From strong black woman to womanist: an Afrocentric approach to understanding perspectives of strengths, life experiences, and coping mechanisms of single, African American custodial grandmothers

As there is an absent generation of parents due to the current ills of society such as drug and alcohol addictions, the AIDS/HIV epidemic, parental neglect and abandonment, incarcerations, mental illness and the deaths of parents, there will be an absent generation of grandparents - grandmothers in particular - for the present generation of grandchildren when they, themselves, become parents. State and other agencies will become more overburdened with assuming the care for the children of this present generation of grandchildren. This descriptive and exploratory study was designed to explore the life experiences, values, beliefs, coping mechanisms, and strengths of single, mostly low-income, African American grandmothers who are raising their grandchildren. These custodial grandmothers are raising their grandchildren without either parent in the home. The grandmothers live in an urban, inner city area of Las Vegas, Nevada, in an area known as the Westside. Data were collected through individual interviews and focus group discussions. The study found that many of the grandmothers prefer not to accept needed assistance from social services agencies or engage with helping professionals because of their belief that no one is interested or concerned about their perceptions; their experiences, values, and beliefs; how they manage to care for the grandchildren; or their strengths. They believe that they do not have a voice in policies and procedures that affect them and their grandchildren. To assist themselves, they agreed to adopt the methods of slave women where many had to raise their children without the benefit of a spouse or other assistance. The participants in this study were willing to engage with each other as a strengths-based, self-help support group within their community, offering each other their strengths, suggestions, and solutions to what they perceive as problematic.

FROM STRONG BLACK WOMAN TO WOMANIST: AN AFROCENTRIC APPROACH TO UNDERSTANDING PERSPECTIVES OF STRENGTHS, LIFE EXPERIENCES, AND COPING MECHANISMS OF SINGLE, AFRICAN AMERICAN CUSTODIAL GRANDMOTHERS by Ozie White Jackson A dissertation submitted to the faculty of The University of Utah in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy College of Social Work The University of Utah May 2011 Copyright © Ozie White Jackson 2011 All Rights Reserved The University of Utah Graduate School STATEMENT OF DISSERTATION APPROVAL The dissertation of Ozie White Jackson____________________ Has been approved by the following supervisory committee members: Christina E. Gringeri , Chair 3/30/2007 Date Approved Amanda S. Barusch , Member 3/30/2007 Date Approved Mary Jane Taylor , Member 3/30/2007 Date Approved Caren Frost , Member 3/30/2007 Date Approved Scott D. Wright , Member 3/30/2007 Date Approved and by Jannah Mather , Chair of the Department of College of Social Work and by Charles A. Wight, Dean of The Graduate School. ABSTRACT As there is an absent generation of parents due to the current ills of society such as drug and alcohol addictions, the AIDS/HIV epidemic, parental neglect and abandonment, incarcerations, mental illness and the deaths of parents, there will be an absent generation of grandparents - grandmothers in particular - for the present generation of grandchildren when they, themselves, become parents. State and other agencies will become more overburdened with assuming the care for the children of this present generation of grandchildren. This descriptive and exploratory study was designed to explore the life experiences, values, beliefs, coping mechanisms, and strengths of single, mostly low-income, African American grandmothers who are raising their grandchildren. These custodial grandmothers are raising their grandchildren without either parent in the home. The grandmothers live in an urban, inner city area of Las Vegas, Nevada, in an area known as the Westside. Data were collected through individual interviews and focus group discussions. The study found that many of the grandmothers prefer not to accept needed assistance from social services agencies or engage with helping professionals because of their belief that no one is interested or concerned about their perceptions; their experiences, values, and beliefs; how they manage to care for the grandchildren; or their strengths. They believe that they do not have a voice in policies and procedures that affect them and their grandchildren. To assist themselves, they agreed to adopt the methods of slave women where many had to raise their children without the benefit of a spouse or other assistance. The participants in this study were willing to engage with each other as a strengths-based, self-help support group within their community, offering each other their strengths, suggestions, and solutions to what they perceive as problematic. iii This dissertation is dedicated to my daughter, Carolyn Mashaun Hutcherson. May she continue to grasp and hold on to the zest of life, as I taught her. TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT ..................................................................................................................... iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ............................................................................................... viii Chapter 1. INTRODUCTION ..................................................................................................... 1 Who Is Mama? ..................................................................................................... 1 Factors Influencing Change in the Grandparent Role .......................................... 2 The African American Custodial Grandmother (AACG) .................................... 5 AACGs‘ Challenges in Parenting the Second Time Around ............................... 6 Rationale for AACGs Raising Today‘s Children ................................................ 8 The Problem ......................................................................................................... 9 The Purpose of the Study ..................................................................................... 10 Summary .............................................................................................................. 10 2. LITERATURE REVIEW .......................................................................................... 12 Historical Context ................................................................................................ 13 The Extended Family and Kinship Bonds ........................................................... 16 Role Changes and Flexibility ............................................................................... 18 Effects of Role Changes....................................................................................... 19 Spiritual Influence ................................................................................................ 20 Cultural Strengths ................................................................................................ 21 Flexible Coping Skills.......................................................................................... 22 Labels ................................................................................................................... 25 The Strong Black Woman (SBW) ....................................................................... 30 Concepts ............................................................................................................... 36 Rationale for a Qualitative Study ......................................................................... 42 The Research Question ........................................................................................ 43 Summary .............................................................................................................. 45 3. METHODOLOGY .................................................................................................... 47 An Afrocentric Method ........................................................................................ 47 An Introspective Examination ............................................................................. 49 The Westside ........................................................................................................ 51 Recruiting the Participants ................................................................................... 53 The Participants ................................................................................................... 56 Paradigm Guiding Research ................................................................................ 57 Research Design................................................................................................... 57 Afrocentric Narrative Inquiry .............................................................................. 58 An Afrocentric Initiative for a Strengths Based Collective ................................. 59 Data Collection From Individual Interviews ....................................................... 59 Analyzing the Data from Individual Interviews .................................................. 65 Introducing a Focus Group Initiative ................................................................... 67 Researcher as an Instrument in a Focus Group Setting ....................................... 68 Interviewing the Group Members ........................................................................ 70 Analyzing Focus Group Data............................................................................... 70 Trustworthiness-Threats to Validity.................................................................... 72 Participants‘ Reactions......................................................................................... 74 Triangulation of Data ........................................................................................... 74 Applying Retrospective Techniques .................................................................... 75 Summary .............................................................................................................. 75 4. PRESENTATION OF DATA-INDIVIDUAL INTERVIEWS ................................ 78 Meeting Grandma ................................................................................................ 78 Traveling with the Researcher: An Explanation for Researcher‘s Reflections ... 