Being Hafu (Biethnic Japanese) in Japan: through the eyes of the Japanese media, Japanese university students, and Hafu themselves

There is generally scarce research concerning the hafu (biethnic Japanese) experience in Japan; therefore, the current study sets out to contribute to scholarship on this subject by examining Japanese media images of hafu, and how those images affect Japanese and hafu individuals' conception of hafu in Japan. Five research questions were posed: (1) How are hafu represented in the Japanese media ethnically? (2) How do Japanese university students perceive hafu to be depicted in the Japanese media? (3) Do Japanese university students perceive hafu to be generally Japanese/White as suggested by media images? (4) How do Japanese university students perceive hafu individuals? (5) What are hafu individuals' perceptions of employment opportunities in Japan? Two populations, Japanese university students (n=49) and hafu individuals (n=8), were surveyed, and the nationality and ethnicity of listed hafu celebrities on a Japanese internet celebrity database were categorized. Findings revealed that hafu celebrities tended to be commonly Japanese/White. Japanese university students perceived hafu to be depicted in the media as good-looking, subjects of envy for their Japanese/White appearance, and linguistically ambiguous. The general theme for impressions given for specific hafu celebrities was that they were not "normal" Japanese. Further, Japanese students perceived "real life" hafu to be more likely Japanese/Asian, rather than Japanese/White. Japanese university students perceived hafu in general as being multilingual, good-looking with foreign physical features, and having traits of iv "internationalism." Finally, hafu individuals who had grown up in Japan tended to perceive more employment opportunities in Japan; whereas, hafu who had grown up abroad perceived more employment opportunities abroad. However, hafu generally perceived more opportunities for employment in jobs that required bilingualism as a skill set in Japan. The narrow stereotypes created for hafu by the Japanese media seems to affect how both Japanese and hafu individuals perceive "being hafu in Japan," as the common impressions given about hafu by Japanese students mimicked the media depiction of hafu, and hafu themselves felt more compelled to position themselves as "international" bilinguals in the Japanese job market.

BEING HAFU (BIETHNIC JAPANESE) IN JAPAN: THROUGH THE EYES OF THE JAPANESE MEDIA, JAPANESE UNIVERSITY STUDENTS, AND HAFU THEMSELVES by Shima Yoshida A thesis submitted to the faculty of The University of Utah in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Asian Studies College of Humanities The University of Utah May 2014 Copyright © Shima Yoshida 2014 All Rights Reserved The Univers i ty of Utah Graduate School STATEMENT OF THESIS APPROVAL The thesis of Shima Yoshida has been approved by the following supervisory committee members: Wesley Sasaki-Uemura , Chair 05/06/2013 Date Approved Mamiko Suzuki , Member 05/06/2013 Date Approved Reiko Hayashi , Member 05/06/2013 Date Approved and by Janet Theiss , Chair/Dean of the Department/College/School of Humanities and by David B. Kieda, Dean of The Graduate School. ABSTRACT There is generally scarce research concerning the hafu (biethnic Japanese) experience in Japan; therefore, the current study sets out to contribute to scholarship on this subject by examining Japanese media images of hafu, and how those images affect Japanese and hafu individuals' conception of hafu in Japan. Five research questions were posed: (1) How are hafu represented in the Japanese media ethnically? (2) How do Japanese university students perceive hafu to be depicted in the Japanese media? (3) Do Japanese university students perceive hafu to be generally Japanese/White as suggested by media images? (4) How do Japanese university students perceive hafu individuals? (5) What are hafu individuals' perceptions of employment opportunities in Japan? Two populations, Japanese university students (n=49) and hafu individuals (n=8), were surveyed, and the nationality and ethnicity of listed hafu celebrities on a Japanese internet celebrity database were categorized. Findings revealed that hafu celebrities tended to be commonly Japanese/White. Japanese university students perceived hafu to be depicted in the media as good-looking, subjects of envy for their Japanese/White appearance, and linguistically ambiguous. The general theme for impressions given for specific hafu celebrities was that they were not "normal" Japanese. Further, Japanese students perceived "real life" hafu to be more likely Japanese/Asian, rather than Japanese/White. Japanese university students perceived hafu in general as being multilingual, good-looking with foreign physical features, and having traits of iv "internationalism." Finally, hafu individuals who had grown up in Japan tended to perceive more employment opportunities in Japan; whereas, hafu who had grown up abroad perceived more employment opportunities abroad. However, hafu generally perceived more opportunities for employment in jobs that required bilingualism as a skill set in Japan. The narrow stereotypes created for hafu by the Japanese media seems to affect how both Japanese and hafu individuals perceive "being hafu in Japan," as the common impressions given about hafu by Japanese students mimicked the media depiction of hafu, and hafu themselves felt more compelled to position themselves as "international" bilinguals in the Japanese job market. TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT………………………………………………………………………... iii LIST OF FIGURES………………………………………………………………… vii LIST OF TABLES………………………………………………………………….. viii A NOTE ON ANGLICIZED JAPANESE WORDS………………………………… ix ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS…………………………………..……………………… x Chapters 1. INTRODUCTION………………………………..…………………………... 1 The Positioning of Non-Western Versus Western Nationalities in Japanese Society…………………………………..………………………………… 3 Research Questions………………………………….………………......... 9 Hypothesis………………………………………………………………..... 11 Exploratory Questions……………………………………………...……... 11 2. LITERATURE REVIEW………….…………………………………………..... 14 Terminology………………………………………………………….......... 14 Representations and Conceptions of the Foreign "Other" in Japanese Media and Society……………………………………………………………….............. 15 The Experience of Being Biethnic Japanese in Japan: Factors That Affect Social Positioning……………………………………………………….................. 20 3. METHODOLOGY…….………………………………………………………… 27 Database Categorization………………....................................................... 27 Survey with Japanese University Students………………........................... 28 Survey with Hafu Individuals………………................................................ 29 vi 4. FINDINGS: DESCRIPTION AND ANALYSIS…………………………...... 30 Through the Eyes of the Japanese Media………………………………….. 30 Through the Eyes of Japanese University Students………………….......... 38 Through the Eyes of Hafu Themselves…………………………………..... 47 5. CONCLUSION AND SYNTHESIS…………………………………………..... 60 Through the Eyes of the Japanese Media…………………………….......... 60 Through the Eyes of Japanese University Students……………….............. 62 Through the Eyes of Hafu Themselves………………………….................. 63 Larger Implications…………………………………………………............ 66 Limitations and Future Research……………………………………........... 68 Appendices A. DATA HOUSE AIBA (HAFU TARENTO DATABASE): CATEGORIZED NATIONALITY AND ETHNICITY OF LISTED HAFU CELEBRITIES........ 70 B. SURVEY FINDINGS: JAPANESE STUDENTS' PERCEPTIONS ON HOW HAFU ARE DEPICTED IN THE JAPANESE MEDIA…….......................... 73 C. SURVEY FINDINGS: IMPRESSIONS OF HAFU……….............................. 75 D. PARENTAL BACKGROUND OF THE 8 HAFU RESPONDENTS…........... 77 E. TRANSLATED RESPONSES FOR THE SURVEY CONDUCTED WITH JAPANESE UNIVERSITY STUDENTS............................................................ 79 F. SURVEY: IMAGES OF BIETHNIC JAPANESE INDIVIDUALS……........... 91 G. SURVEY: THE PERCEPTIONS OF EMPLOYMENT OPPORTUNITIES AMONG BIETHNIC JAPANESE INDIVIDUALS LIVING IN JAPAN............ 94 SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY...................................................................................... 103 LIST OF FIGURES Figure Page 1 Hafu Celebrities: Nationality of Their Non-Japanese Parent (By Percentage)....... 50 2 Hafu Celebrities: Western Nationality by Country (By Number of Celebrities)...... 50 3 Hafu Celebrities: Ethnicity of Their Non-Japanese Parent (By Percentage).......... 51 4 Hafu Celebrities: Nationality of Their Non-Japanese Parent, Western Countries Listed by Japanese University Students (By Number of Responses)………......... 51 5 Hafu Celebrities: Nationality of Their Non-Japanese Parent, Other Nationalities Listed by Japanese University Students (By Number of Responses)..................... 52 6 Hafu Celebrities Listed by Japanese University Students (By Number of Responses)………………….................................................................................. 53 7 Impressions of the Top Four Listed Hafu Celebrities Given by Japanese University Students................................................................................................................... 54 8 Japanese University Students' Yes/No Responses to Having Friends who are Hafu (ByPercentage)........................................................................................................ 55 9 Hafu Individuals: Nationality of Their Non-Japanese Parent, Asian Nationalities Listed by Japanese University Students (By Number of Responses)................... 55 10 Hafu Individuals: Nationality of Their Non-Japanese Parent, Western Nationalities Listed by Japanese University Students (By Number of Responses)..................... 56 11 Hafu Individuals: Nationality of Their Non-Japanese Parent, Latin American Nationalities Listed by Japanese University Students (By Number of Responses. 56 12 Japanese University Students' Level of Willingness To Marry a Non-Japanese Person (By Percentage)......................................................................................... 57 13 Japanese University Students' Level of Acceptance To Have the International Marriage Rate Increase in Japan (By Percentage).................................................. 57 LIST OF TABLES Table Page 1. Percentile Rankings of the Nationalities of Foreign Parents (Data Source: Ministry of Health Labour and Welfare, 2011a)..................................................................... 12 2. Percentile Rankings of the Nationalities of Foreign Spouses (Data Source: Ministry of Health Labour and Welfare, 2011b).................................................................... 12 3. Foreigners in Japan According to Their Employed Industry (Data Source: Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications, 2010b).................................................... 13 4. Profile of the 8 Hafu Respondents........................................................................ 58 5. Perception of Employment Opportunities Among the 8 Hafu Respondents........ 59 6. Parental Background of the 8 Hafu Respondents................................................... 78 A NOTE ON ANGLICIZED JAPANESE WORDS For Japanese words appearing in text, the traditional Hepburn romanization system has been used. Long vowels are indicated with macrons, for example, ā and ō (except for terms commonly spelled without macrons, such as Osaka). In some cases, the original Japanese has been written next to its anglicized form. In Japanese, the word "hafu" (meaning biethnic Japanese) is originally taken from the English word "half," which is pronounced in Japanese as "ha-fu." Although it is commonly spelled in roman characters as "haafu," I have chosen to use the spelling "hafu" (the macron has been omitted) to stay consistent with the traditional Hepburn romanization system used throughout this thesis. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS During my M.A. studies, Dr. Wesley Sasaki-Uemura acted as my primary supervisor, and Dr. Mamiko Suzuki and Dr. Reiko Hayashi were my thesis committee members. I would like to take this opportunity to express my deep felt gratitude to all three professors for their informative courses and mentorship throughout this journey. They have demonstrated generosity with their time, knowledge, and a genuine care for helping me to develop my skills as a research student. This project would not have been realized if it were not for their support, and their diverse specializations have enabled me to learn from a truly interdisciplinary team on how to conduct academic research through a wide variety of methods. I would also like to thank the University of Utah's Asia Center and Director Dr. Janet Theiss for providing a stimulating environment for my studies, and the U.S. Department of Education for granting me the Foreign Area and Language Studies Fellowship (FLAS) to support me in my academic career. Thanks to this generous scholarship, I was able to focus on my academic curriculum and research work. My gratitude also goes to all of the people who kindly participated in my surveys for this thesis. Last but not least I am grateful to my parents for their encouragement and affectionate support. CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION Becky1 is currently a popular celebrity in Japan, appearing in a number of television shows and commercials and releasing a series of pop songs. Being half Japanese and half British, she is a so-called "hafu celebrity." Recently, a book titled Becky Lucky Tour in Europe was published by the Nippon (Japan) Television Network Corporation as part of a television show that Becky costars in called "Let's Go to the End of the World Q!" (世界の果てまでイッテQ!). In the show, Japanese celebrities travel worldwide and experience bizarre and exciting activities. Considering that Becky is the celebrity chosen to cover the area of Europe for the show, the image created, as suggested by the book, plays on a common depiction of hafu celebrities in the Japanese media; that is, they are Japanese/Western (White), and they bring a taste of the West to Japan. Although the Japanese media predominantly portray the image of hafu as being Japanese/White and at times emphasizes their ability to speak English or another European language to impress upon the audience a sense of Japanese "internationalism" (Kokusaika, 国際化), such an image is not in accordance with the reality of the majority hafu experience in Japan. According to the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications (2010a) of 1 Becky's official website: http://www.becky-music.jp/index.html 2 Japan, in 2010 the four largest ethnic groups in Japan, excluding the "other" category, were, in order: Chinese, Korean, Brazilian, and Filipino. For such ethnic groups, having lived in Japan for generations, becoming a part of and contributing to Japanese society, many have internalized a Japanese identity alongside their ethnic identities, especially second or third generations. Further, due to the fact that they are the representative population of foreigners who have settled in Japan, there is a greater likelihood for hafu individuals in Japan to be mixed with Chinese, Korean, Brazilian, and Filipino ethnicities rather than the dominantly portrayed Japanese/White hafu in the Japanese media. In fact, the 2011 percentile rankings of the nationalities of the foreign parent for hafu infants, from the Ministry of Health Labour and Welfare of Japan (2011a), shows that Japanese/White2 hafu constituted a smaller proportion compared to other ethnicities; as can be seen in Table 1.3 Additionally, the percentile ranking of the nationality of the foreign spouse in an international marriage in Japan for 2011 from the Ministry of Health Labour and Welfare of Japan (2011b) can be seen in Table 2.4 In observing both Table 1 and Table 2, it becomes clear that the ethnicities/nationalities: Chinese, Korean, Filipino, and American comprise the top of the rankings, which signifies that in 2011, hafu infants or soon to be born infants (assuming that the married couples in Table 2 had children) were likely to be half Japanese and half Chinese, Korean, Filipino, or American (excluding the "other" category); which indicates more Japanese/Asian hafu births than Japanese/White hafu births. In this study, I have chosen to focus on the hafu population specifically because I believe the position hafu occupy in Japanese society reveals to us something about the 2 In this case assuming that the USA category includes European Americans. 