have generational homeownership or relevant wealth accumulation (The Aspen Institute, 2004). Current Manifestations of Structural Racism The implications of public policy are an example of the perpetuation of structural racism. Specifically, in the context of housing for individuals with refugee and immigrant background, the allocation of resources for resettlement has not kept pace with the number of individuals who are forcibly displaced from their country of origin (Brown & Scribner, 2014; Capps et al, 2015). In Salt Lake County, this has perpetuated an overcrowded renting environment where stable and affordable housing is difficult to come by, contributing to increased transience among families with refugee and immigrant background (Downen, Perlich, Wood, & Munro, 2012). Tenant-landlord law, influenced by federal and state-specific policy, has done little to prevent unfair treatment of low-income tenants. The Utah Fit Premise Act (passed in 1990) and Utah Code 78B-6-801 contain primary tenant-landlord laws in Utah. The Utah Fit Premise Act outlines conditions landlords and tenants need to maintain in a rental unit and includes the basic rights a tenant is entitled to with regards to maintaining a habitable home. Utah Code 78B-6-801 details the eviction process and describes when and how a landlord may forcibly detain property or enter a home, and outlines the rights tenants have with regards to disputing an eviction. That being said, these laws place an 13 emphasis on quickly removing uncooperative tenants and require stringent documentation guidelines. The Fair Housing Act (FHA) was introduced to quell explicit racial tension in 1968, but not necessarily to address implicit and perpetuating forms of racial discrimination. The FHA puts policies in place that protect some renters and buyers from some forms of discrimination based on tenants' reports of discrimination; however, current issues have been more dynamic, including systemic segregation and inequality in treatment towards renters (powell,2 2008). Tenant/landlord laws have "relied too heavily on complaints from victims of discrimination as the trigger for investigation and action," which has done little to prevent discrimination or unfair treatment of tenants (Turner & Rawlings, 2009, p. 11). Research Questions Given this is what we know to be the first documented research study into the experiences of low-income renters in Salt Lake County, Community Voices for Housing Equality's (CVHE) objective is to recognize and describe the experiences of low-income renters with refugee and immigrant backgrounds on the west side of Salt Lake County. The following research questions were developed through critical dialogues between all members of CVHE. In Salt Lake County, 1) How do participants describe their experiences as low-income renters? 2) What issues with landlords do low-income renters face when renting? 3) How do participants experience landlord responsiveness? 4) What barriers exist for renters to access their rights? 2 powell intentionally left lowercase at powell's request. 14 These questions reflect the understanding of the issue at the start of the research project. Methodology Community Voices for Housing Equality (CVHE) is a participatory action research project composed of a team of four researchers made up of low-income renters and service providers. CVHE used a grounded theory approach to gather and analyze qualitative data. Stakeholders were involved as co-researchers in the development of questions, gathering information, analysis of findings, and action. As CVHE came to interpret the experiences of participants and researchers in this research study, the research team sought to "produce practical, pragmatic knowledge, a bricolage that is cultural and structural, judged by its degree of historical situatedness and its ability to produce praxis or action" (Denzin & Lincoln, 2005, p. 93). In grounded theory research, Cannella and Lincoln (2005) urge us to consider the historical perspective in making meaning of the experiences shared by participants. Incorporating self-reflection with our practice, praxis, was important as the research team examined their own experiences and placed value on their historical position with these experiences as they inform how they interpret or read focus group participant experiences. All CVHE team members completed Collaborative Institutional Training Initiative (CITI) and are certified by the University of Utah Institutional Review Board (IRB) as co-researchers. See Appendix for approved IRB documents. The research team facilitated eight 1-hour focus groups until we reached saturation. Focus groups consisted of between 4 and 10 participants and two facilitators. Forty-eight people participated in focus groups. All participants were individuals of refugee or immigrant background. 15 Sixteen people did not share their country of origin, but those that did were from Argentina, Burma, Iraq, Mexico, and Somalia. Focus groups took place in the community, from a county office boardroom to small mutual assistance offices. Four researchers facilitated focus groups, seven were audio recorded and transcribed. Notes were taken during all focus groups, recording group interactions and emerging themes from focus group conversations. The research team utilized NVivo to organize codes and transcriptions. After analyzing the focus groups, CVHE presented the findings back to community members to ensure findings reflected participant experiences. It is important to note that CVHE chose not to include landlords or owners in this research project at this time, given researchers' understanding that community members may not feel safe sharing experiences with researchers who were also speaking with landlords or owners, out of fear of retaliation, and given our basic understanding of experiences at the time. CVHE made an effort to keep the voices and experiences of tenants at the center of discussions around renting and to amplify these experiences in the dissemination of findings to the community, including targeting landlords and policy-makers as our audience. We also plan for future research to include the experiences of landlords and property owners. As part of the research process, I kept a research journal where I recorded personal reflections throughout the research. I reflected on my personal feelings throughout the process, along with interpretations of what I heard from co-researchers and participants. This research journal helped me make sense of the stories I was hearing in the focus groups. Journaling also served as a coping mechanism for me, to help me process the new, exciting, and somewhat daunting experience of not only facilitating a 16 research collaboration but also building new relationships with my co-researchers. Discussion Community Voices for Housing Equality utilized participatory analysis and identified complex experiences and feelings many felt were related to stereotypes about them. The themes generated from this analysis are described in detail in Chapter 3. Key themes describing the experiences of low-income tenants with refugee and immigrant background include lack of housing options, inhibiting communication, the fine print, language barriers, barriers to accessing and understanding rights, and stereotyping. These experiences came together to inform larger analytic themes of lack of transparency, feelings of hopelessness and powerlessness, and lack of landlord accountability. The focus groups provided the space to not only share experiences but to also construct and amplify new messages related to low-income renters with refugee and immigrant background. Participants intertwined their negotiations of power into their everyday acts of survival to avoid eviction, including maintaining a very clean home, using trusted friends and family as translators, and implementing a grassroots community liaison program. By placing low-income renters at the center of the housing discussion, CVHE uncovers existing assumptions in policy and challenges them. For example, these themes challenge assumptions that rights are accessible to all renters and that policy currently protects renters from unfair treatment. Uncovering these "circuits of injustice" (Fine, 1992) highlights spaces for change that are based on knowledge generated by community members themselves. In response to findings that highlight barriers to accessing rights, 17 CVHE pulled fair housing service providers together and organized a Fair Housing Expo. At this expo fair housing providers networked, engaged in dialogue about CVHE, and community residents had access to pro bono lawyers to discuss existing issues they were facing while renting. See Appendix B for the Fair Housing Expo flyer. Summary Community Voices for Housing Equality is an example of what happens when social workers engage in participatory action research. Not only do findings inform social work practice with landlords and renters with refugee and immigrant background, but they also provide a concrete example of how social work research can amplify the voices of those typically silenced in objective research. While CVHE is clearly place-based research, these experiences are not coincidental. These experiences and feelings are part of a larger structure of racism and systemic racism, including a complex intersectionality of race, class, and country of origin. For example, mainstream media perpetuates stereotyping that many participants felt on a personal level, such as assumptions regarding a renter's immigration status based on their race. The disproportionate rates of homeownership for people of color are tied to a larger system of housing discrimination. Participatory action research provides the space for social workers to engage in these larger discussions that move the personal to the political. As such, it is important for social workers to engage in critical participatory action research (PAR) as a way to inform practice, research, and education, particularly in the context of immigration and resettlement. Critical PAR creates a space to understand and analyze where and how personal experiences are tied to political structures, and uses the 18 research space to generate action. Article 2 describes how participant experiences from Community Voices for Housing Equality (CVHE) relate to a larger system that maintains racism in the housing market. Article 3 describes CVHE in detail, centering the voices and experiences of individuals with refugee and immigrant backgrounds in the housing discussion. Article 4 shapes the argument as to how PAR is a foundational framework for social work. 19 References Appadurai, A. (2006). The right to research. Globalisation, Societies, and Education, 4(2), 167-177. The Aspen Institute (2004). Structural racism and community building. Queenstown, Maryland: The Aspen Institute. Branom, C. (2012). Community-based participatory research as a social work research and intervention approach. Journal of Community Practice, 20, 260-273. Brown, A. & Scribner, T. (2014). Unfulfilled promises, future possibilities: The refugee resettlement system in the United States. Journal of Migration and Human Security, 2(2), 101-120. Brun, C. (2015). 