79 Who They Are...................................................................................................... 79 Hear Their Voices ................................................................................................ 81 Narrative Summary ..............................................................................................135 Testimony: Fighting the Battle and Sharing the Strength ...................................136 5. NARRATIVE ANALYSIS AND RESULTS ............................................................141 What it Means ......................................................................................................141 Getting Another Chance ......................................................................................148 Narrative Findings-The Answers ........................................................................149 Coping ..................................................................................................................150 6. PRESENTATION OF DATA-FOCUS GROUP DISCUSSIONS ...........................160 Introduction ..........................................................................................................160 Assembling a Focus Group ..................................................................................160 Sisters, Coming Together and Speaking Out .......................................................163 Focus Group Summary ........................................................................................195 vi 7. FOCUS GROUP ANALYSIS AND FINDINGS ......................................................199 The Analysis-Moving into a New Direction .......................................................199 Adding to the Acts of Coping ..............................................................................199 Struggling Yields Strength ...................................................................................202 The Name Game ..................................................................................................203 Seeking and Utilizing Social Services .................................................................204 Becoming a Womanist-Will it Work? .................................................................205 Other Related Concepts .......................................................................................206 Focus Group Findings-Bringing it Together .......................................................207 Answering the Question-Can They or Can‘t They? ............................................208 8. THEREFORE I AM ...................................................................................................210 Study Summary-The Literature Versus Findings ................................................210 Conclusion ...........................................................................................................213 Limitations and Delimitations ..............................................................................216 Discussion ............................................................................................................217 Implications for Further Research and Social Work Practice ..............................220 Taking Leave .......................................................................................................221 EPILOGUE ......................................................................................................................223 REFERENCES ................................................................................................................225 vii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Giving thanks to God Almighty who has sustained me all of my life and who is first in my life, who heard me when I asked Him not to move my mountain, but to give me the strength to climb. It gives me great pleasure to acknowledge the following for their immense, unconditional support: To my loving husband, Charles L. Jackson. It is our season. You were there to cross the bridge with me, holding my hand and heart each step of the way. I sincerely appreciate you. To Dr. William Heyward Hodge; without his special personal assistance and patience, I could have not completed this endeavor. Kind and warmest regards to Charles B. Bernick, M. D. (The Boss) who patiently listened to me whine and complain but who was always there to offer encouragement and to remind me that I must do what I needed to do. To my dearest friend and co-worker, Dr. Donna Munic, who sternly encouraged that quitting was not an option. Donna, you were and still are my prop. To the many friends and family members, too numerous to mention: All of you allowed me to stand on your shoulders, not to look down into the valley, but to look up and to see the mountaintop. To my committee members - Drs. Christina Gringeri, my committee chairperson; Amanda S. Barusch, Scott D. Wright, Mary Jane Taylor, and Caren Frost - thank all of you for holding my hand and for being so patient with me over the years. A special thanks to Dr. L. H. Liese for his assistance. A very special thanks and grateful appreciation to Ms. Candace Minchey, who was always there to offer her shoulder to lean on and who was always on time to assist me in any way she could. More special thanks to my granddaughter, Courtney Refour, who did not quite understand what it was all about, but who made me laugh even when I did not feel like laughing; and, to my niece, Annisse White, who offered me a cheerful attitude and a willingness to always help me. A special appreciation to my fellow members of the TED 2000 Cohort: Wandarah Anderson, Trinidad (Trini) Arguello, Elizabeth (Liz) Breshears, Monte Butler, Cecilia Khan, Bassima Schbley, Susan Ann (Sassy) Stauffer, Kim Stauss, Peggy Weber, and Richard Whiting - all of you offered me your blessings and kind-hearted best wishes during my time of personal crisis; to Susan Mears and her husband, Dr. Mark Green, who transported me those 400 plus miles each way to school and who always kept me uplifted when I wanted to give it all up. And lastly, in memory of our fellow cohort member, Alicia Smalley, who did not get there with us, but her spirit remains. ix CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION Who Is Mama? In many families, grandparents have been regarded as a part or an extension of the family unit, and have contributed to a sense of family cohesiveness. In some families, grandparents have been important and direct members of the family unit. In either instance, as important members of the family structure, grandparents have often played a supportive role in helping to hold the family intact. Times have changed. No longer are they considered the family members whose main objective is to maintain family togetherness, or to present a friendly, fun-loving image, or to assume temporary custodial responsibilities of grandchildren when necessary. Today, many grandparents have assumed a different role, the role of full time custodial parent. Years ago, Neugarten and Weinstein (1964) conducted research that resulted in their recognizing five styles of grandparenting: (a) formal, (b) fun seeker, (c) distant, (e) surrogate, and (f) reservoir. They described formal type grandparents as those who do not interfere with parenting; these grandparents do not have a close relationship with the grandchildren. The fun seeker type grandparents fully enjoy their grandchildren and have a tendency to overindulge or spoil them. The distant type grandparents are similar to 2 formal type grandparents; their contact with the grandchildren is brief. This type of grandparent may participate in special events, such as birthdays and holidays, but mostly, they will not have any specific involvement in their grandchildren‘s lives. The surrogate grandparent assumes full parental duties and responsibilities. Similar to the surrogate type are the reservoir grandparents. This type, as in a primary parental role, maintains authority over grandchildren; the authoritarian role is maintained, with emphasis on power and control but only while the grandchildren are in the care of the grandparents. Neugarten and Weinstein surmised from their research that grandparents serving in the capacity of surrogate and reservoir grandparents were the least common styles of grandparenting. Today, a marked shift has occurred, and both styles have become very common. Factors Influencing Change in the Grandparent Role Changes in society have brought about a change in the family structure. Studies have shown that this change is mainly caused by a generation of parents who have abandoned the parenting role. Researchers have contended that the abnormalities in present day society have given rise to circumstances that have prevented parents from being the primary caregivers of their children. The problems and troubles have been described as drug and alcohol addictions, the onset of the AIDS and HIV epidemics, parental neglect and abandonment, incarcerations, mental illness, and death of the parents (Burnette, 1997; Burton, 1992; Emick & Haslip, 1996; Fuller-Thomson & Minkler, 2000; Harden, Clark, & McGuire, 1997; Okazawa-Rey, 1998; Pinson-Millburn, Fabian, Schlossberg, & Pyle, 1996; Young & Smith, 2000). Due to these causal effects, there has been a marked growth in the number of children who have been placed in the homes of 3 other family or nonfamily members. More often, it has been the home of the grandparents (Fuller-Thomson, Minkler, & Driver, 1997). Minkler and Roe (1993) asserted that a tremendous rise has been seen in the number of neglected, abused, and abandoned children placed formally and informally in some type of kinship care. Between 1980 and 1990, there was an increase of 44% in the number of children living with relatives in households lacking either parent (U.S. Census Bureau, 1990). In 2000, more than six million children across the United States, all under age 18, lived in households that were headed by grandparents or other relatives, as many as 2.5 million children lived in these homes without the presence of either parent, a 30% increase from 1990 to 2000 (U.S. Census Bureau, 2000). Nationally, 2.4 million grandparents have reported that they are responsible for their grandchildren who live with them. Thirty-four percent of the grandparents live in the households without the presence of the children‘s parents. Seventy-one percent of the grandparents are under the age of 60. Twenty-nine percent of these grandparents are African American (U.S. Census Bureau, 2000). This study included single African American grandmothers who live in an area known as the Westside in Las Vegas, Nevada. In the state of Nevada, in 2000, there were 30,580 children who lived in grandparent-headed households. This represented 6.0% of all children who live in