3 I have formatted the table. 4 I have formatted the table. 3 construction of "ethnicity" in Japan. The Positioning of Non-Western Versus Western Nationalities in Japanese Society In considering the various ethnic (national) backgrounds that hafu come from, it is important to take notice of the different positions that various nationality groups occupy in Japanese society. For example, Table 35 shows the top three industries in which Chinese, Korean, Filipino, Brazilian, American, and British6 residents in Japan are employed, according to the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications (2010b), as of 2010. Among the listed nationalities in Table 3, the only nationalities whose top ranking for employment is in the academic sector are the Americans and British. Although Americans and British are also employed in the service and wholesale retail sectors, for the most part, they are the only nationalities in the table whose top three employment sectors include academics. This reveals that there are marked differences in how these nationality groups are positioned in Japanese society. These differences are due to the historical contexts in which these national groups have been received into Japanese society. For Japan, the initial act of opening its doors to foreign trade and relations during the Meiji period (1868-1912), was motivated by the desire to "catch up" with (and not be defeated by) the modern advances the Western nations demonstrated in technology, 5 I have formatted the table. 6 As it has been established in the current discussion that hafu are likely to be half Japanese and Chinese, Korean, Filipino, Brazilian, or American, the remainder of the discussion will focus on the social and economic positions these ethnic communities occupy in Japanese society. "British" is added and grouped with "American" to constitute Western nationalities. 4 science, political systems, and the newly emerging concept of nationhood itself. This desire to be on a par with Western civilization affected the relationship Japan had with non-Western countries, which directly links with how the Chinese, Koreans, Filipinos, and Brazilians have been received into Japanese society throughout the past century. During the 19th and early half of the 20th century, impoverished peasants, laborers, and merchants emigrated from China in search of better opportunities. It was in the larger global context of Western imperialism that the Chinese were brought to Japan as servants and employees of the Western merchants who had been stationed in the treaty ports of China, but with the "opening" of Japan, expanded their business into Japan (Kamachi, 2004, p. 199). Further, Japan's occupations of Manchuria (1932-1945) and Taiwan (1895-1945) also brought a significant wave of Manchurian Chinese and Taiwanese forced laborers to Japan (Shipper, 2002, p. 54). The "old-comer" Chinese population residing in Japan are the descendants of those who settled in the foreign settlements of the Meiji period, such as Yokohama, Kobe, and Nagasaki (Chen, 2008, p. 42). After extraterritoriality was abolished in 1899, Western residents were allowed to reside off the foreign settlements; however, the Chinese residents were not given the same privilege and they were confined to such occupations as "cook, tailor, and barber," known as "three knives" (San-ba-dao),7 due to fear that they would steal the jobs of the Japanese (Chen, 2008, p. 42). Hence, as a legacy from the past, today many "old-comer" Chinese residents continue to engage in business 7 This was effected by Imperial Ordinance No. 352, which declared that "those foreigners who did not have freedom of residence according to a treaty or custom could reside, move, and engage in trade and other activities outside the former foreign settlements. However, in the case of laborers, permission from the authorities was required in order to reside or work outside these former foreign settlements" (Yamawaki, 2000, p. 41). 5 in the Chinatowns of Yokohama, Kobe, and Nagasaki (Chen, 2008, p. 43). Since the 1980s, new comer Chinese residents in Japan have entered as students or technical trainees (kenshyusei), often placed in poor factories in rural areas; furthermore, there is a sizable population of "over stayers" who continue to reside and work in Japan regardless of the expiration of their visas, and they occupy the lower classes due to limited job options because of their illegal status (Chen, 2008, p. 43). Korean migration to Japan occurred primarily between the period of 1910-1945 when Korea was colonized by Japan. The "old comers" are involuntary migrants (Okano 1997, p. 526) who came to Japan because their lands were confiscated by the Japanese colonial government, and they had no employment options in Korea (Tai, 2004, p. 357). During the period between 1939 to 1945, Koreans were brought to Japan by force (Tai, 2004, p. 357) as colonial laborers to work under inhumane conditions in mines, construction and agricultural sites, and factories (Lee, 2000, p. 208) to support Japan's imperial ambitions and expansion. Lee (2000) states, "As conscripted labor, Koreans had little control over the conditions of their existence in Japan (p. 209). Many old comers are now in their 70s or older (Lee, 2000, p. 211). They are often illiterate, not included in the pension system (regardless of having paid taxes), and suffer the results of having been discriminated against in education, employment, and housing (Lee, 2000, p. 212). The second and third generation Koreans residing in Japan, regardless of being born in Japan and being assimilated into Japanese culture, are not automatically given a Japanese nationality (they must naturalize if they wish to become Japanese), and face the same challenges of discrimination; although, compared to the postwar period of the 1950s and 1960s, overt institutional and social discrimination against Koreans has 6 lessened in recent years (Kim, 2008, p. 886). Today, the cities of Osaka and Tokyo are home to a large population of zainichi Korean8 residents (Lee, 2000, p. 211). According to Suzuki (2008), Filipino immigrants in Japan have been received primarily as entertainers (with various meanings) throughout the past century. In the early years of the 1920s and 1930s, Filipinos in Japan were invited into society as jazz musicians and boxers (Suzuki, 2008). Suzuki (2008) contends: [S]ince the beginning of the Meiji Restoration(1868), Japanese had imported Western lifestyles and popular culture on a massive scale in order to "civilize," (i.e., "Westernize") the nation and to avoid colonization by the Western powers. Against this background, it was the Filipinos who served to "civilize" and "Westernize" the Japanese in the fields of jazz and boxing. (p. 68) From the 1970s onward,9 Filipinos were received as "female entertainers" to work in bars as hostesses and dancers, or in some cases as prostitutes (Suzuki, 2008, p. 71). Yujose (2007) describes that prior to the 1960s, "[Japanese][s]ociety and the government did not hide them [Filipinos] in the generic term, "entertainer," which today is often used as euphemism for bar girl or prostitute" (p. 80). Further, in more recent years, Filipinos are emerging in Japan as caregivers to meet the demands of Japan's increasingly ageing society (Lopez, 2012, p. 256),10 and many Filipino women have shifted their roles in Japanese society from that of "female entertainer" to caregiver with the hope of changing the negative stigmatization placed on them (Suzuki, 2008, p. 73). When discussing the Brazilians in Japan, the population to be noted here are the Japanese Brazilian (Nikkeijin) return migrants and their family members. It was in the 8 Zainichi Korean is the political term used to assign a nationality to Koreans residents in Japan. 9 As a result of the 1973 Philippine Japan Treaty of Amity, Commerce, and Navigation (Ballescas, 2009, p.128). 10 The Japan-Philippines Economic Parternship Agreement of 2008 aims to officially receive Filipino caregivers; however, nonprofit organizations are also players in the "market" for receiving Filipino caregivers (Ballescas, 2009, p. 127; Lopez, 2012). 7 early half of the 20th century that a significant number of Japanese migrated to Brazil; driven out of Japan as impoverished peasants, they landed on the coffee plantations of Brazil (Tsuda, 2001, p. 53). In the 1980s, when Japan was in dire need of unskilled laborers to work in its manufacturing industry, the Japanese government turned to the Japanese Brazilians to fill this labor gap (Tsuda, 1999, p. 688), due to their "ethnic affinity" with the Japanese (Tsuda, 1999, p. 698). In 1990, the Japanese government revised the Japanese Immigration Control Law to omit legal and employment restrictions for only Nikkeijin (Japanese descendants, first through the third generation) and their spouses (Carvalho, 2003, p. 195). Therefore, due to having been brought into Japanese society as unskilled laborers to work in the factories, Japanese Brazilians commonly live in the prefectures of Aichi, Shizuoka, Kanagawa, Saitama, and Gunma, where there is a concentration of industry (Tsuda, 2003a, p. 99) The way in which Westerners have been received into Japanese society differs markedly from the incorporation of Chinese, Koreans, Filipinos, and Brazilians. As stated earlier, the West, in the Meiji period, was considered as the epitome of human advances in social evolutionary standards;11 therefore, naturally, Japan sought to emulate the elements they perceived that made the West modernized. Several missions12 were dispatched to Western countries, during the years leading up to and during the Meiji period, so that Japanese scholars and politicians could learn from the West. Further, considerable hiring of Westerners (French, Dutch, British, American, and German) to assist in development and foreign language instruction took place in the Bakumatsu 11 E.g., Fukuzawa Yukichi's theory was that Western civilization was the most socially evolved; therefore, the Japanese should strive to become as evolved. See Yukichi, F. (1973). 12 E.g., Japanese Embassy to the U.S. (1860), Japanese Embassy to Europe (1862) & (1863), and Iwakura Mission (1871). 8 (Jones, 1974, p. 305) and Meiji periods (Gooday & Low, 1998, p. 105). According to Conrad (2000), prior to 1945, Japan looked to European nations such as Germany, France, and England, as role models for their modernization; however, after Japan's defeat in World War II, America became the nation that represented the leading "Western model" for Japan (p. 72). Indeed the Occupation of Japan by the Allied powers, whose goal was to "demilitarize, and democratize" Japan (Gordon, 2009, p. 227), and the subsequent "Americanization" of Japanese culture, where American films, music, fashion, and diet penetrated Japanese lifestyle to create what we know today as modern Japanese culture, all point to the ways in which America, as the West, has left its mark on Japan. In fact, the mass media image of America and Europe as the "imagined West" in Japan is so strong, that Japanese youth feel compelled to visit or move to the U.S. and Europe to experience this perceived culture for themselves (Fujita, 2004). Hence, when we examine the way in which the nationalities Chinese, Korean, Filipino, and Brazilian have been positioned in Japanese society in contrast to how Westerners have been positioned, we see that Westerners have been given a privileged status (as advisors and role models), whereas, non-Western nationalities have been brought in to serve Japanese society (primarily as laborers). With such historical factors, it is understandable that the Americans and British are positioned in the academic sector, which directly signals prestige, and the non-Western nationalities groups are placed in the "labor intensive" industries of manufacturing, service, and business. When applying this major contrast in positioning between non-Western nationalities and Western nationalities, it becomes evident that the nationality/ethnicity of hafu plays a crucial role in determining how they are perceived and treated in Japanese 9 society. The nationality/ethnicity of the non-Japanese parent for hafu also comes to determine the social environment they are born into and the resources available to them. For example, a Japanese/Filipino hafu child born to a Filipino mother who works as a bar hostess will not have the same class status and social resources compared to a Japanese/White hafu child born to a British father who is a professor in a university. The contrasting social stigma attached to the two children will affect the treatment they receive from their Japanese peers and Japanese society at large. Hafu are still a small minority population in Japan and according to the Ministry of Health Labour and Welfare (2011a), only 1.9% of the total births in Japan were of hafu infants in 2011. Due to the small numbers, the way in which the Japanese media portrays hafu creates stereotypes that directly affect the experiences of hafu living in Japanese society. Further, it becomes evident that the stereotypes created of hafu as an "international" Japanese/White figure are directly influenced by Japan's historical relations with the West. Research Questions Being a hafu myself, and having lived in Japan for a few years during my childhood and adolescent years, I have always been interested in the experiences of other hafu Japanese people living in Japan. My master's thesis research prompted me to attend a conference in Japan in 2012 focused on hafu issues. In attending the conference and meeting various hafu individuals from a multitude of backgrounds and hearing their discussions on their experiences of being stereotyped and discriminated against in Japanese society, I noticed that much of the dialogue was contained within the sphere of the hafu community. Hence, I began to wonder how Japanese individuals view hafu 10 individuals. Further, I felt the urge to investigate more about just how common it is for hafu to be represented in the Japanese media as Japanese/Western (White) hafu, which signifies them as symbols of "internationalism" in Japan. Therefore, the purpose of this research is to answer the research questions: 1. How are hafu represented ethnically in the Japanese media? 2. How do Japanese university students perceive depictions of hafu in the Japanese media? 3. Do Japanese university students perceive hafu to be generally Japanese/White as suggested by media images? 