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Handbook of qualitative research (pp. 81-95). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Capps, R., Newland, K., Fratzke, S., Groves, S., Auclair, G., Fix, M., & McHugh, M. (2015). Integrating refugees in the United States: The successes and challenges of resettlement in a Global Context. Statistical Journal of IAOS, 31, 341-367. DOI: 10.3233/SJI-150918. Charmaz, K. (2006). Constructing grounded theory: A practical guide through qualitative analysis. Thousand Oaks: Sage Publications. Clark, S. (2010). Housing instability: Toward a better understanding of frequent residential mobility among America's urban poor. Retrieved from Center for 20 Housing Policy website http://www2.nhc.org/child_mobility.html Cohen, R. & Wardrip, K. (2011). Should I stay or should I go? Exploring the effects of housing instability and mobility on children. Retrieved from Center for Housing Policy website: http://www2.nhc.org/child_mobility.html Collie, P., Liu, J., Podsiadlowski, A., & Kindon, S. (2010). 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In L. Sherrod, J. Torney-Puta, & C. Flanagan (Eds.), Handbook of research and policy on civic engagement with youth, (621-650). Hoboken, NJ: Wiley. Francisco, V. (2013). "Ang ating lisang Kuwento" our collective story: Migrant Filipino workers and participatory action research. Action Research, 12(1), 78-93. Freund, A. (2015). Transnationalizing home in Winnipeg: Refugees' stories of the places between the ‘here-and-there.' Canadian Ethnic Studies, 47(1), 61-86. Hall, B. L. (2001). I wish there were a poem of practices of participatory research. In P. Reason & H. Bradbury (Eds.), Handbook of action research: Participative inquiry and practice, (171-178). London: Sage Publications. Healy, K. (2001). Participatory action research and social work: A critical appraisal. International Social Work, 44(1), 93-105. Jelleyman, T. & Spencer, N. (2008). Residential mobility in childhood and health outcomes: A systematic review. Journal of Epidemiology Community Health, 62, 584-592. DOI: 10.1136/jech.2007.060103 Joint Center for Housing Studies of Harvard University. (2011). America's rental housing: Meeting challenges, building on opportunities. Cambridge, MA. Kincheloe, J.L. & McLaren, P. (2000). Rethinking critical theory and qualitative research. In N.K. Denzin & Y.S. Lincoln (Eds.), Handbook of qualitative research (pp. 279-313). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Koirala-Azad, S. (2009-2010). Exploring the intersection of philanthropy, research, and scholarship in a third world context. Social Justice, 36(4), 84-97. Mai, T. & Schmit, K. (2013). Creating political and social spaces for transcultural community integration. In J. Hou (Ed.), Transcultural cities: Border crossing and placemaking (pp. 207-221). New York: Routledge. Maiter, S., Simich, L., Jacobson, N., & Wise, J. (2008). Reciprocity: An ethic for community-based participatory action research. Action Research, 6(3), 305-325. powell, j. a. (2008). Reflections on the Past, Looking to the future; The Fair Housing Act at 40. Indiana Law Review, 41, 605-627. Reason, P., & Bradbury, H. (2001a). Introduction: Inquiry and participation in search of a world worthy of human aspiration. In P. Reason & H. Bradbury (Eds.), Handbook of action research: Participative inquiry and practice, (pp. 1-14). London: Sage Publications. 22 Reason, P., & Bradbury, H. (2001b). Preface. In P. Reason & H. Bradbury (Eds.), Handbook of action research: Participative inquiry and practice, (pp. xxiii-xxxi). London: Sage Publications. Stoudt, B. (2009). The role of language and discourse in the investigation of privilege: Using participatory action research to discuss theory, develop methodology, and interrupt power. Urban Review, 41, 7-28. DOI: 10.1007/s11256-008-0093-y Torre, M.E. (2009). Participatory action research and critical race theory: Fueling spaces for nos-otras to research. The Urban Review, 41, 106-120. Torre, M.E., Fine, M., Stoudt, B. & Fox, M. (2012). Critical participatory action research as public science. In Camic, P. & Cooper, H. (Eds.). The handbook of qualitative research in psychology: Expanding perspectives in methodology and design (2nd ed.), (pp. 171-184). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. Trapp, M. M. (2015). Already in America: Transnational homemaking among Liberian refugees. Refuge, 31(1), 31-41. Turner, M. A., & Rawlings, L. (2009). Promoting neighborhood diversity: Benefits, barriers, and strategies. Retrieved from The Urban Institute website: http://www.urban.org/research/publication/promoting-neighborhood-diversity-benefits-barriers-and-strategies United States Census Bureau (2013). American Housing Survey. Retrieved from http://nlihc.org/involvement/residents.census.gov/programs-surveys/ahs/tech-documentation/ahs-definitions--errors--historical-changes--and-sample-design--.html U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (2013). Housing discrimination against racial and ethnic minorities. Washington, DC: Office of Policy Development and Research. Utah Department of Workforce Services: Office of Refugee Services (2015). Refugee Services Division. Retrieved from https://jobs.utah.gov/department/refugee.html CHAPTER 2 RACE, POVERTY, AND HOUSING: STRUCTURES SHAPING THE EXPERIENCES OF LOW-INCOME RENTERS WITH REFUGEE AND IMMIGRANT BACKGROUND Abstract Housing is never neutral. It is situated within complex intersections of race and poverty, unique for people who have immigrated or been resettled in the United States. Community Voices for Housing Equality (CVHE), a participatory action research group, examines the historical and sociopolitical structures affecting housing with populations of immigrant or refugee background. We situated the experience of low-income tenants of refugee and immigrant background within a larger picture of racial equity, segregation, and policy (The Aspen Institute, 2004; Kincheloe & McLaren, 2000). CVHE considers the intersectionality of race, class, and country of origin as it informs participants' everyday lived experiences as low-income tenants with refugee and immigrant background. The Aspen Institute's (2004) Structural Racism and Community Building provided a framework to develop a structural analysis of low-income renters' experience, particularly in the context of immigration and resettlement (The Aspen Institute, 2004; Crenshaw, 1989). This framework examines the context, current manifestations, and 24 outcomes of structural racism (The Aspen Institute, 2004). Considerations for social work practice are discussed, along with recommendations for policy. Introduction Low-income tenants with refugee and immigrant background navigate a complex housing experience at the intersection of race and poverty. Community Voices for Housing Equality (CVHE), a participatory action research (PAR) group, examines the historical and sociopolitical structures affecting housing with populations of immigrant and refugee background. The current rental market demonstrates the strain between a market-driven economy and the needs of low-income renters (Desmond, 2016; Joint Center for Housing Studies of Harvard, 2011). The availability of stable, maintained, and affordable housing is hindered by lack of subsidies for the development of new multifamily homes or the upkeep of aging rentals (Joint Center for Housing Studies of Harvard, 2011). This creates tension, as what is profitable for investors becomes a hardship for low-income renters. CVHE intentionally uses the language of "individuals of refugee and immigrant background" as a way to signify the dynamic experience of resettlement and immigration, inclusive of individual subjectivities. It is our hope that bringing the experiences of individuals with refugee and immigrant background to the forefront of housing conversations will shift the politically singular story of low-income tenants, specifically with regards to the tenant-landlord relationship. Due to imbalances of power, low-income renters occupy some of the most vulnerable spaces, related to risks of homelessness and the negative impact of unplanned mobility (Salt Lake City 25 Corporation, 2013). Background Structural inequality, related to White ownership of land in the United States, has a deep history that has shaped the current rental market. This brief summary of history as it has contributed to the current rental market cannot fully cover the intricacies of systemic racism or national injustices that took place and continue to shape structural racism. The consequences of destructive dominance and oppression have created a homeownership rate disproportionately represented by White people and a large rental market made up of low-income communities of color (HUD, Fall, 2012). European dominance of Native American land in the 15th century initiated a pattern of segregation and White ownership and power. This possession was characterized by genocide of millions of Native Americans as European, White settlers forcibly relocated Native Americans, declared the land their own, and their culture the center of power, all under the auspice of manifest destiny (Krenn, 2006; Nightingale, 2012). Upon taking over Native land and setting up dominant White European culture, settlers controlled immigration, albeit during an industrial boom when labor was needed. Ironically enough, those spearheading efforts to halt immigration called themselves ‘nativists,' although many of them were newly settled themselves (Nightingale, 2012). With the passing of Plessy v. Ferguson in 1896 segregation was formalized as separate but equal establishments (Nightingale, 2012). This was largely ineffective because physical divisions perpetuate psychological divisions, which generate assumptions that inform policies mandating the distribution of opportunity and resources 26 (The Aspen Institute, 2004). Together, these divisions perpetuated racism and inequality (The Aspen Institute, 2004). Southern Jim Crow laws separated neighborhoods and the divide between establishments grew into a divide between neighborhoods, formalized with policy in the south (Nightingale, 2012). Housing discrimination, built upon segregation and unequal distributions, has included steering potential homebuyers of color away from predominately White neighborhoods, restricting purchasing power through redlining and withholding information, and showing people of color fewer homes (HUD, 2013; The Urban Institute, 2009). This discrimination has shaped current trends in homeownership based on race (The Aspen Institute, 2004). In the late 1970s, Salt Lake City was accused of "rampant redlining", and while redlining was never proven, "investigators believed redlining was a fact" (Phillips & Autman, 1994). Going forward, investment continued to focus on the east side, contributing to the divide between east- and west-side neighborhoods in Salt Lake County (Phillips & Autman, 1994). During a recent presentation to developers, property managers, and affordable housing advocates, the CVHE team heard from local audience members who felt redlining and discrimination were obsolete in Salt Lake City, while others in the audience argued against this, pointing out that these practices are covert. The audience's reaction is indicative of how discrimination has become sophisticated over time and also points to the current perceptions of some power players in the housing market, namely developers and property owners. Assumptions that housing discrimination is obsolete support the national values of meritocracy, individualism, and equal opportunity, which in turn perpetuate structural racism in the housing market (Aspen Institute, 2004). 