the state. There were another 14,318 children, or 2.8% of all children in the state, who lived in households headed by other relatives. Of the children who lived in households headed by their grandparents or other relatives, 19,278 lived in the homes without the presence of either parent (Nevada: A State Fact Sheet for Grandparents and Other Relatives Raising Children, 2005). In this same report, 18,685 4 grandparents reported that they were responsible for grandchildren who lived with them, and 33.0% of the grandparents were raising their grandchildren without the children‘s parents present. Twelve percent of the grandparents were African American In 2000, there were 60,606 African Americans living in Las Vegas, Nevada, representing 11.8% of the city‘s total population of 538, 653. In Las Vegas, there were 4,812 grandparents with grandchildren living in their homes. These grandparents were responsible for providing their grandchildren‘s basic needs and 12% of these grandparents were African American (U.S. Census Bureau, 2000). Grandparents (mostly grandmothers) have assumed the role as primary caregivers of their grandchildren in great numbers (Kelley, Whitley, Sipe, & Yorker, 2000). They have served as safety nets for children whose parents have been unable or unwilling to provide for their children Research has revealed that custodial grandparents have stepped in, in order to keep families together and to keep children out of a formal foster care system (Kornhaber, 1996). Studies have shown that a number of grandparents have increasingly been confronted with circumstances that have not been typical of a role formally portrayed as ordinary, usual, or customary grandparents (Emick, & Haslip, 1996; Kornhaber, 1996; Minkler & Roe, 1993; Minkler & Roe, 1996). Researchers and policy makers have shown that this important phenomenon deserves attention and concern (Burnette, 1997; Minkler & Roe, 1993). Additionally, increased research has identified many social factors affecting caregiver grandparents such as the need for financial support, respite care, and other social service interventions (Harden, Clark, & Maguire, 1997). There has 5 been great interest in developing community interventions and service programs to assist and support grandparent caregivers (Emick & Haslip, 1996). The African American Custodial Grandmother (AACG) Grandparent-headed households are represented at all socioeconomic levels and across all ethnic and racial groups. In African American families, there has been a rapid increase in the occurrences of primary parenting between generations in African American families, where the grandmother is the primary caregiver of grandchildren (Fuller-Thomson, Minkler, & Driver, 1997; Okazawa-Rey, 1998; Ruiz, 2000). In spite of the rising interest in the number of grandparent-headed households, there has been a paucity in research on African American custodial grandmothers (AACGs). Research on AACGs appears to lag behind in comparison to research on Anglo American custodial grandmothers (Burton and Dilworth-Anderson, 1991). The probabilities of becoming a caregiver of grandchildren are increased if the grandparent is single, low-income, and African American (Fuller-Thomas, Minkler, & Driver, 1997; Harden, Clark, & McGuire, 1997). Various professionals such as educators and health and social services providers have estimated grandparent-headed households to be as high 20% to 50% in some low-income African American communities (Minkler & Roe, 1993). Fuller-Thomson, Minkler, and Driver (1997) examined the prevalence of grandparent caregiving in the United States and presented a national profile of grandparent caregivers based on data collected from 1992 to 1994. The study revealed that African Americans had 83% higher odds of being full time grandparent caregivers than those respondents represented by other ethnic groups. They surmised this might be 6 attributed to a historical practice found in many African American communities of parents, children, grandparents and other family members, living together and sharing caregiving responsibilities. The composition of African American households reflects a continuing pattern of shared residence and caregiving that originated in West African culture and tradition (Sudakarsa, 1981). Historically, African American grandmothers have always played an important role in the survival of the family (Burton & Dilworth-Anderson, 1991; Hagestad & Burton, 1986; Ruiz, 2000). Frequently, they have been considered the anchors of the family; the proverbial -rocks.‖ In many African American families, grandmothers fulfill many roles. They can serve as keepers of the familial flame and as the guardian of the family history. They also can serve as a family stabilizing influence, by providing spiritual and other types of support. The grandmothers‘ position and role responsibilities in an extended family context have been expansive and flexible. They have probably always assisted in caregiving for their immediate family members as well as for others who may or may not be blood related. One of the strengths and venerable traditions of the African American community has been a commitment to the collective responsibility of its children (Danzy & Jackson, 1997; Wilhelmus, 1998). Grandmothers have been important in this chain of collective responsibility, performing essential roles in assisting with the care and well-being of their own grandchildren and great grandchildren, as well as the children outside their immediate family group (Ruiz, 2000). AACGs‘ Challenges in Parenting the Second Time Around Many AACGs may have an expectation of assuming the role as full time custodial caregivers of their grandchildren (Emick & Haslip, 1996; Hagestad & Burton, 1986). In 7 some African American communities, raising grandchildren or assisting in their upbringing can be described as the norm rather than the exception. More often, the parents may have always resided in the grandmother‘s home with the children and have shared child-raising responsibilities with the grandparent. Child rearing in the United States is a challenging task for anyone who is a parent. It is probable that it is even more challenging in the inner cities, African American communities, and especially for low-income, single, middle-aged, and elderly African American custodial grandmothers. These grandmothers have paid a high price to assume the caregiving responsibility of raising their grandchildren when the parents have either not been in the home or have not accepted their parental responsibilities. Lifelong histories of poverty, low income, poor health status and physical functioning, and heavy emotional demands can present special difficulties for many of these grandmothers. Those grandmothers who reside in the inner cities have been most deeply affected by various social problems (Minkler & Roe, 1993) and often, social, political, and economic resources have been scarce for these families (Burnette, 1997). Cox (2002) related there has been an increase in resources and social supports for custodial grandparents, as the needs and concerns of households headed by a grandparent have become more commonly acknowledged. However, Barresi and Menon (1990) found that many African Americans, especially the elderly, often do not use formal sources of support. Many custodial grandmothers, including elderly ones, are not inclined to speak out in communicating their needs to others outside of their families or their immediate communities (Minkler & Roe, 1993). As they interact with the educational, public health, juvenile justice, social services, and other social systems, they 8 may be attempting to navigate or link with social systems structures that are unfamiliar and challenging to them (Burnette, 1997). Then too, even if they have used the systems before, these systems have probably changed over the years (Burnette, 1997; Kluger & Aprea, 1999), and may require them to access the systems in a different or even a more difficult way than before. These dealings may result in frustrations that can weaken their resolve, dim their perspectives, and cause them to challenge their motivations and to question their ability to raise their grandchildren. Many AACGs lack appropriate parenting skills necessary to raise today‘s children. Using the same techniques that they used in raising their own children is not adequate. If they are aware of the contemporary nature of child rearing, a readiness to adjust to the changes is very difficult (Gibson, 2002; Strom & Strom, 1993). Additionally, generational differences may find the AACGs unaware of current social issues and their effect on the grandchildren, leaving the AACGs unprepared to deal with contemporary peer pressure, sexual activity, as well as gang and illicit drugs activity endemic in inner city neighborhoods (Gibson, 2002). Rationale for AACGs Raising Today‘s Children Low income and single, inner city, African American grandmothers have found themselves burdened with raising children alone and with additional pressures of poverty. Many have been willing to take on the parental responsibility because of their strong belief in keeping the family together, their suspicions about public agencies, and their unwillingness to surrender their grandchildren to state social services officials. Many have a profound belief that the children‘s parents will one day take charge and assume functioning parenting roles (Emick & Hayslip, 1996; Okazawa-Rey, 1998; Ruiz, 2000). 9 Gibson (2002) explored the reasons grandmothers decided to take on the role of custodial parents of their grandchildren in spite of the possibility of increasing physical, psychological, economic, and social consequences. Gibson found their reasons included the tradition of keeping the children close within the family, their own relationships with the grandchildren, a distrust of the foster care system, the custodial grandmother being the only resource, a strong spiritual relationship, and the refusal of the grandchild‘s other grandmother to become involved with caregiving. Although Gibson offered reasons why some grandmothers assumed the tasks of raising their grandchildren, there are unanswered questions as to how the grandmothers coped with childrearing responsibilities and what motivates and maintains them in their roles. The Problem According to Okazawa-Rey (1998), social workers and health care providers in urban areas were among the initial group of professionals to identify the upsurge of grandparents who have become parents again. As the number of custodial grandparents increases, service providers will increasingly come into contact with middle-aged and older women struggling with the difficulties of raising children (Young & Smith, 2000). There is a need to consider the grandmothers as resources of information in order to assist in affecting changes for this growing population. Some AACGs may believe using coping mechanisms to raise their grandchildren helps them with managing problems and facing adversities, but they may also be aware that their coping mechanisms do not necessarily shield them from the problems. Determining how they cope with their caregiving responsibilities is helpful in the development of useful techniques and strategies tailored to their special needs. 