4. How do Japanese university students perceive hafu individuals? Furthermore, another aim of the current study is to examine how hafu individuals perceive and situate themselves in Japanese society, specifically by examining their perceptions about employment opportunities. Because hafu individuals who were raised in Japan are not completely foreign in ethnicity and cultural upbringing, they are in the unique position of being insiders and outsiders at the same time. Such social positioning can be both advantageous and disadvantageous with regard to employment opportunities, especially in Japan where the ideal of uniformity and homogeneity in culture and ethnicity prevails over diversity. Therefore a fifth research question I take up is: 5. What are hafu individuals' perceptions of employment opportunities in Japan? 11 Hypothesis With my first question, I hypothesize that hafu celebrities are usually of the ethnic background Japanese/White. Further, for research question three, I hypothesize that Japanese university students would identify hafu as being generally Japanese/White due to the influence of media representations of hafu as such. Finally, for the fifth research question, I hypothesize that hafu individuals are likely to perceive more employment opportunities existing abroad than in Japan due to discriminatory treatment in Japan. Exploratory Questions Research questions two and four, about Japanese university students' perceptions of hafu in Japanese media and in actual life, are exploratory in nature and, therefore, do not involve a hypothesis, but rather a search for emerging themes. 12 Table 1: Percentile Rankings of the Nationalities of Foreign Parents (Data Source: Ministry of Health Labour and Welfare, 2011a) Japanese Father and Foreign Mother Japanese Mother and Foreign Father 1. China 34.8% 1. Korea 25.5% 2. Philippines 25.8% 2. USA 17% 3. Korea 18.4% 3. China 12% 4. Other 12.7% 4. Other 32.5% Table 2: Percentile Rankings of the Nationalities of Foreign Spouses (Data Source: Ministry of Health Labour and Welfare, 2011b) Japanese Groom and Foreign Bride Japanese Bride Foreign Groom 1. China 42.6% 1. Other 28.6% 2. Philippines 22.6% 2. Korea 26.6% 3. Korea 16.3% 3. USA 19.9% 4. Other 10% 4. China 12.3% 5. Thailand 5.5% 5. Brazil 4.3% 6. Brazil 1.3% 6. United Kingdom 4.2% 7. USA 1.1% 7. Philippines 1.9% 8. Peru 0.5% 8. Peru 1.5% 9. United Kingdom 0.3% 9. Thailand 0.7% 13 Table 3: Foreigners in Japan According to Their Employed Industry (Data Source: Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications, 2010b) Nationality Employed Industry By Ranking Chinese 1. Manufacturing 2. Hotel, Food Service 3. Wholesale, Retail Korean 1. Wholesale, Retail 2. Hotel, Food Service 3. Manufacturing Filipino 1. Manufacturing 2. Hotel, Food Service 3. Wholesale, Retail Brazilian 1. Manufacturing 2. Service (not categorized) 3. Wholesale Retail American 1. Education, Supplementary Teaching 2. Service (not categorized) 2. Academic Research, Specialist/Technical Service British 1. Education, Supplementary Teaching 2. Academic Research, Specialist/Technical Service 3. Wholesale Retail CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW The following literature review will engage in a scholarly discussion addressing: (a) the representations and conceptions of the foreign "other" in Japanese media and society, and (b) the experience of biethnic Japanese individuals living in Japan. The two focused topics are in direct relation to the research questions raised for the current research, where topic (a) provides a context for issues addressed in my first four research questions. Further, topic (b) provides the overview of research that has been conducted with the hafu population residing in Japan, and provides the basis for research question five. Before concentrating on topics (a) and (b), a chronological review of the terminologies used to describe biethnic Japanese people will be provided. Terminology The timeline of how the terms used to address biethnic Japanese people evolved, according to Sekiguchi (2003), are, in order: "Half-breed child, Mixed-blood child, Half, International child, and Double" (as cited in Takeshita, 2010, p. 371). Terms which historically carry pejorative connotations are ainoko, "child of mixture," and konketsuji, "mixed blood child" (Burkhardt, 1983, p. 525).13 "Half" is the 13 The terms ainoko and konketsuji were used negatively to refer to children who were born to Japanese women and U.S. soldiers during the Allied occupation of Japan, as the children were thought to be "mistakes." 15 popular term used in Japan today, said to have gained popularity in the 1970s, and originally used as, "a trendy label that applied particularly to those considered phenotypically White" (Muphey-Shigematsu, 2001, p. 211). However, due to the misleading connotation of the word "half," where some feel offended by having their ethnic identity divided into two halves, which assumes that they do not belong fully to either of their ethnicities, there are efforts to use the term "double," signifying that the biethnic individuals are of double ethnicities rather than "half" of each ethnicity.14 Among other emerging terms is "Cross-Cultural Kids," and is set in an international context and is defined by Van Reken and Bethel (2005) as, "a person who has lived in-or meaningfully interacted with-two or more cultural environments for a significant period of time during developmental years" (as cited in Takeshita, 2010, p. 370). Further, Oikawa and Yoshida (2007) chose to use the term "biethnic individual" in their study. Representations and Conceptions of the Foreign "Other" in Japanese Media and Society In looking for past research focused specifically on Japanese individuals' perceptions of hafu, I was unable to find any published works in scholarly journals or books. However, among studies with a similar emphasis on representations and conceptions of the foreign "other" in Japanese media and society, Arudou (2013) examined conceptions of race and skin color in Japan through a historical and empirical approach. Beginning with an analysis of Japanese terms used to describe different ethnic peoples, and biethnic Japanese individuals, Arudou (2013) goes on to discuss Fukuzawa 14 See Life, R. (1995). 16 Yukichi's theory of racial hierarchy which claims that lighter skinned peoples are civilized and darker skinned peoples are uncivilized (p. 53).15 He then draws on his personal experience of being discriminated against in Japan in an incident where one of his biracial Japanese children was barred from entering a Japanese bathhouse on the grounds that she did not look Japanese (Arudou, 2013, p. 50-56). Finally, Arudou (2013) critiques the Japanese medias' attitude towards race through the phenomena of controversial books being republished in Japan such as The Story of Little Black Sambo and The Five Chinese Brothers, advertisements and commercials mocking foreigners, the depiction of a famous biracial celebrity in Japan (Crystal Kay), public notices warning about the dangers of foreign criminals, and comic strips appearing in various published materials that mock the stereotypes of foreigners (p. 56-68). Arudou (2013) concludes that foreignness and skin color are used to market products (p. 56-62), and the mere fact that foreigners are racially different from the Japanese leads to differential treatment, regardless of whether they are naturalized Japanese citizens (p. 66-67). Although many foreigners find it difficult to become socially accepted in Japanese society, some find a place for themselves as celebrities or tarento (meaning celebrity in Japanese, taken from the English word "talent"). Fellezs's (2012) article traces the media reception and personality of the famous African American-Japanese enka16 singer Jero (Jerome Charles White Jr.). Jero has a Japanese grandmother (p.333), and his mother is hafu (p.343); he was raised in the U.S., and as a young adult moved to Japan in hopes of establishing himself as a professional enka singer (Fellezs, 2012, p. 338). In applying Prashad Vijay's (2001) theory of the "polycultural," which theorizes 15 See Yukichi, F. (2009). 16 Enka is a traditional and distinctively Japanese musical genre. 17 that the contradictions of living a multiracial/cultural life should be embraced,17 Fellezs (2012) concludes that Jero inhabits a cultural sphere not applicable to U.S. categories of race, and although he will never be viewed as a "Japanese" in Japan, he embraces his polycultural self (p. 349-352). Multiracial/cultural celebrities in Japan, such as the example of the enka singer Jero, are often famous because of their unique racial/cultural background. However, Kaneko (2010) contends that it is the very acknowledgement of the uniqueness or the "international" quality of foreign or hafu celebrities in Japan that signifies that they are set apart from an "authentic Japaneseness." Further, foreign celebrities are symbolic in that they appease the ideology of "Japaneseness" by speaking Japanese and conforming to Japanese cultural customs (Kaneko, 2010, p. 103). Additionally, they fulfill the younger Japanese generations' desire "to become liberalized Westerners" while retaining "Japaneseness" or the Japanese ideology (p. 103) where although the celebrities are not ethnically Japanese (often White or half-White and half-Japanese), they speak the language and conform to Japanese culture (Kaneko, 2010, p. 103-104). Kaneko (2010) concludes that the effect is "Japanese cultural nationalism with non-Japanese actors" (p. 112). The concept of Japanese cultural nationalism (and ethnic nationalism in this case) is also apparent in Tsuda's (2003b) article where he writes on the television media portrayal of Japanese Brazilians (Nikkeijin). Tsuda (2003b) begins by conveying, through a critique of various Japanese television programs in which Japanese Brazilians appear, that Japanese Brazilians are often portrayed as having retained the Japanese language and 17 "Polyculturalism is a ferocious engagement with the political world of culture, a painful embrace of the skin and all its contradictions" (Prashad xi-xii, as cited in Fellezs, 2012, p. 349). 18 culture which supports popular beliefs and expectations about Japanese Brazilians when in reality many do not speak Japanese and are culturally Brazilian (p. 292-295). Portraying Japanese Brazilians to be culturally Japanese acts as a form of denial of their acculturation to Brazilian society (Tsuda, 2003b, p. 295). However, Tsuda (2003b) contends that NHK (Nihon Hōsō Kyōkai or the Japan Broadcasting Corporation) portrays Japanese Brazilians, for the most part, in a realistic manner because the programs aired on NHK are not funded based on viewer ratings (p. 295). Finally, through further critique of Japanese television shows, Tsuda (2003b) argues that Japanese Brazilians are either cast as loyal to Japanese traditional values of filial piety, to convey acceptance of their presence in Japanese society, or as selfish profit seeking individuals who discard family ties, to question their presence in Japanese society (p. 298-299). Also, in critiquing a particular television show,18 Tsuda (2003b) discusses the theme of the clash between tradition and modernity, where a Japanese man who is in a romantic relationship with a Japanese Brazilian woman is forced to choose between staying in Japan with his family or migrating to Brazil to be with his romantic partner (p. 300). In the end, the Japanese man chooses to remain in Japan which implies that tradition (family ties) prevails over modern values of self-interest (Tsuda, 2003b, p. 300). Tsuda (2003b) concludes that through manipulating the image of Japanese Brazilians, Japanese television defends Japan's cultural/ethnic nationalism (p. 301). In the given review of literature on the topic of representations and conceptions of the foreign "other" in Japanese media, the theme of establishing a foreign "other," and incorporating the foreign "other" into Japanese society only in a way convenient for the 18 "A commercial television drama about Japanese Brazilian immigrants entitled Sayonara Nippon (Goodbye, Japan) (NTV, October 10, 1990)" (Tsuda, 2003b, p.297). 19 Japanese ideal of a cultural/ethnic national identity becomes apparent. Arudou's (2013) article discussed the way in which the Japanese media has established the foreign "other," and uses foreignness or "skin color" to market commodities; however, foreignness is also associated with danger and crime (p. 56-65). Therefore, the foreign "other," in this context, is set apart as either exotic and marketable or intruding and dangerous, and Arudou (2013) concludes that although there are foreign residents living in Japan who are naturalized citizens, they are not treated on the basis of their citizenship, but rather on the basis of their foreign appearance (p. 67); hence, they will never be considered truly "Japanese," as he remarks, "one generally has to "look Japanese" in order to be considered "a Japanese" (p .67). In the case of Japanese Brazilians according to Tsuda (2003b), because they are ethnically Japanese, the way in which they are portrayed in the media slightly differs from the portrayal of ethnically non-Japanese foreigners. Tsuda (2003b) states, "ethnic affinity makes it easier to contain the nikkeijin within Japanese ethnic and cultural tradition" (p. 302). Hence, Japanese Brazilians are portrayed as either conforming to Japanese ideals (which implies that they are, after all, "Japanese"), or being a threat to "Japaneseness" when they stray from traditional Japanese values (Tsuda, 2003b, p. 298-299). In regards to foreign or hafu celebrities in Japan, although they are revered for the unique taste of foreignness they bring to Japan, it is their very foreignness that sets them apart from the Japanese; hence, they can never become mere "Japanese celebrities" as witnessed in Fellezs's (2012) and Kaneko's (2010) articles. 20 The Experience of Being Biethnic Japanese in Japan: Factors That Affect Social-Positioning Studies conducted in Japan examining the experience of biethnic Japanese individuals in Japanese society have been scarce (Alomte-Acosta, 2008, p. 21; Oikawa & Yoshida, 2007, p. 638; Takeshita, 2010, p. 370). Further, studies that focus specifically on the perceptions of employment opportunities among hafu are even more scarce; however, Kamada (2010) has examined the topic of "Cultural, Symoblic, Linguistic, and Social Capital" (p. 147) in her longitudinal in depth ethnographic study of the identities of six Japanese/White adolescent girls living in Japan. Her findings revealed that the girls she interviewed valued English as linguistic capital (p. 155), and regarding employment opportunities, Kamada (2010) reports that the girls "constructed" the "notion of having more choices and employment opportunities available to them than their Japanese peers by virtue of their mixed-ethnicity" (p. 169). Additional studies addressing the various experiences of biethnic Japanese individuals living in Japan will now be summarized and critiqued in the following section. Oikawa and Yoshida (2007) conducted an exploratory study using the method of focus groups (group discussions), interviewing a total of 13 biethnic individuals, where the ethnicity of the non-Japanese parent varied according to the individual. The participants were in the age range of 15 to 22, and were primarily raised in Japan (Oikawa & Yoshida, 2007). Oikawa and Yoshida's (2007) three research questions were: 1) "Have you ever thought about your ethnic identity? When was the first time you were conscious about your ethnicity?" 2) "Do you appreciate the fact that you are Biethnic? Are you 21 comfortable with your ethnic identity?" 