27 Salt Lake County is diverse with strengths and assets; however, poverty and homeownership are greatly determined by race. Neighborhoods are segregated and opportunity (defined by indicators such as school proficiency, poverty, and access to employment) is stifled (Salt Lake City Corporation, 2013). Homeownership rates also illustrate an imbalance in opportunity, as people of color are less likely to own their homes (Salt Lake City Corporation, 2013). Communities of color make up just over 25% of the county's total population, yet account for almost 44% of the poor (Bureau of Economic and Business Research, 2013). Given disproportionate poverty and low homeownership rates, it comes as no surprise that the risk of homelessness and severe cost-burden are correlated with being any race other than White (Salt Lake City Corporation, 2013). Homeownership is a major avenue for wealth and the effects of discrimination are perpetuated by policy that does not encourage investment in communities of color (The Aspen Institute, 2004; Joint Center for Housing Studies of Harvard University, 2011). This creates generational patterns of renting in neighborhoods where housing is affordable but opportunity low. The playing field for homeownership is not equal for people who, among other factors, do not have generational homeownership or relevant wealth accumulation (The Aspen Institute, 2004). Community Voices for Housing Equality Community Voices for Housing Equality, a participatory action research project, examines experiences of low-income renters with refugee or immigrant background in Salt Lake County. We are based in Salt Lake City and our research team is composed of 28 renters and service providers. This research team came together over the course of two years by way of one researcher's experience as a social work graduate assistant at the University Neighborhood Partners (UNP) Hartland Partnership Center. The UNP Hartland Partnership Center is a partnership between the University of Utah and west side neighborhoods in Salt Lake City. In this shared space, community residents, local nonprofits, and higher education faculty, staff, and students come together to form partnerships that build off community strengths and address community-identified needs. Social workers from the University of Utah are on site at the Hartland Partnership Center and in addition to carrying a caseload also work with community residents on an as-needed basis. Over the course of two years, UNP community leaders and local service providers came forward describing negative interactions between landlords and tenants that many felt were as a result of stereotyping individuals with immigrant and refugee backgrounds. For example, tenants described feeling taken advantage of when a landlord stereotyped them as undocumented and assumed they did not have, or know how to access, rights. The CVHE researchers came together as a result of expressed concern regarding experiences of renters with refugee or immigrant background. The research team is made up of community residents and social workers who have lived or worked in this community for over two years, advocating for renters as they faced involuntary moves and perceived unfair landlord practices. Two of us are renters in the area and we, or our loved ones, have directly experienced these interactions. CVHE observed refugee and immigrant communities coming together to discuss housing experiences and work with each other to find solutions. We felt focus groups would be the best way to amplify 29 experiences to inform action. The experiences of individuals with refugee and immigrant background are unique, so we found it important to hear from different people, including Somali, Spanish, and English speakers with lengths of time in the United States ranging from 2-35 years. Our intent was to facilitate a research project that would illustrate the experiences of individuals with refugee and immigrant background to have direct practice and research implications for our community. Using a grounded theory approach to research and analysis, the research team conducted a qualitative study, facilitating eight, 1-hour focus groups, until we reached saturation. Forty-eight people participated in the focus groups and all participants were individuals of refugee or immigrant background. Sixteen people did not share their country of origin, but those that did were from Argentina, Burma, Iraq, Mexico, and Somalia. Community Voices for Housing Equality chose not to include landlords or owners this research project at this time, given researchers' understanding that community members may fear retaliation for sharing experiences with researchers who were also speaking with landlords or owners. CVHE made an effort to keep the voices and experiences of tenants at the center of discussions around renting and to amplify these experiences in the dissemination of findings to the community, including targeting landlords and policy-makers as our audience. We also plan for future research to include the experiences of landlords and property owners. We facilitated focus groups in diverse settings, from large county office boardrooms to 1-room mutual assistance offices. CVHE engaged in participatory content analysis, identifying codes as critical components of the experiences of tenants with refugee and immigrant background. Key themes describing the experiences of low-30 income tenants with refugee and immigrant background, included lack of housing options, inhibiting communication, the fine print, language barriers, barriers to accessing and understanding rights, and stereotyping. These experiences came together to inform larger analytic themes of lack of transparency, feelings of hopelessness and powerlessness, and lack of landlord accountability. While low-income tenants with refugee and immigrant background described a large power imbalance, they also described unique negotiations of power and critiques of policy that were used to inform political recommendations for social action. There were two shifts that occurred in our analysis: moving from personal to local and from local to global. Moving our findings from personal experiences to a more shared, local experience seemed more evident to CVHE, because we know our community, the tenants, landlords, advocates, and lawyers. Moving from the local to global proved more challenging for us. The structural (i.e., location and housing) and systemic (i.e., policy and culture) forces at play that have shaped our experiences were harder to uncover and had us asking a lot of questions of situations and scenarios we had become accustomed to. These structural and cultural forces are the focus of this article. Uncovering larger systems at play in the local community led us to a discussion of structural racism. Objective Community Voices for Housing Equality (CVHE) learned from tenants who grappled with power, hopelessness, and a tenant-landlord relationship many felt was largely influenced by race. The research team witnessed issues of power and justice 31 threading their way through stories, informing our critical theoretical framework. We situated the experience of low-income tenants of refugee and immigrant background within a larger picture of racial equity, segregation, and policy (The Aspen Institute, 2004; Kincheloe & McLaren, 2000). CVHE overlaid the lens of intersectionality with the Aspen Institute's (2004) Structural Racism and Community Building framework to guide us through a structural analysis (The Aspen Institute, 2004; Crenshaw, 1989). This framework examines the context, current manifestations, and outcomes of structural racism (The Aspen Institute, 2004). The Intersectionality of Race, Class, and Country of Origin Salt Lake County is made up of diverse communities of color. The west side of Salt Lake County is the poorest region of the county and home to a large number of renters who have immigrated or been resettled (Bureau of Economic and Business Research, 2013; Mai & Schmit, 2013). Considering Crenshaw's (1989, 1991) analysis of intersectionality and its impact on policy, the experience of low-income tenants with refugee and immigrant background draws from grounds of identity related to race, class, and country of origin. Intersectionality provides a way of thinking about multiple identities and how these intersect with power, considering how different forms of discrimination interact and overlap (Crenshaw, 1989, 2015). These identities intersect and have been pushed to the margins of fair housing policy. Considering the intersectionality of race, class, and country of origin has significant practice and political implications. Where Crenshaw (1989) has described the filtering of Black women's experiences 32 through a singular lends of race or gender, so too have low-income tenants with refugee and immigrant background been filtered through a singular lens of class, race, or country of origin. Policies aimed at low-income renters miss the unique experiences of low-income renters with refugee and immigrant background, the unique intersection of race, country of origin, and class. For example, focusing only on the impact of class ignores discrimination based on race and the particular experiences of individuals from specific countries of origin. That being said, policy that generalizes the experience of individuals with refugee and immigrant status can lead to stereotyping, and leave out unique needs based on country of origin and class. CVHE demonstrates how the specific experience of low-income renters with refugee and immigrant background, the intersectionality of race, class, and country of