10 Concentrating on their individual strengths, rather than the deficits of their circumstances, is one approach that can offer solutions and can aid in building effective models of service. The Purpose of the Study Studies have provided the assertion that when minority families are examined, researchers may tend to not be interested in how various influences affect the families. Rather, the main concern has often been developing and implementing strategies and interventions on what they, the researchers, perceive as the problem (Dickerson, 1995). The purpose of this study was to develop knowledge that will specifically impact interventions designed for AACGs. The knowledge gained will contribute to a significant understanding of their experiences and behaviors, as well as an understanding of their beliefs and values. This study was also done in order to gather information that will assist helping professionals to initiate or expand strategies for strengths based interventions. Many AACGs have strengths that are based on self-definitions and self-worth that can be utilized in a positive manner. Going directly to the source for information can yield strategies based on knowledge of how the AACGs survive in the faces of adversity. The strategies developed should reflect the strength and cultural integrities of the AACGs that are useful in gaining a more responsive approach in meeting their needs. Summary The prevalence of AACGs raising grandchildren and caring for other family members is not new in the African American communities. Burnette (1998) posits that what is new is that helping professionals have taken notice and are acknowledging the 11 extraordinary increase of grandparents, particularly grandmothers, who are raising their grandchildren. As with custodial grandmothers of other ethnic groups, and those AACGs who are of a different socioeconomic status, the drafting of low income, single, middle-aged, and older AACGs into rearing their grandchildren and possibly other young family members is probably expected to continue for a long time. It is often assumed that AACGs need interventions that positively impact their issues and these issues may have often been identified by others, rather than by the AACGs themselves. There is a need to explore the day-to-day experiences of AACGs in order to assess their individual coping mechanisms and management of problematic situations. It is possible that AACGs do indeed possess skills, knowledge, and experiences needed to raise their grandchildren, and much of this may be based on their indelible strengths and ability to endure and persevere. Erikson (1966) wondered why there was so little attention paid to the subject of the strengths of low-income African American families and so much attention about their weaknesses. Forty years later, the question is still compelling and applicable when changing the face from African American families to low-income, single AACGs, who head low-income families. AACGs are not likely to have salient descriptions of their strengths and resiliency emphasized in the literature when they are grouped under the umbrella with African American families and African American women. This may be due to not only inadequate historical evidence, negative stereotypical images, and impersonal strategies used for studying African American families but related specifically to AACGs, because an appropriate method to gain an understanding about the sources of their values, strengths, and resilience. Perhaps it is simply because no one has asked about their sources. CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW Gregory (1995) asserted that in studying African American women, such as the AACGs, the best way to structure the framework of their perspectives, their life experiences, their beliefs, and values, is to analyze their historical and cultural components, and their behavior. In order to understand the strengths, resilience and other salient attributes of African American women as they apply to AACGs and their ability to survive, first it is necessary to understand the background that has shaped them into the persons they have become and who they are (Ladner, 1971). To do this, one must go back to their roots and to their historical beginnings of how these attributes and behaviors were formed (Peterson, 1992). The literature review addresses the changing concepts and roles of the African American family system prior to their dispersion from West Africa, and upon and after their entrance into the slave system. In his book, The Strengths of African American Families, Twenty-Five Years Later, Hill (1999) commented on several studies that revealed the resiliency-producing values and successful coping strategies of African American families and how their cultural strengths were derived from their African legacy. In addition to Hill, other afrocentric writers have identified major resiliency factors indigenous to African American family functioning. These factors include 13 extended family networks and kinship bonds, role flexibility in the family, strong spiritual orientation, cultural strengths, and flexible coping skills (Billingsley, 1992; Kane, 2000; Peterson, 1992; Wilson, 1989). These characteristics can also be found among other racial or ethnic groups but because of their unique history of slavery and racial oppression, the characteristics have manifested in different ways in many African American families (Hill, 1999). The review illustrates how these factors relate to the AACG phenomenon and what factors influence their perceptions of their strengths and resiliency. Also discussed are the historical emergences of the mammy and the matriarch labels that led to the phenomenon of the Strong Black Woman (SBW) and its definition. The review also discusses the construction of concepts and provides definitions that were used to guide the study. In this respect, the chapter discusses: (a) the womanist concept, (b) defining afrocentrism and afrocentricity from both a general and social science perspective as the concept relates to African Americans, (c) afrocentric principal areas of inquiry that include cosmological, ontological, epistemological, and axiological perspectives, (d) rationale for a qualitative study, and (e) the research questions. Historical Context Precolonial West Africa Some African Americans share affiliations and world views that are grounded and centered in the elements of traditional precolonial West African culture. African based culture emphasizes the centrality of the family (Blassingame, 1979). African American family researchers who studied traditional precolonial West African culture found that the African family was one of the strongest cohesive units as compared to other cultural 14 groups. The traditional family system structurally stretched in all directions, horizontally and vertically; taking into account every family member of the community or of the tribe (Blassingame, 1979; Nobles, 1974; Sudarkasa, 1981), those living or dead, and those who are not yet born (Mbiti, 1970). Blassingame (1979) suggested that the transformation of African roles in the family led to the creation of a family system where men and women equally shared authority and responsibility. Ladner (1971) explained that in addition to being wives and mothers, there were other very important and powerful roles within the family or tribe for women along the west coast in precolonial Africa. Many were the chief traders in the village and handled all the family resources and financial matters (Bracey, Meier, & Rudwick, 1970). These positions probably offered the women a type of personal independence, meaning that they may not have had to rely on the male members of the family or tribe. Bracey and colleagues further related that because of this, many West African women held their economic destinies in their own hands and were probably fully capable of going their own ways if they became discontented or unhappy with their husbands. Politically, many African women were important in the administration of tribal affairs and their positions of economic and political power were greatly honored and respected in the family (Nobles, 1974). In addition, family lineage was often matrilineal, meaning that lineage descent was often traced through the female. The African women in their roles were highly respected and honored within the tribal culture (White, 1985). The Slave Family Having entered into slavery, many Africans desperately tried to maintain the traditions and life styles to which they were accustomed (Ladner, 1991). These were 15 described as the high regards for the family, both living and dead members, and the highly developed life foundations that were a part of African society. They struggled intensely to conserve what they could in order to hold on to what was left of their civilization and of their former family life style. In her historical research, Davis (1981) found that the majority of slave women were required by the slave owners to be as masculine and robust as the slave men when working in the plantation fields. Female slaves were forced to perform the same hard and tedious work as the male slaves. African American feminist author and scholar, bell hooks (who uses lower case alphabet letters in the spelling of her name) asserted that plantation owners refused to acknowledge that the slave women were actually females. Instead, slave women were considered to be genderless (hooks, 1981). With such equal opportunity given to the laboring in the fields for both slave men and women, one could surmise that slave men and slave women were equally prominent in the slave family. This was not so-White (1985) related that while in captivity, slave families were not male dominated nor did the slave man and woman have equal family roles. Instead, slave families were primarily female centered, with the slave woman being the nucleus of the family unit. In his book, Climbing Jacob‘s Ladder, Billingsley (1992) claimed that the slave system required that the slave mother not the slave father serve as the central focus of the family, although the female slave did not have dominant or controlling power in the family. She