3) "Do you think there are more positive or negative aspects of being Biethnic in a homogenous society like Japan?" (p. 641). The theoretical framework used was Cooley's (1902) looking-glass self theory which stipulates, according to Oikawa and Yoshida's description (2007), "we learn about our personality by looking at the reaction of others" (p. 635). In the context of Japan's homogenous ideal, many of the participants felt differential treatment from their Japanese peers, and admitted to having been called a gaijin meaning outsider or foreigner (Oikawa & Yoshida, 2007, p. 642). They were stereotyped as not knowing Japanese culture and language (Oikawa & Yoshida, 2007, p. 642), and being "bilingual, athletic, and better looking" (Oikawa & Yoshida, 2007, p. 643). The stereotypes forced one participant to study English in order to become bilingual, and another participant was brought up being taught by her Japanese parent to "overcompensate in her ‘Japaneseness' [in manners and speech] to make up for her foreign appearance" (Oikawa & Yoshida, 2007, p. 643). Oikawa and Yoshida (2007) assigned three categories for the participants' reactions to their biethnic identities. The first category they termed "Unique Me" (p. 644), where the perception of identity was not concerned with ethnicity but rather with personhood or individual uniqueness (Oikawa & Yoshida, 2007, p. 644). The second category was termed "Model Biethnic" (p. 644), where identity was focused on taking advantage of the positive stereotypes of biethnic individuals in Japan, such as being "better looking and more cosmopolitan" (Oikawa & Yoshida, 2007, p. 644). Finally the third category was termed "Just let me be Japanese" (p. 644), where identity was focused on wanting to be strictly Japanese and to look Japanese in appearance (Oikawa & 22 Yoshida, 2007, p. 644). Analyzing what factors could affect the participants' experiences as biethnic individuals in Japan, Oikawa and Yoshida (2007) concluded that there were three main themes: "Ethnicity, Family, and Living Environment" (p. 645). The ethnicity of their non-Japanese parent determined their societal treatment, whether the parents were divorced or not determined the cultural exposure they received, and the community environment and school environment (whether they were surrounded by other biethnic individuals) influenced their comfort with their ethnicities (Oikawa & Yoshida, 2007, p. 645-647). Further, whether or not they lived abroad seemed to affect their perceptions on ethnic identity (Oikawa & Yoshida, 2007, p. 647). Cooley's (1902) looking-glass self theory was validated by the study as Oikawa and Yoshida (2007) state that "they saw themselves as Biethnic because other people saw them as Biethnic" (p. 648). Almonte-Acosta (2008) took a phenomenological approach (using interviews and observations) in his study and conducted in depth interviews with 30 Japanese/Filipino individuals (biethnic Japanese individuals where the non-Japanese parent is Filipino) ranging in ages from 8 to 16, all of whom attended Japanese schools. The purpose of the study was to examine "the nature of ethnic identity development among Filipino-Japanese children in Japan" (Almonte-Acosta, 2008, p. 19). He categorized his research into three subject areas: Ethnic Preference, The Colonizing Lens of the Majority, and The Interiorized Ethnic Clash/Struggle (Almonte-Acosta, 2008). A finding under Ethnic Preference (p. 23) was that 27 of the children wished to 23 be identified as only Japanese and not as Japanese/Filipino (Almonte-Acosta, 2008, p. 23). Almonte-Acosta (2008) explains "They consider themselves as Japanese by virtue of being born and raised in Japan" (p. 24). Further, Almonte-Acosta (2008) described that exposure to Filipino culture did not necessarily evoke curiosity in the children to learn more about their Filipino identity (p. 25). What seemed to have been occurring was that the children were internalizing the homogenous ideal prevalent in Japan and coming to favor being only Japanese, because difference is not tolerated by the majority (Almonte-Acosta, 2008, p. 25). When considering The Colonizing Lens of the Majority (p. 25), Almonte-Acosta (2008) indicates that the children generally engaged in "Looking through the lens of the majority" (p. 25) where judgments made by the majority about ethnic minorities in Japan became the judgments that the children held regarding their own Filipino heritage (p. 25-26). In fact, regarding their Filipino mother's cultural differences, 25 of the children displayed unease (Almonte-Acosta, 2008, p. 26). However, Almonte-Acosta (2008) concludes that the children do not seem to have a problem with their Filipino identity when interacting with other Filipino and Japanese/Filipino children (p. 28). In the category The Interiorized Ethnic Clash/Struggle (p. 28), Almonte-Acosta (2008) focused on how the children have been treated differently by their Japanese peers and what kind of responses the Japanese/Filipino children had to the treatment (p. 28). The main themes discussed were the children's experiences in being called a gaijin (p. 28), and their negative perception of the Filipino language and, therefore, not wanting to learn it (Almonte-Acosta, 2008, p. 29). Finally, Almonte-Acosta (2008) concluded that the Japanese/Filipino children "tend to think that other individuals might be thinking that 24 they are foreigners although they may not be expressing it" (p. 29); therefore, the children were constantly fearful about having their "foreign" identities revealed in front of their Japanese peers (p. 29). Takeshita (2010) conducted a qualitative study using the method of in depth interviews. She interviewed 37 married couples, where one spouse was Japanese and the other Brazilian, and 59 of their Japanese/Brazilian children; the average age of the Japanese/Brazilian children interviewed was 7 (Takeshita, 2010). Takeshita (2010) set out asking the research questions: "Are these children with diverse cultural backgrounds accepted as agents of multiculturalism in Japan?," and "Does Japan offer an environment that promotes such acceptance?" (p. 371). Takeshita (2010) divided her research into three categories: Language Education, The Names of CCKs [Cross-Cultural Kids], and The Passing CCKs (p. 375-380). Regarding Language Education (p. 375), English was idealized over Portuguese when parents considered having their children learn a foreign language. Further, the attitude, "As I am Japanese, I don't want to learn Portuguese" (p. 375) prevailed among the children (Takeshita, 2010, p. 375). However, many of the parents regretted not being able to pass on the Portuguese language to their children (Takeshita, 2010, p. 375). When considering The Names of CCKs (p. 376), Takeshita (2010) found that although some of the children had both Japanese and Brazilians names, 56 of the 59 children used only their Japanese names (p. 377). Moreover, Takeshita (2010) notes that the children identified themselves only as Japanese regardless of their dual nationality (p. 377). In reflecting on The Passing of CCKs (p. 377), Takeshita (2010) discusses the 25 negative images of the Brazilians in Japan that occurs through media images, their stratification in the employment sector as unskilled laborers, and the history of Japanese emigration to Brazil (p. 379). To avoid being judged negatively, Takeshita (2010) claims that Japanese/Brazilian children try to "pass" or hide their Brazilian identities (p. 378); in this sense, the Japanese/Brazilian children are not easily able to "be a bridge between Japan and Brazil" (p. 379). Takeshita (2010) concludes that biethnic individuals should be accepted and encouraged by Japanese society to nurture and develop both of their ethnic identities (p. 381). All three of the studies pointed to a general anxiety that biethnic children lived with in constantly having to monitor themselves to avoid drawing attention to their ethnic and cultural difference when around their Japanese peers. Oikawa and Yoshida (2007) used the phrase "overcompensate in her ‘Japaneseness'" (p. 643) to describe the phenomena of a young woman who was brought up to be well versed in the Japanese language and manners by her mother so as not to receive negative reactions for her foreign appearance (p. 643). Both Almonte-Acosta (2008) and Takeshita (2010) found that many of the children they interviewed tried to hide their non-Japanese identities when it was possible. As a part of hiding their non-Japanese identities, Almonte-Acosta (2008) and Takeshita (2010) both described the reluctance to learn non-Japanese languages by many of the interviewed children. English was the language valued if the children were to become bilingual, as was expressed in Takeshita's (2010) study where interviewed parents stated that they preferred their children to learn English rather than Portuguese as a foreign language (p. 375), and in Oikawa and Yoshida's (2007) study where a young 26 girl went out of her way to study English in order to live up to stereotype of biethnic Japanese individuals being well versed in English (p. 643). What seemed to have heightened the biethnic Japanese individual's sense of differential treatment was when they were called gaijin (foreigner) by their Japanese peers. Both Oikawa and Yoshida's (2007) and Almonte-Acosta's (2008) studies noted that participants experienced being called gaijin. The social environment seemed to affect the comfort level that biethnic Japanese individuals felt with their ethnicities. Oikawa and Yoshida (2007) found that being exposed to other biethnic individuals helped the individuals to feel more comfortable with their ethnicities (p. 647), and Almonte-Acosta (2008) found that the Japanese/Filipino children he interviewed felt more accepting of their Filipino identity when interacting with other Japanese/Filipino children and Filipino individuals (p. 28). In summary, feeling paranoid for being different, refraining from learning a non-Japanese language with the exception of English, being called a gaijin and feeling hurt, and feeling comfortable with their biethnicities when around other biethnic individuals or non-Japanese individuals were common experiences found among biethnic Japanese individuals in these studies. CHAPTER 3 METHODOLOGY This chapter will outline the methodologies used in this study, which took three forms: a categorization of hafu celebrities listed in an online data base, surveys conducted with Japanese university students, and surveys conducted with hafu individuals. Database Categorization An online database called Data House Aiba was used to categorize hafu celebrities by nationality and ethnicity. This database was chosen out of the few celebrity databases that exist for the reason that other databases did not provide as comprehensive a list as Data House Aiba. The database is run by an individual who has compiled an extensive list of celebrities in Japan according to topic (e.g., female celebrities, male celebrities, etc.). Presumably, the information on the celebrities was taken from what was available on the internet as there is a disclaimer stating that the creator cannot guarantee the complete accuracy of the data on the celebrities. I believe that for the most part the information provided in the database is reliable, because the data relies on commonly shared information among media consumers. For the purposes of this study, 137 Japanese hafu celebrities listed under the topic of "hafu tarento (celebrity)" were selected. I then categorized the hafu celebrities according to nationality and ethnicity. In the cases of Western nationalities such as 28 American, Australian, Canadian, and New Zealander, I used the Yahoo Japan search engine to find images of the hafu celebrities, and if they appeared to have White features such as bright colored eyes, a light skin tone, and light hair colors, they were categorized as "European American" or "European Canadian" and so forth. In some cases the celebrity's ethnicity was determined by the description provided in Wikipedia (e.g., Italian American). The results for the categorized nationalities and ethnicities were made into graphs. The lists of the categorized nationalities and ethnicities are provided in Appendix A. Survey With Japanese University Students The Japanese university student population that was surveyed for this study were foreign exchange students from Kansai University, located in Osaka city, who were enrolled in the English Language Institute at the University of Utah. The surveys were distributed at their orientation meeting when all 49 of the students were present. The gender ratio was 33 female respondents to 16 male respondents. The students' mean age was 19 years old. The results were categorized into either statistical graphs or qualitative themes and analyzed accordingly. A copy of the survey, both in English and Japanese, is provided in Appendix F. The students filled out the Japanese version of the survey. In analyzing the survey data, it is important to take note of the unique position that the university students occupy in Japanese society. Being exposed to higher education, and having an interest in studying English in the United States are factors likely to influence their views towards hafu. Such students gain a wider perspective of the world at large and of their own society; and the interest in living in the United States points to a different orientation than most when thinking about cultural experience. 29 Survey With Hafu Individuals The hafu population surveyed for the current study were members of organization A (pseudonym) in the Kansai area of Japan. The organization serves as the center for the hafu and mixed race community living in the Kansai region and elsewhere. In October 2012, the organization hosted an academic forum to discuss various issues related to the hafu experience in Japan. At the forum, surveys were distributed to the hafu participants, and a total of 8 members filled out the surveys. The gender ratio was 5 female respondents to 3 male respondents. The mean age was 28 years old. The results were categorized into descriptive tables, and analyzed accordingly. A copy of the survey, both in English and Japanese, is provided in Appendix G. Three respondents filled out the English version of the survey, and 5 respondents filled out the Japanese version of the survey. 30 CHAPTER 4 FINDINGS: DESCRIPTION AND ANALYSIS This chapter will provide the findings and analysis from the two conducted surveys and the categorized data base as described in the methodology chapter. This chapter is structured into the following three sections: Through the Eyes of the Japanese Media, Through the Eyes of Japanese University Students, and Through the Eyes of Hafu themselves. Through the Eyes of the Japanese Media This section will provide the findings and analysis in the form of graphs and themes for research questions one and two. I anticipated that the first research question, "How are hafu ethnically represented in the Japanese media," would show that hafu celebrities are likely to be Japanese/White. The second research question, "How do Japanese university students perceive depictions of hafu in the Japanese media," was of an exploratory nature, therefore, I take a themed approach in presenting my findings. First, I provide the categorized national/ethnic background of hafu media figures19 from the database, Data House Aiba (Hafu Tarento database), followed by the results from the surveys conducted with Japanese university students. The categorized results from Data House Aiba revealed that the great majority of 19 "Media figures" and "celebrities" will be used interchangeably. 