origin, creates a unique power imbalance between tenants and landlords and has policy implications. Immigrant experiences, as they intersect with a low-income class in the tenant-landlord relationship, are broader than the general categories of race and country of origin defined in the Fair Housing Act. The Fair Housing Act protects against housing discrimination with regards to race and country of origin, but does not provide protection for discrimination based on the intersectionality of these two factors. For example, participants described racial discrimination against the low-income Latino population who had been stereotyped as undocumented and unable to access rights. If a landlord does not systematically discriminate against Latinos, but rather only against those perceived to be new to the U.S. or low-income, it is necessary to analyze the intersectionality of race, class, and country of origin to prove discrimination. Political ignorance with regards to differences within groups of individuals with 33 immigrant and refugee background has led to a lack of protection in tenant-landlord policy, and has created tensions within immigrant and refugee communities, as predicted by Crenshaw (1989). People who have immigrated or been resettled in the United States have largely been referred to as "immigrant" or "refugee" regardless of how long they have lived in the United States or their country of origin. This clumping of identities created tensions as participants set their own needs apart. Participants talked about levels of privilege within their personal communities, where privilege is assigned to communities who have resettled legally, speak English, or have prior experience navigating a culture similar to the one reflected in policy. As Miguel put it, That's my case, I'm here, and I'm one of the double person. Let me see…I can speak English better than a lot of my community people and I have that gift. Then can you believe what would be the cases of other people, who know nothing about that? This intersectionality of class, race, and country of origin has generated uneven ground for low-income renters of refugee or immigrant background. National Values Assumptions that inform policy are fostered based on American values of meritocracy, individualism, and equal opportunity. The structural racism perspective challenges these assumptions, taking into consideration historical context and unequal group outcomes (The Aspen Institute, 2004). In the context of low-income renters' experiences, meritocracy, individualism, and equal opportunity are illustrated in the assumption that everyone can work harder, get better paying jobs, and find safer, more stable homes for themselves. Similarly, there is an assumption that people have, or can get, jobs that will allow them time to navigate the legal system. For communities of 34 color, especially with the intersection of race, country of origin, and class, the ability to gain upward mobility in employment is made more difficult given the lack of quality work and opportunity in the neighborhoods where housing is affordable. Anis shares, "In America, people say, there is… always running to and from work. We are always running to make ends meet, but we are not making enough money to meet our needs." CVHE focus group participants shared that accessing legal representation when dealing with tenant-landlord issues is urgent and costly, dependent on being able to afford your own and/or have an understanding or flexible boss. Pro bono lawyers are available but largely dependent on lawyer schedules. Low-income renters may be working lower paying jobs with inflexible schedules. As a result, CVHE participants did not feel they could access rights and felt powerless in the tenant-landlord relationship. While they may feel less powerful than their landlords, they do play a part in shaping the relationship and negotiations with the landlord. Sanda shared, They [Landlords] have their own attorneys, they have their own lawyer. For me to get a lawyer is a task of a week. I need to have a holiday. I need to find people, and…they have their own lawyer. Housing research points to the detrimental effect of forced mobility on child development, yet renters are encouraged to leave if they do not like the conditions of an apartment (Jelleyman & Spencer, 2008; Utah State Courts, 2013). Additionally, the availability of affordable housing is lacking and in Salt Lake County, and communities of color tend to have lager families, making finding affordable rentals even more difficult (Salt Lake City Corporation, 2013). This lack of availability contributes to renters' feelings of being stuck, and the option to leave an undesirable or unfair living situation becomes a privilege for those lucky enough to find a new place to move. 35 Contemporary Culture Structural racism takes into consideration current sentiment towards racial minorities, which is especially important when considering how tenant-landlord policy is dependent on a civil relationship between the tenant and landlord. Current sentiment often shows itself in the media (The Aspen Institute, 2004). In Salt Lake County, signs of racial discrimination are advertised on billboards. Consider the recent billboard advertising a dating sight called, "Where White People Meet" (McFall, 2016). When local news stations questioned the owner, they stated, "It was not racially motivated at all." Consider the article in relation to coaches' concerns regarding lack of response from officials when players of color were taunted with racial slurs (Phibbs, 2016). The content of these stories illustrates existing racism; however, the local paper's lack of dissent is just as indicative of the current culture of racism, guiding its readers towards lackadaisical interpretation. At the time of this writing, over half of U.S. governors were in support of not accepting Syrian refugees, fueling fear-based hate towards a particularly vulnerable population (Fantz & Brumfield, 2015). Information regarding the correlation between refugee status and terrorist affiliation permeated its way through American culture as fear and racism (Fantz & Brumfield, 2015). Utah Governor Herbert went against the grain and agreed to continue to accept Syrian refugees (Canham, 2016). The political statement was welcomed; however, it is very difficult to systematically remove the "bits of information" our community received from anti-Syrian media (The Aspen Institute, 2004). CVHE participants talked about landlord assumptions about their race or 36 immigration status and how this informed landlord response. As Natasha said: I find that landlords, when they hear my accent, they assume immediately that I am undocumented, that I am not educated, and that I would not go…do not know my rights. And they mistreat me and don't do the right thing. Cahill, Quijada, and Bradley (2010) found similar evidence of this in their research with youth, critically analyzing the impact of anti-immigrant values on Salt Lake City youth. Mestizo, Arts, and Activism, a youth participatory action research group, amplified these experiences of racism and oppression, speaking to personal experiences shaped by racialized policy built on "racist, xenophobic rhetoric" (Cahill, Quijada, and Bradley, 2010). The manifestation of current sentiment into racialized policies that limit housing options and access to rights has led to hopelessness for low-income renters with refugee or immigrant background. CVHE participants spoke about experiences where they've done all they could and eventually gave up large deposits or paid unsubstantiated fees. Moe shared, The main thing that is happening is landlords…they think that refugees come up with cockroaches. They bring bugs and there are so many families that have been made to pay for all those things and even if they clean that carpet well and they leave it as it was when they come in, they have paid thousands of dollars. This current feeling contributes to stereotyping, ignores unique or individual experiences, and perpetuates stigma. Current Manifestations Efforts have been made to eliminate the effects of structural racism; including passing the Fair Housing Act (FHA) to protect from housing discrimination and incentivizing the development of affordable housing with the Low-Income Housing Tax 37 Credit and HOME Investment Partnership Program (Joint Center for Housing Studies of Harvard University, 2015; HOME Investment Partnership Program: U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, 2016; Low Income Housing Tax Credit: U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, 2016). That being said, the tailings of historical racism can still be felt today and these policies are not enough to create a level playing field in housing (Aspen Institute, 2004; Joint Center for Housing Studies of Harvard University, 2015). Racism is maintained in current mindsets and physical divides, referred to as psychological and physical sorting (The Aspen Institute, 2004). Racial sorting manifests itself in segregation, and psychological sorting leads to the social and cultural processes that perpetuate stereotyping (The Aspen Institute, 2004). Community mapping has produced visualizations based on characteristics of communities and enabled us to actually see the effects of physical sorting in Salt Lake County (Bureau of Economic and Business Research, 2013). Racially or ethnically concentrated areas of poverty (RCPA/ECAP) show that not only is poverty disproportionately affecting communities of color, but also that poverty is concentrated in specific areas and segregation exists in Salt Lake County (Bureau of Economic and Business Research, 2013). Given that communities of color are disproportionately affected by poverty and make up a large portion of renters in the ECAP/RCAPs, it is clear that communities of color make up most of the low-income renter population in Salt Lake County, and are systematically confined to live in specific areas (Bureau of Economic and Business Research, 2013). While full of diversity and community-generated assets, these neighborhoods are low on the HUD defined opportunity index (Salt Lake City 38 Corporation, 2013). The opportunity index (OI) includes school proficiency, job access, and labor market engagement, and a low OI, while not deterministic, indicates a difficult environment to take advantage of opportunities (Salt Lake City Corporation, 2013). While some CVHE participants take pride in the community's strength, resiliency, and grassroots organizing, they recognize there are some systems fighting against them. By acknowledging these low opportunity indices, we can begin to challenge the mentality that regardless of where a person lives, equal opportunity exists. Given the role that segregation plays in maintaining systems of oppression and limiting personal control over circumstances, many low-income renters, particularly individuals with refugee or immigrant background, find themselves stuck while simultaneously navigating this power-imbalanced relationship. Participants articulated this as feeling stuck in a powerless relationship with a landlord. Given participants are describing elements of survival in to maintain basic housing, powerlessness seemed to be amplified, yet situated alongside the necessity of survival. As Geyre put it, "Always the landlord has the power. And it's not even like normal power. It's like power above power, because the tenant has to have this [home]. It's a must for the tenant." While tenants acknowledged these feelings of powerlessness, their stories of survival highlight critical negotiations of power to avoid eviction and unplanned mobility. Palo shared, "There is the case that there is somebody in the community that will walk with you towards the management and try to translate or talk for you." In addition to going to friends for translation, participants talked about maintaining very clean homes, utilizing traditional remedies for pest control, and relying on their community for support in an effort to avoid eviction. 