certainly was not the head of her family. As with his own family, the plantation owner owned both his plantation and the slaves on it. Therefore, the controlling power in the slave family resided in neither the slave man nor the slave 16 woman but dwelled with the slave owner, and this power was often shared with the plantation‘s overseer or foreman. The Extended Family and Kinship Bonds It must be understood that there is variation among African American families. As with any culture, observance of long-held traditions can be found in many African American families, while others may hold to fewer or different traditions (Mosley- Howard & Evans, 2000). A major characteristic common in many African American families is the extended family (Kane, 2000; Wilson, 1986). Nobles (1974) and Wilson (1986) contended that the extended family and kinship bonds found in many African American families have been in existence since times in precolonial West Africa. A distinctive feature of the African family patterns that survived in America was the primacy given to extended families versus nuclear families (Billingsley, 1992). Hill (1999) and Wilson (1986) claimed that in this type of family, the bonds of kinship could be extended to related and nonrelated members who often provide various kinds of support. These included providing daycare services to working parents, informal (taking-in), and formal foster care and adoption, and mutual social and economic assistance. These factors contributed to a reduction of child abuse. McAdoo (1980) referred to extended family support networks as those that provide emotional support and economic supplements, as well as the protection of the family‘s honor and integrity from attacks by outside forces. These were usually forces outside the family realm or outside of the community. For traditional precolonial West Africans, it was the community or the family that defined the individual as being a member of the group. The saying, -I am me because we 17 are; since we are, therefore I am‖ (Mbiti, 1970, p. 141), represents many African Americans‘ cultural tradition of family group cohesion as it exists today (Boyd-Franklin, 1991; Nobles, 1974; Peterson, 1992). By definition, for the African, -I‖ was actually -We‖ (Nobles, 1974). For many African Americans, there are clear indications of this tradition. -We‖ does not imply -you‖ stand alone or are alone. This extended family caregiving may include grandparents as caregivers. In order to escape racism, oppression and poverty in the South, a period known to many as the -great migration‖ (Burton & Dilworth-Anderson, 1991; Sudarkasa, 1981; Wilson, 1989), or the rural to urban migration period, encouraged many African Americans to leave the South to seek employment and improved living conditions in the industrialized northern, midwestern, and western urban cities. Many African American parents often left their children in the care of grandparents and other family members who remained in the South, until the parents were settled in the new state and were financially able to take care of them (Burton, 1992; Ruiz, 1999). In an exploratory study conducted by Minkler, Roe, and Robertson-Beckley (1994) involving 71 AACGs living in the San Francisco Bay area, findings revealed that most were members of solid networks of family ties. However, not all single parent African American families have supportive networks. In a similar study of AACGs, Burton (1992) found that the study participants did not receive consistent and reliable support though family networks. Therefore, some but not all AACGs are the recipients of benefits from extended family members. 18 Role Changes and Flexibility As family structures change, family members‘ roles also change. These roles are a function in the makeup of the family structure (Burton & Dilworth-Anderson, 1991). In the structure of West African families, the family role elements flowed into each other, meaning that the functions of the family members flowed within and throughout the family. The role changes were flexible and interchangeable, moving forward, backwards, branching out to other roles and back again as necessary (Nobles, 1974). Within the precolonial African worldview, role flexibility was the sharing and the changing of roles as needed for the maintenance of family unity (Asante, 1988). Role flexibility in many African American families represents a resilient, stabilizing, and protective factor (Hill, 1999). In Hill‘s review of cross-cultural studies of contemporary African American families, family role flexibility was found to be a major contributor to the security, and even upward mobility of some African American families. In role flexibility, parenting roles are shared not only between parents, but also with grandparents, other adult relatives, fictive kin, and older siblings who perform parental functions for younger siblings (Barbarin, 1983; Hill, 1999; Kane, 2000). Mosley-Howard and Evans (2000) relate that the flexibility of roles found in many African American families is considered a major strength for family solidarity and stability. An increase of parenting role change and flexibility is shown in the disproportionate numbers of African American women who are rearing grandchildren today (Burton, 1996; Hill, 1999). They are no longer just grandmothers, but they are the parents and in many cases, the only parent. Assuming a different role such as caregiver 19 or parent reflects the strength of these grandmothers and the resiliency and adaptability characterizations of many African American families (Billingsley, 1992). These AACGs certainly provide care for their grandchildren for greater and different reasons than those grandparents who provided such care during the -great migration.‖ Effects of Role Changes Although assuming role changes can demonstrate a reflection of their strengths, many AACGs experience role conflict (Burton, 1992). AACGs assuming the parental role the second time, perhaps later in life, may experience dilemmas that are physical, emotional and financial (Burton, 1992; Minkler & Roe, 1993; Morrow-Kondos, Weber, Cooper, & Hesser, 1997; Ruiz, 2000). Moreover, some AACGs raising grandchildren are also caregivers for elderly or frail family members. Burton and DeVries (1993) asserted that, though many AACGs are committed to the caring of their grandchildren, they have difficulty adjusting to believing or knowing that their caregiving role means that they must endure, not a temporary, but a long term role change. Younger AACGs often do not appreciate the role of grandparenthood because of a role conflict between being employed outside of the home, having caregiving responsibilities for their own children in some instances, and their grandchildren (Burton & DeVries, 1993). Under these circumstances, role transitions can disturb family timetables (Burton & Bengston, 1985). For example, Burton (1996) asserted, that the parent could be a young or older teenager, thereby causing the teenager‘s mother to become a grandparent at an early age, a role that the older mother may consider premature. In a study of the effects of teenage pregnancy on intergenerational family structure and the roles of African American women, Burton found that the majority of 20 young grandmothers refused to take on the role of a caregiving parent to their grandchildren. Instead, they passed the burden of care up to the next level, to their mother, the great-grandmother. Spiritual Influence Spiritual or religious faith is probably the one thing that connects many African Americans with their African roots ( Boyd-Franklin, 1991; Peterson, 1992), as many of their religious practices today contain many of the elements of African spirituality (Hill, 1999). These elements are described by Jules-Rosette (1980), as a belief in a direct connection between the natural and the supernatural or praying; a person who speaks to a higher power and believes that the person‘s voice is heard by the supernatural. There is a belief in the significant ability of music to call upon the supernatural or what is known as praising or giving thanks. Additionally, there is a belief in the importance of human intervention in the supernatural world through possession and spiritual control, or shouting or exaltation, and a belief such as having been filled with the -holy ghost‖ or being touched by a higher power. There is also the importance of participatory verbal performance such as chanting or a call and response method. According to Hill (1999), studies have revealed that a strong religious orientation and spirituality are major sources from which many African Americans draw strengths that enhance their resilience to life‘s chaos. Gibbs (1991) contended that the African American church, more than any other institution, has been the place for outward and inner expressions, sometimes in a collective sense, for seeking inspiration and motivation to withstand the realities of their lives that they deem as burdensome and troublesome. 21 The church is considered an essential place where many African American people join collectively to communicate and to share their convictions and to enter a healing process. They come together collectively to share in their faith, to mend each other‘s wounds with a balm of spiritual inspirations, and to discard the harsh effects they encounter from life‘s transgressions (Peterson, 1992). Gibson (2002) conducted a study of twelve AACGs to explore grandmothers parenting their grandchildren. Gibson‘s study participants acknowledged a spiritual presence in their daily lives and discussed their relationship with God. In her study, Gibson hoped to determine why these 12 AACGs assumed the parental role of their grandchildren. She found that one of the dominant themes, and several significant sub-themes that emerged from the study, were the AACGs‘ acknowledgment to having strong spiritual beliefs and devotion to a relationship with God. These strong beliefs and devotion to God helped them to not only make the decisions to assume the parental role, but the same strong belief and devotion to God was what they used in a primary sense, to explain their source of strength that enabled them to maintain their roles. Cultural Strengths Exum and Moore (1993) described African Americans as being endowed with strengths that are inherent to their culture and are probably precolonial West African in nature. They described those strengths as flexibility, forgiveness, resilience, and persistence. In explaining the reasons why they believed that many African Americans are able to persevere, Exum and Moore (1993) stated that perseverance is the foundation of 22 their cultural strengths. They contended that many African Americans have