31 hafu media figures listed are Japanese Western,20 that is to say, Japanese/White. Evidenced in Figure 1, where out of 142 hafu media figures who were categorized according to the nationality of their non-Japanese parent, Western nationalities ranked the highest at 77%, followed by Asian nationalities at 13%, Latin American nationalities at 5%, Middle Eastern nationalities at 2%, African nationalities at 1%, and Pacific Island nationalities at 1%. The findings signify that for the hafu media figures listed in the database, Data House Aiba (Hafu Tarento database), most are of a Japanese/Western national background.21 Figure 2 shows the breakdown for the Western countries.22 America ranked the highest with 52 (37%) hafu celebrities. Further, the nationality "American" ranked above all of the European nationalities combined (no single European nationality came close to the ranking for "American"), and all European nationalities combined numbered 49 (35%) hafu celebrities. Thinking about the figures in terms of ethnicity, Figure 3 shows the percentile rankings for the ethnic background of the hafu media figures' non-Japanese parent. European ethnicities ranked the highest at 71%, followed by Asian ethnicities at 13%, African ethnicities at 5%, Latin American ethnicities at 4%, Middle Eastern ethnicities at 2%, Pacific Island ethnicities at 1%, and Other at 4%. In the context of the categorized database, my hypothesis proposed for research question one, stating that hafu media figures are likely to be of a Japanese/White ethnic background, holds true. Western nationalities and the White ethnicity ranked the highest 20 Throughout this thesis, I use the term "West" to signify Americans, Canadians, New Zealanders, Australians, and European nationalities. 21 This does not mean that they necessarily hold double nationalities, but rather it is in terms of the nationality of their parents. 22 Please see Appendix A for a complete list of the countries. 32 which signifies that the majority of hafu media figures tend to be of a Japanese/Western national background (with the nationality "American" ranking the highest for Western countries) and a Japanese/White ethnicity. In Japan, Westerners are often admired or are the subjects of envy (akogare) as they symbolize modernity. This idealization of the West has its roots in the Meiji period when modernization was introduced to Japan by Westerners as discussed in the introduction. Therefore, the trend of hafu media figures being mostly of a Japanese/Western (White) background reveals the extent to which the Japanese media is willing to incorporate these nationalities in the creation of an image of the hafu media figure as one who harbors both traits of Japan and the West. This may be the reason why Japanese/Western (White) hafu who are often associated with wealth, power, and cosmopolitanism are the representative population for hafu in the media. Another way to determine how hafu are depicted in the media ethnically is to ask media consumers about their impressions. The following is the outcome of the survey responses given by Japanese university students regarding which nationalities/ethnicities they perceive to be the most common among hafu celebrities.23 Figure 4 shows the Western nationalities listed by the respondents by number of responses.24 "(Generic) Westerner"25 at 23 responses was the most common, followed 23 In response to question #6 (section 1): When thinking about the non-Japanese ethnicity of biethnic Japanese celebrities, which ethnicities do you think are most common? 24 Respondents often listed more than one nationality/ethnicity; therefore, the total number of responses for each national/ethnic category is given. 25 In Japanese, generic terms that denote "Westerner" are: White (hakujin 白人), European type (yōroppa kei ヨーロッパ系), European American type (ōbei kei 欧米系), and Occidental/Westerner (seiyōjin 西洋人). These terms were used by the respondents. Further, the Western nationalities: American, Canadian, New Zealander, Australian and European nationalities are commonly associated with a White ethnicity. Therefore, the Western nationalities listed by the respondents will be assumed to mean "White." 33 by "American" at 21 responses, "British" at 9 responses, "Australian," "French," "German" all at 2 responses, and "Spaniard" at 1 response. For the "Other" category, as shown in Figure 5, the responses were: "(Generic) Middle Easterner" at 3 responses, "Korean" at 2 responses, and "Iranian" at 1 response. As most of the respondents listed Western countries, we can see that the majority of Japanese university students surveyed agree that hafu are represented most frequently as Japanese/White in the media. This lends further support to my hypothesis that hafu celebrities are likely to be Japanese/Western. Examining how the university student respondents perceived the depiction of hafu in the media (for research question two), three general categories emerged: linguistic background, appearance, and non-Japanese personality.26 Concerning the language skills of hafu celebrities, 3 respondents described the poor quality of Japanese speech by hafu celebrities or their rudeness in choosing not to use formal speech. Their responses noted: • [They] cannot use honorifics. (Female respondent #4) • They can speak Japanese, but since they do not use honorifics very much, in a sense, they come off as being rude (example: Rola, Triendl). (Female respondent #20) • They are more fluent in English and are a little bad at Japanese. (female respondent #25) There were 4 respondents who described hafu as being generally multilingual, for example: 26 In response to question #7 (section 1): How are biethnic Japanese individuals depicted in the Japanese media? 34 • After all, there are many who can speak multiple languages so I think they are cool. (Female respondent #7) • [They are] able to speak a language other than Japanese which may be their mother or father's language. (Female respondent #17) However, 2 respondents described hafu as being depicted as monolingual in Japanese, for example: • Although their faces are a bit different from the Japanese face, I have an image of them only being able to speak Japanese. (Female respondent #11) • Although their faces are that of a foreigner, many can only speak Japanese. (Male respondent #11) Further, 3 respondents stated that hafu were depicted as being able to speak English; while 1 respondent remarked that, "There are people who, although they are hafu, cannot speak English, and it surprises me" (Female respondent #20). In thinking of the reason why some of the respondents had expressed that hafu celebrities tend to speak poor quality Japanese, they may be primarily thinking of the hafu celebrity named Rola who builds her celebrity persona out of not using honorifics. Whether she has the ability to speak in formal Japanese is not clear. The effect she creates is one of absurdity at times because of her overly casual manner of speech in the face of senpai (higher ranked) celebrities. However, her manner of speech never ceases to amuse her audience. Furthermore, the surprise 1 respondent felt at hafu celebrities not being able to speak English may come from the popularity of the hafu celebrity named Wentz Eiji who 35 is Japanese/American (of German descent). Wentz does not speak English and is linguistically and culturally completely Japanese. Seven respondents noted that hafu were often represented as models in the media. One respondent said, "In the media, there are overwhelmingly hafu models. After all, hafu tend to be pretty and handsome so they are suitable as models" (Female respondent #1). Thirty-two respondents made mention of the physical characteristics of hafu in the media, such as handsome, pretty, and cute. In some cases, expressions unique to the Japanese cultural context were used to describe the physical characteristics of hafu, such as: their face is well-proportioned or literally "organized face" (kao ga totonotte iru 顔が 整っている), well-defined facial structure, or literally "eyes and nose are clear-cut" (mehanadachi ga hakkiri shite iru 目鼻立ちがはっきりしている), and good physique or literally "good style" (sutairu ga ii スタイルが良い). Since the majority of the respondents listed Japanese/White hafu as being the most visible ethnic combination among hafu celebrities (witnessed in the previous section), the descriptions given about the appearance of hafu are essentially describing Japanese/White hafu celebrities. For example, 1 respondent clearly explained, "Visually, those who are Westerner hafu stand out (because Japanese/Korean hafu look like us, so it is hard to tell)" (Female respondent #32). Further, the terms used to describe Japanese/White hafu celebrities such as "well-proportioned face," "well-defined facial structure," and "good physique" are terms which elevate Japanese/White hafu appearance from a normal Japanese appearance; this indirectly implies a sense of akogare for a Japanese/White hafu appearance. In fact, in recent years the "hafu" look has been trendy 36 in Japan, and many Japanese/White hafu models appear in fashion magazines and pose in advertisements. Also, there is now a popular style of make up for women called hafu face make up (hafu gao meiku ハーフ顔メイク) that tries to mimic a Japanese/White hafu appearance by applying makeup in certain ways. For example, to make the eyes appear large and "gorgeous," eye shadow is applied in a particular way, often color contacts are worn, and a "nose shadow" is used to define a well-structured nose, a feature commonly associated with a White appearance.27 Six respondents described hafu celebrities in terms of their non-Japanese personalities. Some mentioned that hafu have "outspoken" personalities unlike other Japanese. The following comments exemplify this: • They are very unique, and they tend to speak out their opinions more than pure Japanese people. (Female respondent #19) • They are more sociable than Japanese people, and they have their own opinions. Also, they have the ability to speak their own mind. (Female respondent #21) • When compared to the Japanese, their personalities are more cheerful. (Male respondent #11) Further, hafu celebrities were described in terms of their individuality (kosei 個性) or a strong individuality/originality (kosei ga tsuyoi 個性が強い) by 2 respondents, and cheerfulness (akarui 明るい) by 5 respondents. The image of hafu being more outspoken is likely associated with the personality 27 The "how to" of hafu gao meiku, commonly appear in fashion websites. Typing in the key words "ハーフ顔メイク(hafu gao meiku)" in the search engine Yahoo Japan will bring up results. 37 of the currently most popular hafu celebrities such as Becky, Rola, and Wentz Eiji, as they exhibit a very vocal persona on television. These hafu celebrities were among the most frequently listed in the question regarding hafu celebrities that the respondents knew, as we see later in this section. The general impressions from the responses about how hafu are depicted in the media were that hafu are seen as linguistic ambiguous (they may speak only Japanese, not speak proper Japanese, may or may not speak English, and may be multilingual), admirably good-looking Japanese/White hafu (akogare no hafu), and exhibit a non-Japanese personality in terms of their outspokenness, uniqueness, and cheerfulness. Figure 6 shows the specific hafu celebrities listed by the respondents, and Figure 7 lists the impressions given regarding the top four celebrities listed.28 The celebrity who was listed the most was Rola, and the general impression attributed to her was that of mysteriousness and being "out of the norm" (e.g., naïve or innocent, awkward, unique, free spirited). For the next most listed celebrity Becky, the general impression was that she is Japanese in some respect, but is foreign in terms of her appearance, cheerfulness, and expressiveness. The third most listed celebrity Triendl Reina, was described as too good-looking and naïve. For the fourth most listed celebrity, Wentz Eiji, although he cannot speak English, there was an overwhelming expectation for him to be able to do so. For all the celebrities, they are perceived to be out of the ordinary in some way, such as, Rola not being a "normal" character, Becky revealing "non-Japanese" 28 In response to question #8 (section 1): Please list the names of biethnic Japanese celebrities in Japan that you are aware of, and the impressions you have of them. Please note: I have not included the original Japanese for the responses seen in Figure 7 in the appendix because the responses here are organized as a figure rather than in-text quotes. 38 personality traits, Triendl Reina not being "normal" in appearance, and Wentz Eiji not confirming to an expected norm of hafu being bilingual. Through the Eyes of Japanese University Students This section will provide the findings and analysis for my research questions three and four. For research question three, "Do Japanese university students perceive that hafu are likely to be perceived as ethnically Japanese/White due to the influence of media images. Research question four, "How do Japanese university students perceive hafu individuals," was an exploratory question with no hypothesis and the results are given in themes. Before tackling the research questions, let us see just how many of the respondents personally have hafu friends, as this is likely to influence their perceptions regarding hafu, compared to those who have only come in contact with hafu through media images. The majority responded "Yes" to having hafu friends.29 Figure 8 shows that 39 (80%) of the respondents had hafu friends versus 20% (10 respondents) who did not. This is a surprisingly large proportion of the respondents who personally have friends who are hafu. Therefore, it is likely that many of the respondents drew from their own experience in knowing hafu individuals in answering the survey questions about their impressions of hafu in general. Unlike the responses to the question of the ethnic background of hafu celebrities where Japanese/White ranked the highest in responses, more students described the 29 In response to the question #9 (section 1): "Do you have friends who are biethnic Japanese?" 39 ethnicity of hafu to be Japanese/Asian when considering hafu in general.30 Figure 9 shows the number of responses 31 given for the listed Asian nationalities by the respondents. "Korean" was among the highest at 23 responses, followed by "Chinese" at 17 responses, "(generic) Asian" at 10 responses, "Filipino" at 6 responses, and "Southeast Asian" at 3 responses. Figure 10 shows the number responses given for the listed Western nationalities32 by the respondents. "American" was the highest at 20 responses, followed by "(generic) Westerner" at 7 responses, "British" 6 responses, "Australian" at 2 responses, and "German," "French," "Canadian," "New Zealander" all at 1 response. There were a few respondents who listed Latin American countries, as seen in Figure 11, where "Brazilian" was the highest at 4 responses, followed by "Peruvian" at 2 responses, and "(generic) Latino/a" at 1 response. As the responses indicate, it appears that the respondents are well aware of the Japanese/Asian hafu population residing in Japan, and in a few cases, there is an awareness of the Japanese/Latino/a hafu population. Although there were many respondents who did list Japanese/Western hafu as a common ethnicity, considering that there were more responses for Japanese/Asian hafu, it appears that the respondents do not necessarily view all hafu as being Japanese/Western as suggested by Japanese media images of hafu. Therefore, my hypothesis stating that Japanese university students are 30 In response to question #5 (section 1): When thinking about the non-Japanese ethnicity of biethnic Japanese individuals, which ethnicities do you think are most common in Japan? 