39 Segregation, or physical sorting, also contributes to the perpetuation of psychological sorting, labeling of the "other" (The Aspen Institute, 2004). "When groups do not interact, their perception of one another is less likely to be based on personal experience and more likely to be informed by hearsay, media portrayals, and cultural stereotypes" (The Aspen Institute, 2004, p. 24). Stereotyping manifests itself in the tenant-landlord relationship in many ways, such as impacting the development of affordable housing and providing justification for unfair treatment of tenants. With regards to the development of affordable housing, negative stereotypes surrounding the development of affordable housing in high-opportunity neighborhoods can hinder progress (Tighe, 2012). This is often referred to as the "Not In My Backyard" (NIMBY) opposition (Tighe, 2012). This NIMBY opposition has a history on the west side of Salt Lake City. One racially charged community councilman's approach to governing reflects racial stereotyping and possible effects of lack of interaction. "We're tired of all this Spanish stuff coming in that I can't read the names on the doors. It's starting to look like Tijuana in my area. It's not setting well with people" (Salt Lake Tribune, 7/29/2000). His words are dangerous and amplified by the media. Messages like this permeate the minds of people around the county. This councilman went on to make a hard push for outside investment and industry to come in to the community, ignoring community input and existing assets. This not only reflects racism in Salt Lake City, but also how racism can affect development in communities of color, especially if people of color are not in leadership or decision-making roles. Community Voices for Housing Equality participants echoed the experience of 40 stereotyping as it was felt in their day-to-day interactions with landlords. They described moments when they felt stereotyped as undocumented or dirty because they had immigrated or been resettled in the community. Sanda shared, "They [landlords] don't respond. They think the bugs and cockroaches come with the refugees." This stereotyping is perpetuated in the media. For example, individuals of refugee status immigrate to the United States from many countries, including Muslim countries such as Iraq, Somalia, and Sudan. Rousseau, Hassan, Moreau, and Thombs (2011) point out that after the September 11 attacks, Arab Muslims' perception of discrimination and psychological distress increased. In addition to this, current statements from governors and presidential candidates have accelerated fears and stigma. These harsh and ignorant statements have infected perceptions of low-income tenants with refugee background and contribute to a strained tenant-landlord relationship, leaving tenants of color feeling hopeless and powerless. One participant shared, "That's the feeling you get. I mean…you know you're right but you're being treated wrong. You know you're right but you can't do anything about it." Racialized Public Policy and Institutional Practices The Utah Fit Premise Act (passed in 1990) and Utah Code 78B-6-801 contain primary tenant/landlord laws in Utah. The Utah Fit Premise Act outlines conditions landlords and tenants need to maintain in a rental unit and includes the basic rights a tenant is entitled to with regards to maintaining a habitable home. Utah Code 78B-6-801 details the eviction process and describes when and how a landlord may forcibly detain property or enter a home, and outlines the rights tenants have with regards to disputing an 41 eviction. These policies place an emphasis on quickly removing uncooperative tenants and require stringent documentation guidelines. Regardless of the dearth of stable and affordable housing in Salt Lake City, renters are still encouraged to "vote with their feet" while maintaining a civil relationship with their landlord (Utah State Courts, 2013). If a tenant is not satisfied with an application fee, late fees, or landlord response time, it is assumed they can move out under the terms of their lease agreement. That being said, the tenant must know how to document interactions with the landlord, in a very specific way that holds the landlord accountable and helps the tenant avoid eviction, legal fees, and tarnished credit. The Federal Fair Housing Act (FHA) was originally introduced to quell explicit racial tension in 1968, but not necessarily to address implicit and perpetuating forms of racial discrimination. The FHA protects renters and buyers from some forms of discrimination; however, current issues have been more dynamic, including systemic segregation and inequality in treatment towards renters (powell,3 2008). A recent Supreme Court decision found that disparate impact claims can be upheld in court under the Fair Housing Act, regardless of evidence of discriminatory intentions, and relying more on statistical evidence or other evidence (Texas Department of Housing and Community Affairs v. Inclusive Communities Project, Inc., 2015). This could have significant implications in Salt Lake County, where a recent affordable development unit has been approved for construction on the west side. A local nonprofit focused on affordable housing and neighborhood revitalization has become a leader in generating conversations around the need to expand affordable housing options across the county 3 powell intentionally left lowercase at powell's request. 42 (Smart, 2016). The Fair Housing Act and Utah tenant-landlord law have long been assumed to address discrimination; however, barriers to accessing rights have contributed to lack of protection for low-income renters of refugee or immigrant background. CVHE participants have identified barriers to accessing rights as a major concern in holding landlords accountable for what they see as unfair treatment. The FHA and tenant/landlord law have "relied too heavily on complaints from victims of discrimination as the trigger for investigation and action" (Turner & Rawlings, 2009, p. 11). Documenting and proving wrongdoing is difficult. Policies require available and sometimes costly legal services to prove wrongdoing, due in part to the fact that landlords are not required to participate in mediation, a more accessible and cost-effective form of dispute resolution. Arthur illustrates, That's not only a matter of language, but it's a matter of how long you can involve in a case like this…I have gone to my case worker, we've been to IRC, then we've been to DLC, then I just got off the phone with the labor union. So, by the time, will I be able to continue to battle with him or keep doing that? No one would, I believe, because we have work. I have two babies. With a high proportion of renters in Salt Lake County severely cost-burdened, relying on the outcome of a time-intensive court battle is not an option (Salt Lake City Corporation, 2013). The risk of losing an eviction court case may outweigh the possible benefit of winning. This does little to prevent discrimination or unfair treatment of tenants, and places a heavy burden on the work of nonprofits to meet the needs of low-income renters. It will be interesting to see if the new Supreme Court plays a role in preventing housing discrimination by expanding the location of affordable options. In addition to the Fair Housing Act and Utah tenant-landlord law, policy regulates 43 the distribution of resources for refugee resettlement, rental assistance, and neighborhood investment. The lack of funding in these areas is felt in the everyday experiences of low-income renters with refugee and immigrant background. The number of individuals of refugee and immigrant background is growing, but the allocation of resources is not keeping up (Brown & Scribner, 2014; Capps et al, 2015). When individuals with refugee status are initially resettled in Salt Lake County, some do not have an option on where they can live and oftentimes, agencies choose apartments based primarily on affordability rather than habitability. Affordability relies heavily on resources allocated to refugee resettlement. Given the scarcity of affordable units in Salt Lake County, resettlement agencies' options are limited. Anis points out, When I signed the year lease, I went back to the home and I looked around the house was a mess. Everywhere broken, a lot of things were broken. And I talked to the case manager about the issue and they said, ‘We could not find another apartment for you. This is all we could find.' And I was forced to live in that apartment in that condition. And my lease ended a year, and I was forced to sign another year because I cannot afford to move out… In addition to the lack of funding towards refugee resettlement, housing assistance is also losing ground. Housing assistance is not an entitlement, which has led to an increase in eligible families who do not receive housing assistance (Desmond, 2015; The Joint Center for Housing Studies of Harvard University, 2015). Only 1 in 4 households who are eligible for assistance receive this (The Joint Center for Housing Studies of Harvard University, 2015). Many participants talked about being on long waiting lists for section 8 housing vouchers in Utah and it preventing them from leaving precarious housing situations. As Kern shared, with regards to a neighbor who was experiencing unsubstantiated water usage charges, "I told the lady, ‘Can you move out of that apartment?' ‘No, it will take me longer [to receive] section 8 housing' So I am like, 44 helpless." Housing assistance could increase housing options and prevent unplanned mobility, but the allocation of funding is not enough. Policy