had to maintain flexibility and adaptability in various aspects of their lives in order to survive. They further related that historically, many African Americans have been successful in making the most and best of whatever resources they had or lacked. They averred that many African Americans are known to be capable of withstanding very high levels of stress for long periods. They also added that many African Americans are known to have the capability of recovering swiftly from personal crises, or at least this is projected. Finally, they believed that a basis of strength in many African Americans is their belief in forgiveness and tolerance. According to Exum and Moore, these moral virtues probably originated from the African concept of acceptance. This can be described as accepting what is as being the way it is or the way it was meant to be. This does not mean that African Americans experience less or more emotional pain or suffering than other ethnic or cultural groups, but rather historically, many have a tendency to refrain from verbalizing or openly displaying the effects of their pain and suffering. Flexible Coping Skills In her definition of coping, Burnette (1998) stated that it is -an individual‘s ongoing cognitive and behavioral efforts to manage specific external and/or internal demands deemed as arduous or above and beyond the extent of her or his resource‖ (p. 13). This means attempting to go beyond one‘s capability of trying to successfully manage a challenging situation. Another definition of coping is provided by Myers (1980) who stated that coping presents -alternative ways of dealing with the pressures of society‖ (p. 5), as well as confronting other life‘s problems. In her study of 400 African 23 American women, Myers found that one alternative to coping was maintaining a high level of self image. In the study, she compared the women who were heads of their families with those who had male mates who were assumed to be the heads of their families. She inquired about their ways of coping with pressures and stressors in their daily lives. The findings distinguished high levels of self esteem in both groups of women. The study results indicated the majority of the participants developed and maintained a good self image, which they believed led to a greater ability to cope with difficulties. Myers surmised that women‘s high levels of self esteem attributed to their ability to cope. Particularly for African Americans, Exum and Moore (1993) asserted that many tend to use a wide array of ego defenses or coping mechanisms that were developed from their way of life or the way they were reared. Although they appear to represent selfdefeating coping mechanisms, the most common as described by Exum and Moore, are: (a) denial, (b) isolation, (c) repression, and (d) introjections. Denial or feigning ignorance occurs with the refusal to acknowledge the existence of something disturbing or upsetting. It is as if the disturbing or upsetting event never happened, when it actually did happen. An example in the vernacular is, -Don‘t name it, don‘t claim it. It will go away, and if it doesn‘t, it was meant to be anyway.‖ This also describes the African concept of acceptance. Related to denial and often done deliberately, isolation is failing to recognize or recall links between related information, assumed associations, or discoveries that might cause anxiety. In other words, there is no link or pattern, or relationship to an occurrence that might have caused the anxiety. Repression involves suppressing memories, feelings, or perceptions that have high anxiety-producing 24 possibilities such as deliberately failing to remember the occurrence that produced the anxiety in the first place. Introjections relate to defending against disappointment in another or something by accepting blame or responsibility or making one‘s self the culprit, as in self blaming. These coping mechanisms cannot be generalized to apply to all African Americans. Moreover, on the surface, these coping mechanisms do not necessarily characterize an embrace of the SBW perception. In describing African American women‘s ability to cope, Ladner (1998) suggested that a -can-do spirit‖ (p. 126) is an appropriate term. The term is essentially synonymous with resilience, survival, and coping. Many African American women believing or knowing what they can possibly be confronted with in their everyday lives could appear to be endowed with certain emotional strengths. With some AACGs, as with many African American women, their stamina and resilience are likely to be the reason for their determination (Pinson-Milburn, Fabian, Schlossberg, & Pyle, 1996), and could be used as a method of coping with the demands and challenges in their lives and in their caregiving role (Minkler & Roe, 1993). Having such determination contributes to their ability to form a positive identity and definition of self. Their resilience, problem solving techniques, coping abilities, and their adaptive worldviews indicate how they have the ability to survive (Kivett, 1993). Collins (1990) suggested that the importance of declaring independence, self reliance, self respect, and valuing their belief in their ability to empower themselves, is a positive enhancement for the family units headed by African American women. These beliefs are learned strategies that have probably been used in the AACGs‘ development as caregivers. 25 From the AACGs‘ perception, a singular factor or the combined factors of extended family structures, adaptable family roles, spiritual orientations, and cultural strengths could result in the enhancement of their coping skills. These are the characteristics of many African American families‘ basic functioning, including single, AACGs who are raising their grandchildren as a family unit. Labels According to hooks (1981), labeling and stereotyping African American women originated during slavery. It was a method used to discredit any effort made by slave women to distinguish themselves as feminine beings, since they were expected to perform hard labor or to do the same work that was assigned to slave men. They were expected to endure the same pain and hardship as slave men. Yet, they were also expected to have the ability to do household chores, cook, and rear children or to do -female‖ work. Having these attributes contradicted the southern White male‘s perception of women as being inferior, passive, and weak. To explain this was not only to proclaim that slave women were not -real‖ (hooks, p.71) women, but because of their abilities to work at doing tasks that were performed by both male and female slaves, new definitions were created to describe slave women who had -female‖ work assignments. The plantation owners had to find a way to distinguish the attributes and expectations of slave women from those of southern White women were considered (and even demanded) to be fragile, meek, and docile. The term -mammy‖ was created to describe a female slave who was domestically inclined. Following the end of slavery, the term -matriarch‖ became a progressive term to describe many single, African American 26 women who were former slaves and who headed their households. In other words, -mammy‖ graduated to -matriarch.‖ Mammy Historical accounts and slave narratives have revealed that not all slave women worked in the fields. West (1995) described a mammy as being one of the most insidious descriptors of African American women. Wallace (1990) contended that achieving the status of a mammy, as named by the plantation owner, was a way that slave women could distinguish themselves from the women who worked in the fields. In a sense, it probably was considered a step up in the slave hierarchy; a mammy was considered to be the most proclaimed faithful, obedient, and domestic servant. It was believed that mammies held a significant role in plantation households, particularly in the rearing and training of their young charges, the children of the plantation owners. White (1985) gave an historical account that a mammy was the slave woman considered able to do anything and everything, and who could do it better than anyone else. She was described as being an expert in all domestic matters and she was also the leader in the slave community. In the mind of the mammy, all other slaves, field and house workers, were considered to be her subordinates. Davis (1993) described the mammy as being a principal player in fulfilling the roles that required her to be an advisor, confidante, surrogate mistress, and mother to the plantation owner and his family. She was a strong and vigorous person, who fed, nurtured, kept family secrets, and literally ran the household. While she may have been a favorite in the slave owner‘s household, she was expected to yield to subordination in the same manner as other slaves. The belief was that a mammy was the epitomized mother figure. 27 Conversely, Davis (1981) and Peterson (1992) refuted the belief that a mammy was one of the stereotypes presumed to capture the essence of the slave woman as a mother. In her historical research, Davis found that -ideological exaltation of motherhood did not extend to slaves‖ (p. 7); and in reality, not even to a mammy. According to Davis, because slave women were not considered to be women, they were not considered to be mothers. They were regarded as breeders, animals, and nonhuman beings where their value was monetary and this value was measured and determined by their ability to multiply in order to increase the slave owner‘s wealth. The mammies were probably powerless slave women whose nurturing skills, as with the laboring skills of the female field workers, were valued more than their humanity and were viewed as self sacrificing comforters without needs of their own. According to legend, while the mammy may have appeared to be overly loyal to the plantation owner, she may have also provided a useful service to the slave community. Wallace (1990) contended that the mammy usually carried news accounts and information of what she had overheard in the course of her work, to the slave quarters. She was probably a person who used her position to act as a covert motivator and intercessor to assist and protect not only herself, but other slaves, against sale, abuse, and other atrocities of the slave system (White, 1985). Collins (1990) described a mammy as the -first controlling image of African American women‖ (p. 71). Mammy may have exuded power and authority over other slaves in a manner that earned her their respect because of her position in being aware of events that affected all of their lives. 