31 Since respondents often listed more than one nationality/ethnicity, such as listing both "American" and "Korean," the total number of responses given for each national/ethnic category is given. 32 Due to the commonly held notion in Japan of the White ethnicity being associated with Western nationalities (as they are thought to represent Western nations), survey responses that state Western nationalities will be assumed to be indicating a White ethnicity. Further, if the respondents had intended to signify a non-White ethnicity, they would have likely used words such as "African American (kokujin)," "Japanese American (nikkeijin)," etc. 40 likely to generalize hafu as being Japanese/White is not entirely supported. The outcome may be attributed to the location the respondents are from. The city of Osaka where the respondents are from, has a large zainichi Korean community (as discussed in the introduction), and it is likely that the respondents have met or are friends with zainichi Korean or Korean residents residing in the area, and perhaps have friends who are Japanese/Korean hafu. Concerning the general impressions of hafu held by Japanese university students (for research question four), three categories emerged: linguistic and cultural background, appearance, and envy and desire.33 Regarding the comments given about the linguistic background of hafu, 22 respondents said that hafu tended to be bilingual or multilingual: "many can speak two languages" (Female respondent #9) and "my impression is that they may speak several languages" (Female respondent #25). Further, 3 respondents mentioned that they thought hafu could specifically speak English. In terms of impressions held towards the cultural background of hafu, 9 respondents expressed that hafu were either multicultural or had the ability to understand different cultures. One respondent remarked, "they are living a cultural lifestyle where both of their parents' cultures have combined to form a new culture" (Female respondent #13). There were respondents who described the positive outcome of multiculturalism for hafu being the expansion of their intellectual consciousness: "They have a broad outlook (due to being in contact with two cultures" (Female respondent #21), and: • Because they grow up feeling two cultures, they have a tremendous 33 In response to question #4: What are some of the impressions you have regarding biethnic Japanese individuals? 41 ability to understand those from other countries and those from their own country. I have the impression that, even in regard to their own country, they are able to see things from various angles. (Female respondent #17) • They have a wide repertoire in their sense and thinking (due to their parents being of different nationalities, they have the opportunity to come into contact with various things). (Female respondent #32) Regarding the impressions of the linguistic background of hafu, there does not seem to be a bias in which languages hafu are bilingual or multilingual in because the general terms "bilingual" and "multilingual" were used as opposed to stating specific languages. However, in Japan, English is often associated with bilingualism and internationalism;34 therefore, there is the possibility that the respondents do have English in mind when they are replying "bilingual" or "multilingual." There seems to be a general expectation for hafu to be bilingual. For example, 1 respondent said, "Due to the parents having their different individual mother tongues, I have the image that hafu can speak more than two languages" (Male respondent #1). Additionally, the expectation of hafu being bilingual was strong for 1 female respondent as she claimed, "They seem like they can speak two languages, but they surprisingly can't" (Female respondent #31). The fact that she feels surprised when hafu are not bilingual expresses her strong expectation for hafu to be bilingual. Another respondent expressed his expectation for them to be bilingual as he remarked, "If I must say an impression, I wonder if they are bilingual, and I expect it" (Male respondent #12). 34 See Kubota (1998) for a discussion on kokusaika (internationalism) and its link to the English language (p. 300-302). 42 Regarding the cultural background of hafu, there was a sense of hafu as dwelling in an in between space (Female respondent #13), and a sense of hafu as having a wider repertoire of knowledge and understanding than other Japanese due to their multicultural experiences (Female respondents #21, #17, and #32). However, the assumption of hafu being bilingual/multilingual or bicultural is based on the assumption that the hafu individual was raised by both their mother and father and received a bilingual/multilungual education or upbringing which can be a faulty assumption. For example, among the 8 hafu individuals surveyed for this study, half of the respondents came from single parent households.35 Therefore, the stereotype of hafu being multilingual and multicultural may be incorrect. Many respondents pointed to the physical features of hafu, as 26 respondents mentioned that they thought hafu were generally good-looking, as in being handsome, pretty, or cute. Furthermore, 9 respondents placed an emphasis on the foreign appearance of hafu such as: • Visually without pointing to any particular aspect, they look like a foreigner. (Female respondent #6) • [B]ecause they have facial features of a foreigner, when they are fluent in Japanese, I feel surprised. (Male respondent #6) Among the 9 respondents there were those who described hafu in terms of their "Western" appearance: • For Japanese hafu who are Japanese/Westerner hafu, their facial structure is well defined and they are attractive. (Female respondent 35 Please see Appendix D. 43 #14) • For example, those who are Japanese/American or European hafu, regarding their appearance, their face is Japanese, but their nose is well structured and they have blond hair. (Male respondent #3) Others described the foreign appearance of hafu in terms of hair color, eye color, and physical characteristics: • I have a female friend who is hafu, and she has a different eye and hair color than us Japanese, so I am very jealous. Just with a little difference, she stands out amongst Japanese people, so she says that it is unfavorable. I do not think it is an unfavorable thing to stand out. (Female respondent #2) • Appearance wise, they are different from pure Japanese in that their hair might not be black, and their eyes might be brown, and I have the image that they have long arms and legs. (Female respondent #11) • Appearance wise, they are different from Japanese, but I feel that they understand Japan…when I notice that someone's eye or hair color is different, I wonder if they are hafu (Female respondent #33). Such an emphasis on the foreign appearance of hafu implies that the respondents are not referring to Japanese/Asian hafu, but most likely to those who are Japanese/White given the way in which physical features are described such as different hair and eye color. In some cases they specifically made reference to Japanese/White hafu. There was only 1 respondent who described not being able to distinguish a difference between 44 Japanese and hafu individuals in terms of appearance, as he wrote: It is not easy to tell if they are hafu at a glance, and it is only when I am told that they are hafu that I realize they are, so I don't consciously think to myself they are hafu when I interact with them. (Male respondent #12) The respondent may be referring to Japanese/Asian hafu since they are not able to be distinguished physically from Japanese people. When considering that more than half of the respondents made mention of the distinct difference in the physical attributes of hafu such as handsome, pretty, and cute, it is likely that they had in mind those who would be physically distinguishable from Japanese people, not Japanese/Asian hafu. Therefore, although the results of the question regarding the ethnicity of hafu showed more responses for Japanese/Asian ethnicities, it is safe to say that there is still a general impression of hafu being Japanese/White as well. Therefore, media images of hafu do seem to have an impact on how hafu are perceived ethnically by the students. As another general impression, 7 respondents expressed that they were envious of hafu. There were those who described being envious of the bilingual abilities of hafu: "Hafu may speak two or more languages, such that there are many bilinguals, and I feel jealous" (Female respondent #3) and "They are international and speak two languages, of which I am envious" (Female respondent #14). One respondent claimed to be jealous of those who were half American: "When I think that in your body you have Japanese and American blood flowing, I feel jealous" (Male respondent #2). Another respondent expressed, "They are able to expand their thinking and outlook, so I think it is good. I am jealous" (Female respondent #18). Other respondents stated being generally envious of hafu without pointing to any particular aspects. Envy here can also be interpreted in terms of yearning (akogare 憧れ) which is 45 an expression used in the Japanese cultural context to describe something you long to be, have, or do. The characteristics of hafu that the respondents pointed to when describing their feelings of envy such as bilingualism, being American, and having a broad outlook are those associated with internationalism. In Japan, the term internationalism has taken on a meaning of its own. It is very "cool" to be international and English is almost always behind that image. There are "international" schools in Japan that cater to the American expatriate community, other foreign residents, and in some cases to Japanese parents who wish to take an alternative approach to schooling their children in bilingual education (English and Japanese).36 Therefore, the sense of jealousy or akogare described by the respondents can be interpreted as being directed towards the international qualities that they assume hafu to have. The responses reflect the general assumptions of hafu being multilingual and multicultural, and good-looking (for their foreign physical characteristics). They also reflect envy of hafu because it is assumed that hafu are more international with broader perspectives and other desired characteristics. Thus far, I have examined the university student respondents' perceptions about hafu, of how they are depicted in the media and their personal impressions of hafu. In general, the impressions have been positive as hafu are as seen as having admirable qualities, but to what extent are the respondents willing to receive hafu into Japanese society? The best way to determine this question is to ask the respondents directly about the degree to which they would accept an increase in the rate for international marriage.37 36 For a discussion on international schools in Japan, see MacKenzie (2009). 37 In response to questions #1 and #2 (section 2): "I am open to marrying a non-Japanese individual" 46 In terms of their willingness to marry a non-Japanese person, Figure 12 shows that 55% of the respondents replied "Agree," followed by "Somewhat Agree" at 31%, "Neutral" at 6%, "Somewhat Disagree" at 4%, and "Disagree" at 4%. The acceptance level for an increase in international marriage rates displayed in Figure 13 paralleled their willingness to marry a non-Japanese person. Again, 55% replied "Agree," followed by "Somewhat Agree" at 35%, "Neutral" at 10%, and both "Somewhat Disagree" and "Disagree" at 0%. On the whole, the respondents seem to share an open mindedness when it comes to international marriages. However, the figures cannot be taken at face value, because there is always the issue of theory versus practice. Respondents may be open to the idea of marrying a non-Japanese person or having the international marriage rate increase in Japan, however, they may find it very difficult to actually marry a non-Japanese person. They may only accept a minimal increase in the rate of international marriages when confronted with the situation in their personal lives. For example, 1 male respondent wrote in a side note, after he marked the response "Somewhat Agree" regarding an increase in the international marriage rate, that he was "concerned about the treatment towards hafu in Japanese society" (Male respondent #3). In a different section of the survey,38 1 respondent wrote that she has "an image that discrimination towards them [hafu] might still linger" (Female respondent #27). These comments reflect an awareness of the issues of discrimination towards hafu which signifies that reality is often different from theory. Supporting international marriage does not always mean that one perceives it to be practical given Japan's societal and "I am not opposed to the international marriage rate increasing in Japan." 38 Survey question #7 (the original Japanese response is not provided in the appendix). 47 constraints. In another case, 1 respondent said that, "lately there has been a rapid increase in hafu, so I don't think it's good if there are too many" (Female respondent #24).39 Although the respondent did not give her reasons why she did not support the idea of the hafu population increasing in Japan, her attitude reveals the less welcoming position held by some. Moreover, due to the nature of the survey as a formal medium of communication, respondents may be answering positively out of politeness (tatemae) or trying to give the responses they think the researcher expects or wants, while their real opinions (honne ) may be different. However, if the respondents are answering the way they actually feel, the results show a great willingness on the part of those surveyed to embrace international marriages, both in their personal lives and in Japanese society as a whole. Through the Eyes of Hafu Themselves Finally we arrive at the last question I am investigating about which is research question five that asks, "What are hafu individuals' perceptions of employment opportunities in Japan?" I hypothesized that hafu will perceive more opportunities for employment abroad than in Japan because of discriminatory treatment in Japanese society towards hafu. Table 4 lists the profiles of the 8 hafu individuals who were surveyed. The hafu respondents came from diverse ethnic backgrounds, but "Japanese/American hafu" comprised half of the respondents. Their ages ranged from their early twenties to mid-thirties. In terms of gender, 5 respondents were female and 3 respondents were male. Five of the respondents held Japanese citizenships. With regard to language abilities, 6 39 Also under question #7 in the survey (the original Japanese response is not provided in the appendix). 