has also perpetuated a lack of investment in affordable housing (The Joint Center for Housing Studies of Harvard University, 2015). Communities living together supports strong social networks, which are important for new communities of refugee and immigrant background (Hynie, Crooks, & Barragn, 2011), but political strategies to physically sort people by their race or ethnicity limits housing choices and creates divided communities with unequal opportunity (The Aspen Institute, 2004). Lack of housing subsidies limits the development of affordable housing in diverse markets, or communities that might typically have a higher home value (The Joint Center for Housing Studies of Harvard University, 2015). In addition to this, lack of development of affordable housing simply limits options. As a result of lack of investment in development and upkeep of affordable housing, the stock of affordable rentals in Salt Lake City are getting older and neglected, but they are in high demand (Salt Lake City Corporation, 2013). Here, the rental market, at the intersection of property investment and rental needs, illustrates the tensions between a capitalist, market-driven economy and the realities of low-income tenants. A booming rental market is good for investors, but not low-income renters (primarily people of color) who find their options limited and vacancy rates low (Joint Center for Housing Studies of Harvard University, 2015). The west side of Salt Lake, for example, historically seen as a risky investment, has lacked new building, but Salt Lake County is currently promoting this area as a good market for investors. Demand is high, and with it, rent. As a result, rents jumped almost 5% in Salt 45 Lake County in March 2015, but this message does not bode well for immigrant or refugee communities looking for housing options that are affordable (Semerad, 2015). Discussion The intersectionality of race, class, and country of origin, along with historical context and current manifestations of structural racism, contribute to current experiences within the tenant-landlord relationship for low-income renters of immigrant or refugee background. Policy and practice produce racialized outcomes that manifest themselves in current power discrepancies. The racial power discrepancy between low-income tenants with refugee or immigrant background and White tenants is perpetuated from a national, nativist history of White ownership and housing discrimination (The Aspen Institute, 2004; Nightingale, 2012). Navigating the renter system requires necessary acquisition of the dominant language along with the ability to read and comprehend complicated lease agreements as well as familiarity with the current rental system. These nativist attitudes surface from early posturing of settlers enforcing anti-immigration laws (Nightingale, 2012). Lack of English literacy or knowledge of lease agreements reduces ability to exercise power and liberty. Alan shared, We are refugees. We are lucky to be here…it's a miracle to be here in the United States. We are refugees from the refugee camp and we do not know the rules, regulations, policies. What we have been told is this is a country of 100% liberty, but where is the liberty? The intricacies written into a rental agreement make it very difficult for a diverse audience to comprehend, especially when contracts are signed immediately upon arrival in the United States, in the middle of the night, after days of international travel. As 46 Ugyen recounts, "The first thing is, the number of papers they make the refugees sign… If they arrive at midnight they cannot live in the apartment until they have signed the lease." This experience describes the great pressure and quick transfer of power when signing long-term binding contracts. Participants felt powerless in the slew of conditions necessary to communicate with their landlord. One-way communication, where tenants of refugee or immigrant background find landlords have the ability to post notices on their doors and charge fees without warning, provides little to no opportunity to dispute charges. Geyre pointed out, "If there was clear communication between the landlords and tenants, they could have negotiated, but there is no communication. You either pay it, or you don't and you're in trouble." The tenant is assumed to know the process to hold the landlord accountable, by refuting charges in writing or finding a time when the landlord is available to discuss. Understanding the process of holding the landlord accountable is one thing, but some tenants are afraid to attempt communication with landlords out of fear of retaliation. Miguel shared, For undocumented person to be threatened that first you're going to jail and then you're going to be deported home? Your family lives here! You will never see your family. You know? It's life you're talking about. And you know…you think a lot. You think twice before you say, you know? You take everything. This fear of deportation or homelessness paralyzes tenants' efforts to challenge decisions. The intersectionality of race, country of origin, and class come into play as refugee and immigrant communities not only navigate intricacies of segregation and perpetuation of low-paying jobs, but also stereotyping, making balanced communication dependent on a landlord's perception of them. The national value of meritocracy perpetuates an assumption that not accessing 47 rights is simply tied to lack of effort. This is illustrated in the number of trainings offered to educate tenants on their rights, but knowing rights is only one element of increasing access to them. As Hosni shared, People say, "Yeah, if it sounds unfair you just go to the court." I mean, it sounds so easy you know? And even though we respect the court… we know how difficult it is to go through the process…so it could be very frustrating. I mean…you don't want to go to the court for a $50 refund, you know? Many tenants are unable to access rights because it seems too costly or demands too much time away from jobs with inflexible schedules. Participants talked about feeling stuck in current housing situations, due, in part, to lack of housing options. A tenant could be at risk of losing basic shelter needs if they are evicted. Nativist prejudice, communication barriers, assumptions of meritocracy, and feeling stuck as a result of lack of affordable housing options are elements of the current manifestations of structural racism in the rental market. Policy largely ignores these realities of low-income renters with refugee and immigrant background and perpetuates conditions of oppression, characterized by lack of choice, and, as one participant stated, liberty. Risk of Homelessness Risk of homelessness, equivalent to spending 50% or more of your income on housing, is correlated with poverty and minority status in Salt Lake County (Salt Lake City Corporation, 2013). Risk of homelessness may be mitigated with rental assistance, but the majority of low-cost rentals are not given rental assistance, and the housing stock is getting older and more expensive to maintain (Desmond, 2015; Joint Center for Housing Studies of Harvard University, 2011). As a result, low-income renters tend to 48 live in neglected but affordable rentals. This contributes to precarious and unstable housing, putting renters at increased risk for involuntary moves. Structural racism has hindered the development of affordable housing, which has impacted low-income tenants with refugee and immigrant background, who tend to have larger families. A history of White ownership and control of land is maintained by capitalist policy that prioritizes profit, even if systematically exploiting communities. It is no surprise that in 2008, when the availability of affordable housing fell, individuals with refugee and immigrant status were among the worst hit (Sullivan and Power, 2013). The demand for affordable housing has increased, spurred by a decrease in employment with livable wage (Sullivan & Power, 2013). In addition to the connection between homelessness, access to affordable housing, and lower incomes for individuals with refugee and immigrant background, family size comes into the mix as newcomers attempt to care for typically larger families with a smaller income (Hiebert, Mendez, & Wyly, 2008; Sherrell, D'Addario, and Hiebert, 2007). Larger families require paying higher rent or subjecting the family to precarious, crowded living conditions, especially in Salt Lake County, where there is a deficit in large family rentals (National Secretariat on Homelessness, 2005). Unplanned Mobility Unplanned mobility, forcibly moving from one place to another, is a common experience related to housing instability and risk of homelessness. It can cause damaging effects to communities and children by disturbing valuable social networks that link community members to resources and support (Clark, 2010, p. 6). For individuals of 49 refugee and immigrant background, these social networks are crucial, especially for people new to the United States. These networks contribute to a flow of information regarding navigating a new community, accessing resources, and providing valuable psychosocial support (Dominguez, 2010; Hynie, Crooks, & Barragan, 2011). Mobility affects communities as a whole, but the impact is most evident in children's wellbeing (Jelleyman & Spencer, 2008). The effect of mobility on children's education and physical/mental health development is densely researched in housing studies (Clark, 2010; Cohen & Wardrip, 2011; Jelleyman & Spencer, 2008). Mobility may decrease academic performance. The more children move, the harder it is to overcome negative educational outcomes and achievement, even if the student stays at the same school. This effect of mobility may be tied to stability in the home (i.e., the child cannot find a quiet place to study) or disruption in the child's school atmosphere (i.e., the child has lost positive social networks or academic resources) (Cohen & Wardrip, 2011). With regards to physical and mental health outcomes, increased mobility, especially unplanned, can result in a disruption in access to health care (Cohen and Wardrip, 2011). It may lead to an increase in risk-taking behavior (Jelleyman & Spencer, 2008). When working with communities and decision-makers in creating sustainable solutions to decrease homelessness or eviction, referencing mobility and its damaging effects can underscore the sense of urgency and inform policy with experiences of underrepresented communities and children. 