28 In an article identifying historical images of African American women, West (1995) explained that the mammy image has impacted the mental and emotional functioning of many African American women. This image has continued to represent the economic and working condition of many African American women who work in low income occupations. White (1985) contended that the perpetuation of the mammy image offers conflict in the caregiving roles of the African American woman by increasing stress while attempting to balance multiple roles simultaneously as caregiver, participating in many activities in the home, perhaps in the church, and in her community. The image describes the African American woman‘s attempt to meet the needs of others while denying opportunities for herself as if she cannot be an advocate for her own needs. Still, to many African Americans, the term -mammy‖ is considered derogatory and degrading. The term is generally used in a manner that is meant to be insulting. The Matriarch Another controlling image described by Collins (1990) is the matriarch which -represents one of the normative yardsticks used to evaluate African American women‘s behavior‖ (p.71). The matriarch is a character that has been maligned as an emasculator of the African American male, yet is praised as a strong mother figure in African American culture. This can be seen when an African American male praises and describes his mother as a strong, courageous, and concerned mother figure and at the same time, views his wife with the same qualities, as being different, difficult, controlling, and unpleasant. Bracey, Meier, and Rudwick (1970) refuted the notion that slavery was the cause of the maternal family as noted by some historians. They argued that the slave maternal- 29 based family tended to maintain some of the elements in the cultural endowment brought to the New World by West Africans. Here, the matriarch tradition was considered a remnant of an African custom. In agreement, and to what Dickerson (1995) referred to as a matrifocal family or a women-centered family, it was common in West Africa for a family to consist of a long line of female kin. The West African family included mothers, daughters, and their children, who shared a household and resources. Since the plantation system did not differentiate between the sexes in exploiting slave labor, this characterization was probably intended to maintain a resemblance of the traditional role played previously by West African women. According to Bracey and colleagues, the slave woman was both the master and mistress of her cabin. Except for the interference of the plantation owner or the overseer, her wishes and decisions in regard to mating and other family matters, known as business of the cabin, were major. In many instances, hooks (1981) related that the slave woman did not have a true and sincere spirit of being subordinate to any masculine authority, whether or not the authority was instilled by economic necessity or tradition. While plantation owners defined a slave family as consisting of only the mother and her children (White, 1985), the slave man or father was merely a slave with no defined attachments. This was probably done in order for the male slave to feel totally incapacitated in a role as husband and father. It appears that this led slave women to initiate and cultivate skills in self reliance and self sufficiency. The exploitation of the matriarch term has led many to identify any woman with a family, who resides in a household where no male resides, as a matriarch (hooks, 1981). As the term applies to the African American woman, it perpetuates an image of her as a 30 nonfeminine, domineering, and powerful person. Ladner (1971) maintained that the term, matriarch, has become symbolic and that the label is often invalid. This is because many African American women play highly functional and sometimes autonomous roles within the family. From hooks‘ perspective, many African American women embrace the matriarch label as it allows them to regard themselves as somewhat privileged. What she referred to, is that many believe they have the privilege of being characterized by a term that is not as degrading as other derogatory terms used to describe African American women, such as the sexually promiscuous -Jezebel‖ or the hands on the hips, goose-necking, argumentative -Sapphire.‖ Many African American grandmothers, including AACGs, have embraced the image of the matriarch, according to Burton and Bengston (1985). The image is deeply entrenched in many commonly held beliefs regarding the matriarchal constructs of the African American family. That is because many grandmothers and older females are the dominant and the most influential members of the family-even when males (fathers, husbands, sons, and brothers) are present in the home. The Strong Black Woman (SBW) Myers (1980) argued that the matriarch label might appear to be insulting to some, but not necessarily to those African American women who might consider themselves to be strong Black women (SBWs). Moynihan (1965), in The Negro Family: The Case for National Action, identified the SBW as the source of major problems in African American communities. In the section of the report titled -The Tangle of Pathology,‖ he contended that the SBW heads the matriarchal structure found in the African American community, and is contradictory 31 to the male leadership role promoted in the majority of American society. This leads to a greater disadvantage because the minority group operates on one standard while the majority population, the one with the most advantages, operates on another. He concluded that the SBW, the matriarch, is a detriment to her community. Shedding light on this perception, Wallace (1990) interpreted Moynihan‘s meaning as: The problem with Blacks was not so much White racism as it was an -abnormal family structure.‖ This abnormal family structure made it nearly impossible for Blacks to benefit from and participate in the American power structure. And the primary feature of this abnormality was the -matriarch‖, the -strong black woman.‖ (p. 31) From another viewpoint, in her book, Ain‘t I a Woman (1981), hooks stated: Most black women have not had the opportunity to indulge in the parasitic dependence upon the male that is expected of females and encouraged in patriarchal society. The institution of slavery forced black women to surrender any prior dependence on the male figure and obliged them to struggle for their individual survival. (p. 82) It was and still is believed by many African Americans that economic and social conditions have not been, and perhaps will never be stable forces in their lives, especially for African American men. For this reason, early in development, many African American women internalize the message that they should not expect to rely on anyone else for their needs. They are taught that they must become fully self sufficient both emotionally and economically (Romero, 2000). Their ability to survive and cope depends on how well the lessons are learned (Collins, 1990; Peterson, 1992). For their survival, many African American women are taught in childhood to not only draw from but to also depend on their inner resources for their physical, emotional and mental strengths. Some African American women have described the SBW as a woman who not only thrives on but is obsessed with overworking and overextending themselves as well 32 as over nurturing others. According to Collins (1990), a belief in the SBW concept or syndrome is one of a controlling image. It is an image that has been defined by the African American male, accepted and propagated by the African American woman, and preserved by general society. One reason AACGs assume the caregiver role and believe they have the ability to be parents the second time around is probably an internalized perception of their sense of strength and resiliency. In defining themselves as SBWs, many African American women believe the conviction is the only thing they have that is unique to them, and many wear it as a -suit of armor‖ (Romero, 2000, p. 225). This means that it is not intended to shield them from adversities, but is used as a mechanism for coping with them. Many African American women who identify themselves as SBWs are provided with the assurance that they have the ability to manage and overcome life‘s difficulties. This includes AACGs who take on the responsibility of raising their grandchildren. In conducting a study of 30 young African American girls between the ages of 13 and 18 living in an inner city housing project, Ladner (1971) found the participants believed that they should learn how to be strong and to use this strength as a resource. The variable, -to be strong,‖ was not operationalized in the study. Ladner surmised that the girls were drawing on centuries of traditions in their attempt to conceptualize and emulate hard working women who were able to endure life‘s hardships and difficulties. The young girls probably viewed this as the greatest image projected to them. In another study, Shorter-Gooden and Washington (1996) found that a sense of strength emerged as an important element of self definition on late adolescent African American women. The words -strong,‖ -stronger,‖ or -strength‖ were revealed as identifying factors of self reference. The participants conveyed that they believed they 33 either had such qualities, that they were working to develop the qualities, or that they admired the characteristics of strength in those women who had the most impact on their identity development. The respondents defined strengths as the determination and the capacity to deal with the difficulties associated with being African American. It also meant that having a strong sense of self would not be obscured by them and could not be ignored by others. Having strength was a vital component of their self identities. The emergent theme implied that the study participants‘ goals were to identify as SBWs. The Strong Black Woman-A Detrimental -Myth‖? Believing in the SBW concept has helped the African American woman remain steadfast against problematic situations such as dual oppressions of racism and sexism, and perhaps even classism (Ladner, 1971; Romero, 2000). Belief in the concept also helps to maintain a sense of strength and perseverance (Davis, 1981). Internalizing the thought is what causes the African American woman to be unable to acknowledge feelings of pain, weaknesses, and inner turmoil (McNair, 1992). Romero contended that while it keeps the African American woman from falling victim to her own despair that can be recognized by others, internalizing the belief also disguises her vulnerabilities. Also, internalizing the concept does not allow the acknowledgement or display of emotions such as anger, resentment, fear, shame, pride, and