48 respondents had advanced competency in English, and 5 had advanced competency in Japanese. The education level of the respondents was high, ranging from an undergraduate student to a Ph.D. graduate. Finally, half of the respondents had grown up outside of Japan while the other half had spent most of their lives in Japan. Regarding the perceptions of employment opportunities among the respondents, as revealed in Table 5, those respondents who had spent a majority of their lives in Japan, tended to think they had more employment opportunities in Japan than abroad. Those who had spent a majority of their lives outside of Japan tended to view more employment opportunities abroad than in Japan. In addition to the number of years spent in Japan, holding Japanese citizenship and having sufficient Japanese language skills also seemed to be factors that influenced the perception of employment opportunities. Specifically, among the 4 respondents who had spent a majority of their lives outside of Japan, 3 did not have Japanese citizenships, and 1 respondent had no proficiency in the Japanese language. Two of the respondents were still only at the intermediate level in their Japanese language skills. What these findings mean in terms of my hypothesis, stating that hafu individuals will generally perceive more employment opportunities outside of Japan because of discriminatory treatment towards hafu individuals in Japanese society, is that the hypothesis is not supported. Those who grew up in Japan may perceive more opportunities for employment because their social capital (Bourdieu, 1986) has been established in Japan, while those who grew up outside of Japan perceive more opportunities for employment outside of Japan because their social capital has been established outside of Japan. 49 One trend that emerged for respondents as a whole, regardless of their length of stay in Japan, evidenced in Table 5, was the perception that there were more opportunities for employment in Japan in jobs that require bilingualism as a skill set. Given that the previous survey with Japanese university students revealed that they expect hafu to be bilingual or multilingual, the hafu respondents may be conforming to this common expectation in Japanese society by socially positioning (Philogene 2012; Van Langenhove & Harre 1995) themselves in the Japanese job sector as bilinguals/multilinguals (a position not expected of Japanese people) because they perceive this to be the most effective strategy to increase their chances of employment in Japan. Therefore, in some respect, this act signifies a reaction to potential discrimination towards hafu as they are expected to be more than just "Japanese." An important point to note regarding the nature of the hafu respondents' educational and linguistic background, both of which are key determinants of class status in Japanese society, is that all of the respondents have received a university education and the majority are bilingual. Had the respondents come from a lower educational background, for instance, having only a junior high school or high school degree and spoke only Japanese, their employment options would be severely limited because of their low educational status, and they would not have the option of positioning themselves as bilinguals in the Japanese job market. Therefore, the elevated position that the hafu respondents occupy within Japanese society needs to be taken into account. 50 Figure 1: Hafu Celebrities: Nationality of Their Non-Japanese Parent (By Percentage) Figure 2: Hafu Celebrities: Western Nationality by Country (By Number of Celebrities) 77% 13% 5% 2% 1% 1% 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% Western Asian Latin American Middle Eastern African Pacific Island Data House Aiba (Hafu Celebrities, N=142) 52 6 2 1 49 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 American Canadan Australian New Zealander European (Various Countries) Western Countries 51 Figure 3: Hafu Celebrities: Ethnicity of Their Non-Japanese Parent Figure 4: Hafu Celebrities: Nationality of Their Non-Japanese Parent, Western Countries Listed by Japanese University Students (By Number of Responses) 71% 13% 5% 4% 2% 1% 4% 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% Caucasian Asian African Latino/a Middle Eastern Pacific Islander Other American 21 Australian 2 German 2 French 2 British 9 Spaniard 1 Generic Westerner 23 Western Countries (total responses: 60) 52 Figure 5: Hafu Celebrities: Nationality of Their Non-Japanese Parent, Other Nationalities Listed By Japanese University Students (By Number of Responses) Middle Easterner 3 Iranian 1 Korean 2 Other (total reponses: 6) 53 Figure 6: Hafu Celebrities Listed by Japanese University Students (By Number of Responses)40 40 Although Dave Spector was listed by one of the respondents, he is an American and is known in Japan as a gaijin tarento (a celebrity who is a foreigner). Therefore, it is curious that 1 of the respondents identified him as a hafu. 21 18 9 7 5 3 3 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 0 5 10 15 20 25 Hafu Celebrities 54 Rola (Japanese-Russian/Bangladeshi) • stupid cute because she's Rola. (Female respondent #8) • cool model. (Female respondent #12) • free spirited character. (Female respondent #14) • she is very unique. (Female respondent #19) • Rola & Triendl: Even though they use casual speech, they have a lovable quality so that they can be forgiven. (Female respondent #20) • Rola: her face is not Japanese (Female respondent #29) • Rola: She is always encompassed in a mysterious aura. (Male respondent #2) • Rola: [She] seems to act like an idiot for her character, but in reality she seems like she is smart. (Male respondent #5) • Rola: she is always foolish, a mysterious image. (Male respondent #6) • Rola: Cheerful and lively, but she is socially awkward. (Male respondent #11) • Rola (a bit off/naïve). (male respondent 16) Becky (Japanese/British) • Is good at both Japanese and English. (Female respondent #10) • Becky: Aspects which make me think she is hafu are her face which is different from a Japanese face, her cheerfulness, and her sociability. But she seems kind and it makes me think she is Japanese after all. (Female respondent #11) • Becky: well structured nose, pale skin, black hair. (Male respondent #3) • Becky: her appearance is very much like a foreigner, but after all, her personality is Japanese like. Sometimes she exaggerates and is talkative, and in that respect I think the foreign side of her is coming out. (Male respondent# 9) Triendl (Japanese/Australian(German descent)) • Triendl: A face too well proportioned. (laugh). (Female respondent #3) • Triendl: cute, a bit off (naïve). (Female respondent #7) Wentz (Japanese/American (German descent)) • Wentz: Although he is hafu, he cannot speak English. (Female respondent #20) • Wentz: handsome/cool, comes off as being serious, but cannot speak English. (Male respondent #11) • Wentz Eiji…even though his face and Japanese accent are more Japanese than foreigners, he can't speak a foreign language which disappoints me (Male respondent #12) • Wentz (comedic). (Male respondent #16) Figure 7: Impressions of the Top Four Listed Hafu Celebrities Given by Japanese University Students 55 Figure 8: Japanese University Students' Yes/No Responses to Having Friends who are Hafu (By Percentage) Figure 9: Hafu Individuals: Nationality of Their Non-Japanese Parent, Asian Nationalities Listed by Japanese University Students (By Number of Responses) 80% 20% 0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100% Yes No Do you have friends who are Hafu? Korean 23 Chinese 17 Filipino 6 Asian 10 Southeast Asian 3 Asian Countries (total responses: 59) 56 Figure 10: Hafu Individuals: Nationality of Their Non-Japanese Parent, Western Nationalities Listed by Japanese University Students (By Number of Responses) Figure 11: Hafu Individuals: Nationality of Their Non-Japanese Parent, Latin American Nationalities Listed by Japanese University Students (By Number of Responses) American 20 Australian 2 New Zealander 1 Canadian 1 French 1 German 1 British 6 Generic Westerner 7 Western Countries (total responses: 39) Peruvian 2 Brazilian 4 Latino/a 1 Latin Countries (total responses: 7) 57 Figure 12: Japanese University Students' Level of Willingness to Marry a Non-Japanese Person (By Percentage) Figure 13: Japanese University Students' Level of Acceptance to Have the International Marriage Rate Increase in Japan (By Percentage) 55% 31% 6% 4% 4% 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% Agree Somewhat Agree Neutral Somewhat Disagree Disagree Would you consider marrying a non-Japanese person? 55% 35% 10% 0% 0% 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% Agree Somewhat Agree Neutral Somewhat Disagree Disagree Would you accept the rate of international marriages to increase in Japan? 58 Table 4: Profile of the 8 Hafu respondents Japanese Years Ethnicity/Gender Age Citizenship Japanese English Abroad Education Japanese/American- Chilean Male 35 Yes Advanced Advanced 7 years (United States and Chile) Ph.D. Attained . Japanese/Algerian Female 29 Yes Advanced Intermediate to Advanced 2 years (United States, and England) Masters Attained Japanese/American Female 25 Yes Advanced Advanced 5 years (United States) Masters Student Japanese/Columbian Female 21 Yes Advanced Advanced 0 years Under-graduate Student Japanese/Filipino Male 33 No Not Proficient Advanced 32 years and 11 months (Philippines) Masters Student Japanese/American Male 27 Yes Intermediate Advanced 26 years (United States) Masters Attained Japanese/American Female 29 No Intermediate Advanced 25 years (United States) Masters Student Japanese/Brazilian Female 27 No Advanced Competence in reading and writing, not confident in speech 26 years (Brazil) Masters Student 59 Table 5: Perception of Employment Opportunities Among the 8 Hafu Respondents Ethnicity Generally More Opportunities for Employment in Japan Generally More Opportunities for Employment Abroad More Opportunities in Japan for Jobs That Require Bilingualism as a Skill Set Japanese/American-Chilean Somewhat Agree Neutral Neutral Japanese/Algerian Agree Somewhat Disagree Somewhat Agree Japanese/American Somewhat Agree Somewhat Disagree Neutral Japanese/Columbian Somewhat Agree Somewhat Disagree Agree Japanese/Filipino Disagree Neutral Somewhat Agree Japanese/American Disagree Agree Agree Japanese/American Disagree Agree Somewhat Agree Japanese/Brazilian Neutral Neutral Neutral CHAPTER 5 CONCLUSION AND SYNTHESIS The research questions the current study set out to examine took three different perspectives in looking at perceptions of hafu. First, I looked at the representations of hafu in the Japanese media to determine how they are represented ethnically. Then, I turned to how Japanese university students perceive those media depictions. Specifically, I examined how they perceive the ethnic representation of hafu celebrities in the Japanese media, and I looked at their impressions of the representative ethnicities for hafu in the general population. Further, I surveyed the students on their impressions of the characteristics of hafu celebrities and hafu in general. Finally, I looked at how hafu themselves perceive their own situation by surveying hafu individuals on their perceptions of employment opportunities in Japan. The following three sections: Through the Eyes of the Japanese Media, Through the Eyes of Japanese University Students, and Through the Eyes of Hafu Themselves will summarize and synthesize my findings. Through the Eyes of the Japanese Media The findings for how hafu are depicted ethnically in the Japanese media revealed that hafu are represented as Japanese/Western (White). My student respondents saw hafu in the media as linguistically ambiguous (as opinions varied among the respondents), good-looking and subjects of envy (akogare) for their Japanese/White appearance, and 61 exhibiting non-Japanese personality traits. A theme that emerged when looking at the impressions given for specific hafu celebrities was that they are not "normal" Japanese. The depiction of hafu as being Japanese/Western (White) and being praised for their good looks relates to Arudou's (2013) argument that in Japan foreignness is used to market commodities (p. 56-62), as in this case, the "international" feel that hafu celebrities radiate, described by Kaneko (2010), becomes the marketable image or commodity (hafu celebrities appear on many television commercials in Japan, and as celebrities, they are "commodities" in television). Kaneko (2010) also states that hafu celebrities satisfy Japanese youths' desire "to become liberalized Westerners" while retaining a Japanese identity (p. 103), which could explain the reason why there was an expectation for Wentz Eiji to be more than just Japanese (there was great expectation for him to speak English), and the way in which Becky was described as being both Japanese and non-Japanese regardless of her native competency in the Japanese language and culture and her stronger orientation towards her Japanese side. This shows the kind of idealization that Kaneko (2010) is referring to of hafu celebrities being both Japanese and Western. Therefore, advertisement agencies and media producers are likely to promote the Japanese/White hafu image as being exotic enough but yet leave room for familiarity in order to create the image of "Japan meets West." The example of hafu face makeup is an instance where this "exotic yet attainable" quality of the ideal hafu is most apparent, because by applying makeup in a certain way Japanese women are able to achieve the ideal Japanese/White hafu appearance. Interestingly, in recalling Tsuda's (2003b) analysis of the depiction of Japanese 62 Brazilian (Nikkeijin) in the Japanese media, where he found that Japanese Brazilians tended to be portrayed as either Japanese or non-Japanese, in the case of hafu celebrities, in the context of the current study, they seem to always be pointed out for their foreignness and never accepted as merely Japanese regardless of their competency in the language and culture. This difference, in the expectation placed on Nikkeijin and hafu, shows that appearance is a major factor in being defined as a Japanese person in Japan. Through the Eyes of Japanese University Students Regarding Japanese University students' perceptions of hafu, findings showed that the ethnicity of hafu was generally thought to be Japanese/Asian. This finding did not support my hypothesis; however, the secondly most cited response was for Japanese/White hafu. Therefore, the students still seem to perceive hafu in general to be Japanese/White as well. In terms of the impressions towards hafu, there was a general expectation for them to be bilingual/multilingual, good-looking with foreign physical features, and harboring traits of "internationalism." Oikawa and Yoshida (2007) also found that the hafu respondents they interviewed felt that they were expected by their Japanese peers to be "bilingual, athletic, and better looking" (p. 643). Further, Takeshita (2010) found in his interview that parents of Japanese/Brazilian hafu children preferred English to Portuguese as a foreign language for their child to learn (p. 375). This may arise from the expectation of hafu to be "international" multilinguals, which often means English speaking, an expectation also found in the current study. There was a general gap between the identification of the ethnicity of hafu versus the description of their characteristics, where, although respondents generally 63 identified hafu to be Japanese/Asian, the characteristics they associated with hafu were the same characteristics as the ones associated with Japanese/White hafu celebrities. This trend can be interpreted as the respondents not feeling a particular difference between themselves and Japanese/Asian hafu, because Japanese/Asian hafu (especially Korean and Chinese hafu) are able to "pass" more easily than hafu of other ethnicities. Therefore, in order to think of characteristics that set hafu apart from themselves, the respondents could have drawn on the media images of hafu, which clearly portrays the stereotype of hafu being bilingual, good-looking due to