50 Conclusion Amplifying the experiences of low-income renters with refugee and immigrant backgrounds brings to light many gaps and assumptions in tenant-landlord policy. As CVHE began to analyze personal and local experiences of low-income renters from a structural perspective, structural racism emerged as systematically maintaining discrimination and oppression in the rental market. The intersection of race, class, and country of origin has been largely ignored in policy, filtered through narrowing generalizations that inform policy and fail to represent the diverse and unique experiences of individuals with refugee or immigrant experience. This has significant implications for social work practice and research. Social work practice implications include increasing advocacy with and amplification of voices of tenants with refugee and immigrant background. Social workers can approach practice with the lens of intersectionality. Understanding intersectionality creates an opportunity to talk about how multiple identities, in this case race, class, and country of origin, come together in discrimination. Social workers who incorporate intersectionality into their everyday practice with individuals, families, and community see everyday experiences as more complex and initiate questions and practice approaches that are more inclusive of unique and diverse experiences. Approaching social work practice with a lens of intersectionality gives social workers a tool to question assumptions regarding how people are able to access resources and their rights, and negotiate power imbalances. It also creates opportunities for social workers to critique existing policies and highlight gaps in policy that manifest themselves in the lives of low-income tenants with refugee and immigrant background. 51 Existing negotiations of power and critiques of policy can inform a political response to the needs of low-income tenants with refugee and immigrant background. Political changes can include an increase in allocation of funding towards affordable housing development and refugee resettlement services. Desmond (2015) points out, "When Milwaukee tenants facing eviction were given access to emergency housing aid from the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009, the city's formal eviction rate fell by 15 percent." Emergency housing aid could be one solution, while aid towards sustainable and community-led initiatives targeting the specific needs of individuals with refugee and immigrant background could increase community stability and maintain valuable social networks. Political initiatives could also include formalizing some of the existing negotiations of power shared by CVHE participants, including the incorporation of translation services, developing a community liaison position between tenants and landlords, and mandating mediation when issues arise. Along this same line, housing advocates need to ramp up efforts to increase access to legal rights, as accessing rights was a major concern for CVHE participants. Community Voices for Housing Equality participant experiences highlight how policy impacts the everyday lived experiences of individuals with refugee and immigrant background. While advocating and providing support for individuals and families is very important, it is also very important to maintain a critical eye on policy and engage in macro-level change efforts aimed at preventing an increase in risk of homelessness and unplanned mobility of low-income tenants with refugee and immigrant background. 52 References The Aspen Institute (2004). Structural racism and community building. Queenstown, Maryland: The Aspen Institute. Brown, A. & Scribner, T. (2014). Unfulfilled promises, future possibilities: The refugee resettlement system in the United States. Journal of Migration and Human Security, 2(2), 101-120. Bureau of Economic and Business Research. (2013). Salt Lake County: Fair housing equity assessment and regional analysis of impediments. 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Retrieved from https://youtu.be/jdLUXU-KrhsCHAPTER 3 THERE IS AN "ISBAARO": ROADBLOCKS IN THE EXPERIENCES OF LOW-INCOME TENANTS WITH REFUGEE AND IMMIGRANT BACKGROUND Abstract Community Voices for Housing Equality (CVHE) is a participatory action research (PAR) group dedicated to examining the experiences of low-income renters with refugee or immigrant backgrounds. This research focuses on amplifying these voices and experiences at the center of the housing discussion. CVHE is based in Salt Lake City and our research team grew out of one researcher's experience as a graduate assistant and social worker at University Neighborhood Partners (UNP) Hartland Partnership Center, a community-campus partnership center aimed at building the capacity of local residents. Our research team is composed of four people who are renters and/or social workers in the community. Community Voices for Housing Equality uncovers tenants' personal and shared experiences of stereotyping and repeats the need to provide equitable access to rights. CVHE also reveals the systemic barriers that people with refugee and immigrant backgrounds may face in maintaining stability as renters, including patterns of communication and fine print. Participants described feelings of hopelessness and 57 powerlessness both as a result of their experiences and as having a paralyzing effect on holding landlords accountable. Community Voices for Housing Equality responded by organizing a fair housing expo that increased access to a pro bono law clinic with translators on site so low-income tenants with varying backgrounds could ask questions and take steps towards exercising their rights. See Appendix B for the Fair Housing Expo flyer. This article concludes with community-generated recommendations for improving tenant-landlord policy and social work practice and offers considerations for further research. Introduction Renters and landlords navigate a relationship moderated by contracts, policy, and systems, with critical outcomes that can increase forced mobility in a community. Sustainable, affordable housing is a major contributor to secure neighborhoods and opportunities to improve quality of life (Evans, 2004). For example, stable housing benefits the next generation: if their family has more control over if and when they move, children may have better educational and health outcomes (Cohen & Wardrip, 2011). That being said, children living in families with low incomes are more likely to experience forced mobility and are more likely to experience negative educational or mental health outcomes (Wood, Halfon, Scarlata, Newacheck, & Nessim, 1993). The history surrounding homeownership and segregation is complex and illustrates how race and housing intersect, manifesting in the disproportionate number of renters who are African American, Hispanic, Asian, Pacific Islander, or Native/Alaska Native (HUD, Fall 2012). Within this historical context, people who have recently 58 immigrated or resettled to the United States may have a renting experience compounded with language barriers and becoming familiar with new systems in order to take advantage of opportunities (Capps et al, 2015). Given the impact and complexities of renting, Community Voices for Housing Equality (CVHE), a participatory action research (PAR) group, has examined the experiences of low-income renters with refugee and immigrant background. Within the tenets of PAR, our research team sought to unearth circuits of injustice and amplify the voices of individuals with refugee and immigrant background to inform social justice action. We are based in Salt Lake City and our research team is composed of renters and social workers. This article describes the structural context of the current rental market, description of the current low-income renter, overview of policy, description of CVHE and findings, with recommendations and considerations for further research. Participatory Action Research Participatory action research (PAR) is an approach to research that practices development of knowledge as an "exercise of informed citizenry" (Appadurai, 2006, p. 168). With foundations in liberationist perspectives, PAR engages people who are affected by urgent social issues as co-researchers (Cahill, 2007; Freire, 1992; Fals Borda, 2012; Reason & Bradbury, 2001b). Co-researchers come together to "engage social justice issues" and in this process develop and take action utilizing community-identified change strategies (Johnston-Goodstar, 2013, p. 318). Participatory action research is particularly appropriate for social workers to 59 examine the tenant-landlord experience, considering the systemic context and silencing of low-income renters with refugee or immigrant backgrounds in policy. PAR provided a space to bring the voices and experiences of renters to the forefront of the housing conversation and take action. The CVHE team takes ownership of the research outcomes and the process was shared as outside researchers and community members collaborated to develop place-based knowledge created within Salt Lake City, to facilitate change in our community. Community Voices for Housing Equality emerged from the lived experiences of low-income renters with refugee and immigrant backgrounds. Many residents of refugee or immigrant background felt targeted and misrepresented by landlords and did not feel they could rely on or access the rights they have as low-income tenants, such as fair treatment maintaining habitability. The experiences and voices of low-income renters with refugee and immigrant background have largely been silenced in current tenant-landlord policy, and this PAR project provides an opportunity challenge dominant political discourse that has filled this void. The CVHE research team (described in detail below) utilized a PAR approach to shift the discourse away from changing the community to adapt to an oppressive system and towards changing a system that has perpetuated unfair or oppressive treatment of tenants with refugee and immigrant background with limited access to rights and policy that does little to prevent discrimination. 60 The Overlap of Two Worlds The rental market encompasses the overlap of two worlds: capitalism and affordability. The construction and renovation of affordable homes can be costly and the incentive to invest in this kind of stabilization process requires reliance on tax credits and multiple fluctuating subsidies (Joint Center for Housing Studies of Harvard University, 2015). That being said, lack of investment in development and upkeep of affordable housing contributes to a stock of affordable rentals that are getting older and neglected, but still in high demand (Lowentheil & Weller, 2995; Salt Lake City Corporation, 2013). The lack of stable housing is compounded by the fact that the majority of renters who are eligible for rental assistance are not receiving it while the housing stock grows older and more expensive to maintain, limiting stable housing choices for low-income renters (Joint Center for Housing Studies of Harvard University, 2011). Individuals with refugee and immigrant background care for typically larger families with a smaller income (Hiebert, Mendez, & Wyly, 2008; Sherrell, D'Addario, and Hiebert, 2007). This requires larger families to pay higher rent and places the family at risk of living in precarious and crowded living conditions, especially in Salt Lake County, where there is a deficit in large family rentals (National Secretariat on Homelessness, 2005; Salt Lake City Corporation, 2013). For individuals who have recently immigrated or been resettled, along with availability of affordable rentals is the added weight of immigration laws, resettlement processes, and current cultural sentiment towards communities of immigrant and refugee background. For families who have been uprooted from their homes, making a home has significant meaning, incorporating the physical space with making meaning of complex 61 migration experiences along the way (Freund, 2015). Making a home includes personal perceptions and experiences as well as a collective community process of creating home in a new community (Freund, 2015). The meaning of home might be influenced by the conditions surrounding immigration and resettlement, shaping an individual's perception of home as having a range of meaning from home as a placed filled with hope and opportunity to a desire to repatriate and return to the country of origin (Trapp, 2015). Brun (2015) describes home as a "material base for creating agency" for people with immigrant and refugee background. While a home creates that physical space to create agency, it also contributes to strong social networks within refugee and immigrant communities. For individuals of refugee and immigrant background, these social networks are crucial, especially for people new to the United States. These networks contribute to a flow of information regarding navigating a new community, accessing resources, and providing valuable psychosocial support (Dominguez, 2010; Hynie, Crooks, & Barragan, 2011). These informal social networks are critical, as most policies and practices around the tenant-landlord relationship in Utah are vague when it comes to the everyday tenant-landlord relationship. They rely heavily on the tenant and landlord to reasonably negotiate, to come to mutual agreements on their own. In considering the impact of structural racism and negative national sentiment regarding immigration and resettlement, a low-income tenant with refugee and immigrant background simply cannot rely on a landlord to be responsive. When mediation and negotiation are lacking between a tenant and landlord, friction develops between the tenant and landlord that can lead to eviction and, overtime, increased forced mobility for families with refugee and immigrant 62 background. As social workers and service providers, we do our best to supply sensitizing information to both tenants and landlords. For example, at University Neighborhood Partners (UNP) Hartland Partnership Center in Salt Lake City, social workers provide residents with information about their rights, link them up to mediation services, and translate or interpret communication with landlords. Social workers also work with property managers to sensitize them to the unique needs of residents and effective methods of communication. This information is not enough. Tenants with low incomes are frequently tested when confronted with issues in their home (i.e., bed bugs, plumbing, or fixture problems). For example, if a landlord is unresponsive to a tenant's needs, the tenant has to understand their rights under the Utah Fit Premise Act and how to effectively communicate in writing to hold the landlord accountable. The stakes are high for families with low incomes, as moves for poor families are often forced (i.e., eviction) and often followed by a move into increasingly unstable housing (Desmond, 2015). When renters are cost-burdened, the risk of homelessness and mobility goes up (Salt Lake City Corporation, 2013). The Experiences of Low-Income Renters The experiences of low-income renters with refugee and immigrant background are situated in a larger housing discussion shaped by a history of racial discrimination. The disparity between White homeowners and homeowners of color is longstanding, due in part to systemic racism manifested in redlining and steering techniques (The Aspen Institute, 2004; HUD, Fall 2012). More specifically, "recent homeownership rates show 63 that 73.5 percent of homeowners are white, while African-American and Hispanic homeownership rates remain below 50 percent" (HUD, Fall 2012, para. 4). Salt Lake County in particular has a history with redlining. In the late 1970s, Salt Lake City was accused of redlining the west side. Redlining was never proven, however residents and political leaders at the time feel strongly this was common practices and shaped the landscape of housing today (Phillips & Autman, 1994). In the U.S., there are around 40,218,000 renter-occupied units (United States Census Bureau, 2013) with 28% of these units occupied by households living below the poverty line. In Salt Lake County, people of color make up just over 25% of the total population, but account for almost 44% of the poor population (Bureau of Economic and Business Research, 2013). The Fair Housing Equity Assessment (FHEA) highlights the location of racially or ethnically concentrated areas of poverty (RCAP/ECAP), characterized by high concentrations of poor and renting households of color (Bureau of Economic and Business Research, 2013). Community Voices for Housing Equality focused attention on the west side of the county, given the location of these RCAP/ECAP. Currently, there are an estimated 45,000 people resettled in Utah, representing over 20 countries of origin, with west side neighborhoods home to the majority of individuals with refugee and immigrant background (Mai & Schmit, 2013; Utah Department of Workforce Services: Office of Refugee Services, 2015). Resources for resettlement have not kept pace with the number of individuals who are forcibly displaced from their country of origin (Brown & Scribner, 2014; Capps et al, 2015). This has created a strained affordable rental market where stable and affordable housing is difficult to come by and the population is increasingly 64 transient (Downen, Perlich, Wood, & Munro, 2012). Unplanned mobility, related to heavy cost-burdens of living in unstable housing, is fairly common with low-income households and poses a risk to children, particularly in education and physical/mental health (Cohen & Wardrip, 2011; Jelleyman & Spencer, 2008). This kind of mobility affects families and communities, disturbing valuable social networks linking community members to resources and support (Clark, 2010, p. 6). Home and social networks are particularly valuable to individuals with refugee and immigrant backgrounds, however a gap in research exists with regards to understanding the complexities surrounding the experiences of tenants with refugee and immigrant backgrounds. Current Policy Title VIII of the Civil Rights Act of 1968 (Fair Housing Act) is critical in protecting tenants from discrimination, but discrimination is dynamic and includes segregation and inequality in treatment, which are difficult to prove (powell,4 2008). People who experience unfair treatment not specifically addressed in the Fair Housing Act (such as language barriers or stereotyping) will not find protection (Turner & Rawlings, 2009). Until recently, the Fair Housing Act did little to prevent discrimination. A recent court decision (Texas Department of Housing and Community Affairs v. Inclusive Communities Project, Inc., 2015) determined that disparate impact, regardless of intentions, could be upheld in court under the Fair Housing Act. This has important implications for the development of affordable housing in areas that have more 4 powell intentionally left lowercase at powell's request. 65 opportunities for upward mobility that have been historically dominated by a mostly white population. This also shifts the burden of proof of discrimination from a plaintiff trying to prove discriminatory intentions to the defendant proving there were no other reasonable business moves that would decrease disparate impact. Salt Lake County has recently approved a multifamily affordable housing development on the west side that local housing advocates have pushed back on, asking for more housing options across the county as opposed to consistently placing them on the west side. Along with the Fair Housing Act, tenant-landlord law, influenced by federal and state-specific policy, has done little to prevent unfair treatment of low-income tenants. The Utah Fit Premise Act (passed in 1990) and Utah Code 78B-6-801 contain primary tenant-landlord laws in Utah. The Utah Fit Premise Act outlines conditions landlords and tenants need to maintain in a rental unit and includes the basic rights a tenant is entitled to with regards to maintaining a habitable home. Utah Code 78B-6-801 details the eviction process and describes when and how a landlord may forcibly detain property or enter a home, outlining the process for tenants to dispute an eviction. These laws place an emphasis on quickly removing uncooperative tenants and require stringent documentation guidelines (see Utah Code 57-17 and 57-22 for example). In Salt Lake County, renters are encouraged to "vote with their feet" and maintain a civil relationship with their landlord (Utah State Courts, https://youtu.be/jdLUXU-Krhs), regardless of the lack of housing options and tense interactions between tenants and landlords. If a tenant is not satisfied with an application or late fee (both of which have no limit) or a landlord's response time, these policies perpetuate an assumption that a tenant has options that they can choose to move in to instead. That being said, the tenant must 66 know how to document interactions with the landlord in a very specific way that holds the landlord accountable and helps the tenant avoid eviction, legal fees, and tarnished credit. These policies rely on a civil tenant-landlord relationship and assumptions that a tenant has choices in affordable rentals. Current tenant-landlord law and the Fair Housing Act have "relied too heavily on complaints from victims of discrimination as the trigger for investigation and action" (Turner & Rawlings, 2009, p. 11). This does little to prevent discrimination or unfair treatment and places a heavy burden on non-profits to advocate for low-income renters. The voices of low-income renters with refugee and immigrant background have been stifled for too long. There is urgency from the community to change these policies so tenants with refugee and immigrant background can maintain stability in their homes. Community Voices for Housing Equality To our knowledge, this is the first documented research study into the experiences of low-income rente