their foreign physical features, and "international." Another reason why the respondents referred to Japanese/White hafu characteristics rather than Japanese/Korean hafu characteristics in describing hafu could be due to the social stigmatization of Koreans as being completely foreign, even if they are Japanese/Korean hafu. For example, zainichi Koreans are not thought of as being Japanese even if they have been in Japan for several generations. Further, Japanese/Korean hafu children, regardless of having one Japanese parent are in some cases identified as being Korean rather than hafu due to the negative stigmatization and discrimination placed on Koreans that lingers from the time when Korea was a colony of Imperial Japan. Through the Eyes of Hafu Themselves For the issue of social positioning of hafu through employment opportunities, the findings revealed that hafu individuals who had spent a majority of their lives in Japan tended to perceive more employment opportunities in Japan than abroad, and hafu individuals who had spent a majority of their lives outside of Japan tended to perceive 64 more employment opportunities abroad than in Japan. This finding did not support my hypothesis. Both of those who had grown up in Japan and those who did not generally perceived more opportunities for employment in Japan, specifically in jobs that require bilingualism as a skill set. The phenomena of hafu individuals who grew up in Japan perceiving more employment opportunities in Japan than abroad will now be discussed in light of Bourdieu's (1986) theory of social capital. Bourdieu (1986) defines social capital as: [T]he aggregate of the actual or potential resources which are linked to possession of a durable network of more or less institutionalized relationships of mutual acquaintance and recognition…which provides each of its members with the backing of the collectively-owned capital, a "credential" which entitles them to credit, in the various senses of the word. (p. 21) In other words, for Bourdieu (1986), social capital is the process by which resources are provided to an individual by the social group that they are a part of; therefore, the social network or connection itself is of value, or is capital. For hafu who have grown up in Japan, there are various forms of social groups of which they are a part of such as family, network of friends, organizations, etc. which are essentially their social capital. Such social capital acts as a strong force in providing economic, physical, and psychological security. Further, by utilizing such social networks, employment opportunities may also be gained. Therefore, when weighing the level of investment towards their social capital in Japan versus abroad, it is clear that they have more social capital in Japan. This may be the reason why those respondents who grew up in Japan perceive more employment opportunities in Japan than abroad. The same reasoning can be applied to those respondents that grew up outside of Japan and replied 65 that they perceive more employment opportunities abroad than in Japan; it is because of the different levels of social capital they have abroad versus in Japan. In terms of the social positioning of hafu in Japanese society, it was evidenced that the majority of respondents perceived more opportunities for employment in Japan in jobs which require bilingualism as a skill set. Therefore, Van Langenhove and Harre's (1995) positioning theory will be used to interpret this finding. Philogene (2012) interprets Van Langenhove and Harre's (1995) positioning theory in the following: The confluence of social categories provides individuals with their social position in their respective society and culture. In other words, these categories place the person in a social field that is structured (e.g. by occupation, race, nationality) and hierarchized. Depending on the prevailing constellation of intersecting categories, the individual concerned positions him-or herself socially within that structure. (p. 39) Rephrased, positioning is an act by which an individual positions him/herself in society's constructed social categories. For the hafu respondents, perceiving more chances of employment in Japan using their bilingual skills means that social positioning is taking place, where they are positioning themselves in a social category of bilingual hafu, who have an advantage over nonbilingual hafu and nonbilingual Japanese when seeking jobs that value bilingualism. The fact that the hafu respondents perceive more employment opportunities as bilinguals, in reverse, means that they do not perceive many employment opportunities in so called "mainstream" job sectors which do not require bilingualism as a skill set and where they must compete with Japanese people. Therefore, such social positioning on the part of the hafu respondents indirectly suggests a sense of discrimination felt in the Japanese job market precisely because they are hafu. 66 Larger Implications In understanding what being "hafu" means in Japanese society, it is important to identify how the three examined topics, Through the Eyes of the Japanese Media, Through the Eyes of Japanese University Students, and Through the Eyes of Hafu Themselves, relate to one another. As the current study confirms, the depiction of hafu in the Japanese media is based on a narrow image of hafu being ethnically Japanese/White, which symbolizes hafu as having traits of Japanese and Western culture, or in other words, being "international." This image creates a strong stereotype of hafu in Japanese society, or rather comes to define hafu as being an "international" Japanese/White figure. It is interesting to note that it is only in recent decades that the image of hafu has been conceptualized as desirable, as in the post-World War II years, hafu were seen as "unwanted" children born to Japanese women and U.S. soldiers out of wedlock and were subject to strong discriminatory treatment. However, with the "Americanization" of Japan after World War II, the popularity of the Japanese/White hafu gradually gained momentum precisely because of the marketable quality of their image given the popularity of Western things and the desirability of the English language. Therefore, mass media naturally seeks to incorporate Japanese/White hafu for their image as opposed to other hafu ethnicities, whose images are not seen in the same desirable manner. Indeed, the views of the Japanese university students regarding what they perceive to be the characteristics common to hafu, confirms an internalization of the media image of the Japanese/White hafu. Further, when there is consensus in Japanese 67 society for hafu to represent a certain ideal, that of Japan meets West, such expectation, when felt by hafu themselves, influences how they position themselves within Japanese society. For example, Japanese/White hafu will find it advantageous to establish themselves as bilingual candidates in the employment sector (or to further perpetuate such a stereotype by becoming celebrities themselves), and Japanese/Asian hafu may find it better to conceal their "hafu-ness," by passing as purely Japanese. The way in which the hafu individuals surveyed for the current study positioned themselves as bilinguals in the Japanese employment sector could be taken as evidence of the effect of such media stereotypes. As discussed in the Introduction, there is a historical reason for why Japanese/White hafu are given a more privileged status in Japanese society (by being depicted favorably and more frequently in the media) when compared to non-White hafu. In recent years, there has been effort to portray a more realistic image of hafu in Japanese society, where organizations such as organization A in Kansai have made an effort to open dialogue and create a space where hafu from various ethnic, cultural, and class backgrounds can meet and have their voices heard. The hope for the current study is to contribute to this dialogue by explicitly bringing to light the narrow media made image of hafu, and how such stereotypes affect both the Japanese and hafu individuals. As a recommendation, further effort in Japanese society to bring about a more holistic portrayal of hafu in the Japanese media, for example, through such mediums as documentaries, films, and news reports is called for. 68 Limitations and Future Research Although the current study has used a variety of methodological means to capture the hafu experience in Japanese society, as with any study, limitations are abound. One of the major limitations for the study is the utilized database. Due to the nature of the database, Data House Aiba, not being an officially sponsored site such as a government database or a database created by an organization, the information compiled on the website is strictly based on commonly accessed information on the internet, in other words, popular perception. Therefore, the reliability of the information posted comes into question. Nonetheless, because this study's aim is to understand "perceptions" regarding hafu, the commonly disclosed information on the internet regarding the nationality and ethnicity of hafu celebrities plays on the same string of "perceptions." Hence, the utilized database is, in this sense, appropriate for the current study. Another limitation of this study is in the depth of data collected. The nature of the study is qualitative; however, in depth interviews were not conducted. This opens the possibility for future research to conduct a study focusing on specific conversations with Japanese and hafu individuals with the same agenda of understanding how hafu are perceived, and how hafu position themselves in Japanese society due to this perception. Also, I believe the current study can be further enhanced by interviewing or surveying Japanese university students on the specific backgrounds of their hafu friends and how they relate to or perceive their hafu friends, because a majority of the respondents answered that they have friends who are hafu. Future studies on the subject of hafu are likely to benefit from delving deeper into the issue of the social construction of ethnicity in Japan where the ideology of 69 "bloodline purity" to maintain the Japanese race is emphasized regardless of the fact that "Japanese ethnicity" itself is mixed with other Asian and Pacific Islander ethnicities. Although such an ideology has been politically grounded in an imperialistic and fundamentalist ideology of the "purity of the Japanese race," on the social level, the primary reason for concern in maintaining homogeneity in Japan may be due to the fear that with increased diversity there is likely to be dramatic changes in Japanese culture and lifestyle due to the amalgamation of various cultures that would come to form the foundation of Japanese society. However, in our world today, globalization increasingly creates opportunities for mixed marriages, and in a country such as Japan where homogeneity in ethnicity is maintained as the ideal, conflict arises when confronted with the values particular to globalization, those of "cosmopolitanism" and "diversity." Therefore, by examining the perceptions and treatment of biethnic Japanese individuals in Japan, we can begin to see how Japanese society is dealing with or intends to deal with the opposing values of homogeneity and diversity. 70 APPENDIX A DATA HOUSE AIBA (HAFU TARENTO DATABASE): CATEGORIZED NATIONALITY AND ETHNICITY OF LISTED HAFU CELEBRITIES 71 Hafu Celebrities (N=142): By Nationality of the Non-Japanese Parent Western Countries American 52 Australian 2 Canadian 6 French 11 British 10 Russian 2 Hollander 3 Italian 2 Danish 1 German 4 Romanian 2 Swiss 2 Spaniard 2 Austrian 3 Serbian 1 Belgian 1 Ukrainian 1 New Zealander 1 Norwegian 1 Hungarian 1 Swedish 2 Total: 110 (77%) Asian Countries Filipino 5 Chinese 4 Taiwanese 4 Thai 1 Vietnamese 1 Indian 2 Pakistani 2 Total: 19 (13%) Latin American Countries Brazilian 3 Cuban 1 Mexican 1 Columbian 2 Total: 7 (5%) Middle-Eastern Countries Iranian 2 Egyptian 1 Total: 3 (2%) African Countries Gambian 1 Ghanaian 1 Total: 2 (1%) Pacific Island Countries Samoan 1 Total: 1 (1%) 72 Hafu Celebrities (N=142): By Ethnicity of the Non-Japanese Parent European Ethnicities European-American 43 European-Australian 1 European-Canadian 6 French 10 British 10 Russian 2 Hollander 3 Italian 2 Danish 1 German 4 Romanian 2 Swiss 2 Spaniard 2 Spaniard-Mexican 1 Austrian 3 Serbian 1 Belgian 1 Ukrainian 1 New Zealander 1 Norwegian 1 Hungarian 1 Swedish 2 Greek-Egyptian 1 Total: 101 (71%) Asian Ethnicities Filipino 5 Chinese 4 Taiwanese 4 Thai 1 Vietnamese 1 Indian 2 Pakistani 2 Total: 19 (13%) African Ethnicities Gambian 1 Ghanaian 1 African American 5 Total: 7 (5%) Latin American Ethnicities Brazilian 3 Cuban 1 Columbian 2 Total: 6 (4%) Middle-Eastern Ethnicities Iranian 2 Algerian-French 1 Total: 3 (2%) Pacific Island Ethnicities Samoan 1 Total: 1 (1%) Other Unknown 5 Total: 5 (4%) APPENDIX B SURVEY FINDINGS: JAPANESE STUDENTS' PERCEPTIONS ON HOW HAFU ARE DEPICTED IN THE JAPANESE MEDIA 74 Survey Findings: Japanese University Students' Perceptions on How Hafu Are Depicted in the Japanese Media Appearance Hafu as Models Female Respondents: 1, 8, 12, Male Respondents: 4, 5, 7, 8 Physical Characteristics of Hafu Female Respondents: 1,2,3,4,9,12,13,14,15,16,17,18,20,22,24,25,26,28,30,31,33 Male Respondents: 1,2,4,5,7,8,10,12,14,15,16 Non-Japanese Personality Non-Japanese Personality Female Respondents: 19, 21, Male Respondents: 2, 3, 11, 16 Kosei (Uniqueness) Female Respondents: 19, 28 Akarui (Cheerful) Female Respodents: 7,15,30,32, Male Respondent: 11 Linguistic Background Poor Quality of Japanese Female Respondents: 4,20,25 Multilingual Female Respondents: 7,10,17, Male Respondent: 12 Monolingual in Japanese Female Respondent: 11, Male Respondent: 11 Speaks English Female Respondents: 15,25, Male Respondent: 7 Cannot Speak English Female Respondent: 20 APPENDIX C SURVEY FINDINGS: IMPRESSIONS OF HAFU 76 Survey Findings: Impressions of Hafu Linguistic and Cultural Background Multilingual Female Respondents: 1,3,6,9,13,14,15,19,20,21,23,24,25 Male Respondents: 1,3,4,5,8,9,11,12,13,14 Speaks English Female Respondents: 4,8,12 Multicultural Female Respondents: 10,13,17,21,23,32 Male Respondents: 5,9,14 Appearance Good-Looking Female Respondents: 1,3,4,7,8,9,12,14,15,19,20,24,26,27,28,30,33 Male Respondents: 4,6,7,8,10,11,14,15,16 Foreign Appearance Female Respondents: 2,6,11,14,25,33 Male Respondents: 3,6,7 Envy and Desire Jealous Female Respondents: 3,7,14,18,24 Male Respondents: 2,13 APPENDIX D PARENTAL BACKGROUND OF THE 8 HAFU RESPONDENTS 78 Table 6: Parental Background of the 8 Hafu Respondents Ethnicity Japanese Parent Single Parent Household Japanese/American-Chilean Father No Japanese/Algerian Mother No Japanese/American Mother Yes: Raised by mother Japanese/Columbian Father No Japanese/Filipino Father Yes: Raised by mother Japanese/American Father Yes: Raised by mother Japanese/American Father Yes/No: Raised by mother and father, both at different times Japanese/Brazilian Father No 78 APPENDIX E TRANSLATED RESPONSES FOR THE SURVEY CONDUCTED WITH JAPANESE UNIVERSITY STUDENTS 80 Translated Responses For the Survey Conducted With Japanese University Students Survey question #4: What are some of the impressions you have regarding biethnic Japanese individuals? (Please explain) あなたはハーフの人についてどんな印象がありますか？（説明して下さい） <Female Respondents> 1) 日本語以外にも違う言語を話せそう。かっこいい。かわいい。 They seem to be able to speak another language in addition to Japanese. They are cool/handsome. They are cute. 2) 私の友達にハーフの女性がいますが、私達日本人と違う目の色や髪色を持ってり るので、とてもうらやましく思います。ちょっと違うだけで、日本人の中にいる