loneliness. In essence, many African American women show others only what they want seen. Internalizing the belief gives an illusion of control that prevents the African American woman from identifying her needs and reaching out for help. Romero (2000) further declared that it is often the physical kind of strength and caring for one‘s body that is neglected by those who try to live up to the SBW image. Like a magnet, presenting an appearance of being a SBW draws in others‘ problems that 34 produce additional inner turmoil and stress (McNair, 1992). This implies that a belief in the SBW concept is a complex and potentially harmful myth and a descriptive stereotype. Because of the internalization of this image, any attempt to invalidate it throws a significant emotional and mental toll on African American women who embrace the belief (Greene, 1994; West, 1995). African American scholars, psychologists, feminist authors, and others have suggested that the SBW concept is a stereotypical myth. These scholars and others maintain that such a perception should not be viewed as a reality in the lives of African American women. The perception should be debunked, mainly because of its mental and physical detriments to many African American women‘s well being (Boyd-Franklin, 1991; Collins, 1990; Lewis, 1999; McNair, 1992; Naylor, 2000; Romero, 2000). Although scholars and others suggest the SBW concept is a myth, they also believe that many African American women perceive the belief in the concept as having power. They suggested that the power of the concept lies in its internalization; therefore, many African American women do not perceive it as a myth. After all, how can a strong belief in something be perceived as a myth? Many AACGs have relied on viewing themselves SBWs to be reassured of their ability to successfully raise their grandchildren, a belief often against what others think are impossible odds. Like many African American women, AACGs who perceive themselves as SBWs are provided with an emotional benefit that sustains them. Rather than debunk the concept as a myth, it can be perceived as a source of inner strength and can be considered a tool or asset for AACGS, in providing care for the children in their custody. Bell-Scott (1994) suggested that while there has been a constant struggle to continually defy other culturally imposed negative identities, it is more difficult for many 35 African American women to relinquish the alleged SBW label. They want to continue to believe it is real and not a myth. Many believe that the SBW perspective is theirs to own regardless of the damages that could be caused because of its internalization. Despite her posture against embracing a belief in the SBW concept, in describing crises and perhaps suffering, hooks (1990) affirmed herself as being enraptured by -the knowledge that we can take our pain, work with it, recycle it, and transform it so that it becomes a source of power‖ (p. 203). This is not to imply that women of other racial and ethnic groups do not have difficult experiences, or do not have the internalized perception that lead them to identify themselves as being strong women. The essential difference for many African American women, as Romero (2000) asserted, is their development of self images created from the system of slavery and from the social construction of labeling. Myers (1980) inferred from her study of 400 African American women describing their perceptions of their coping abilities, that what others perceive as internalized false strength may need to be examined more closely. The findings indicated that the SBW label is simply a phrase, and does not necessarily imply that the label means the same thing to each African American woman. Peterson (1992) conducted a study of 15 African American women who were age 30 and older, and varied in educational attainment and socioeconomic status. These women shared their stories of overcoming significant obstacles, poverty, abuse, racism, and other life misfortunes. Each participant described and emphasized their interpretations of inner self will, determination, perseverance, and fortitude as means to prevail over life‘s difficulties. Each identified herself as being a SBW. None were described as thinking they were superhuman who were always ready, willing, and able to 36 tolerate any and all things for everybody. According to Peterson, all study participants revealed they never had illusions that life for them would be easy. The emergent theme was that they had learned from their mothers, or an individual who was influential in their youth, to always remain strong, be prepared to face adversities, and be able to handle them. The SBW image might be culturally imposed, but it could also be an image that is individually influenced and defined. Many years ago Erikson (1966), using the term of the time to describe African Americans, asked the question and responded with -Can Negro culture afford to have the ‗strong mother‘ stereotyped as a liability? These mothers have put an indelible mark on ‗Negro culture‘ and what they accomplished should be one of the proudest chapters in cultural history‖ (p. 162). Concepts The Womanist White (1985) declared that historically, many African American women had to develop and maintain strong characteristics of self reliance and self sufficiency. These characteristics date back to the days of slavery when slaved males‘ protection and active involvement in the family were systemically absent. This lack of protection and family involvement created a basis for slave women to cultivate strengths and self reliance. Mainly, the slave women functioned in groups. Therefore, the influence and resolve of the group became a reliable source from which each group member could withdraw sustenance in order to survive. As group members, they came to appreciate each member‘s skills, talents, and sisterly relationships. Collectively, they shared their 37 individual strengths, talents, and skills and were able overcome some of the turmoil associated with slave life. In Alice Walker‘s In Search of My Mother‘s Garden: Womanist Prose (1983), a womanist is defined as a -self identified and self defined woman of color and committed to the survival and wholeness of entire people, male and female‖ (p. xi). The term, womanist, could have originated from the word -womanish‖ or -womlish.‖ These two terms were and still are used by many African Americans to describe a young girl who is considered to be acting mature or trying to be mature -before her time‖ or as in -being sassy.‖ This implies that such an individual asserts her perceived maturity in a manner that will draw attention to her. There are multiple meanings for the term womanist or womanism as there are for the term Black feminist or Black feminism. These definitions have been formed or developed in the minds of individual scholars, literary authors, and perhaps with women who have certain advantaged opportunities. The meanings are represented according to how each individual uses the concepts. Therefore there are diverse meanings. Also, many African American women who promote the womanist view are intellectually freedomed scholars and researchers who seek to broaden the meaning of feminism (Collins, 1990; Hayes, 1995; Hudson-Weems, 1997; Phillips & McCaskill, 1995; Rodriguez, 2003; Williams, 1999). Williams (1999) characterized one aspect of womanism as a perspective that describes the more personal qualities that are rooted in a particular group of people, as opposed to laying emphasis on the group‘s resistance to oppression. Williams declared that womanism includes having reliance on women-centered networks for emotional and 38 spiritual support. Like Williams, Hayes (1995) defined a womanist as one who is self-reliant and uses the strengths of her African heritage to connect with other women in similar circumstances in order to develop strategies for emotional and spiritual support. For this study, a womanist was defined as an -updated‖ SBW. Here, a womanist was defined as one who recognized that her individual strengths were a necessary component for a group effort. Afrocentrism and Afrocentric According to Dickerson (1995), the culture of poverty argument was used in both academic and policy research in an attempt to validate society‘s treatment of low income, female headed families. Unfortunately, the outcome of this type of research that included assessments, theories, practices, policies and behaviors, often perpetuated the myths and stereotypes that surround African American women, especially African American single mothers and grandmothers. Consequently, major stakeholders such as community members, and society as a whole, can be deprived of their various contributions. Dickerson suggested that one way to remedy this, in studying a particular group, is to acquire a better understanding of the group‘s members by centering the realities of the group members‘ experiences and perspectives. Afrocentric research utilizes a centered approach (Asante, 1990). Afrocentrism is both an ideology and a form of centrism that describes a subconscious attitude that is grounded in an African ancestral heritage found among many African Americans (Akbar, 1984; Dickerson, 1995; Hoskins, 1992). It is based on the belief that the culture, history, and past and present experiences of African Americans are unique because as the descendents of African people, they have retained components 39 of their African culture (Kershaw, 1992). Afrocentricity is a concept that is expressed as a way of thinking. A number of afrocentrist scholars define afrocentricity as a paradigm that offers alternative explanations for specific cultural behaviors (Akbar, 1984; Asante, 1990; Reviere, 2001; Schiele, 1994). These explanations tend to describe and explain a shared collective value system, experiences, personalities, and actions of the members of a particular culture. Specifically, for African Americans and people of African descent of the Diasporas, it encompasses the beliefs, feelings, moods, and attitudes of this particular group of people (Hoskins, 1992 & Morgan 1991) and these perspectives are understood according to the cultural meanings and values of the group. Accordingly, the group‘s worldview is conceptualized in terms of the group‘s culture and history (Dickerson, 1995). According to Asante (1988), afrocentric-based research positions study participants, their distinct culture, their givens, truths, beliefs, and realities from the margins to the center of inquiry and not merely on the edges of periphery. Asante (1990) avowed that location is -the place‖ (p. 5) in afrocentric research and -all knowledge results from an occasion of encounter in place,‖ (p. 5). This means that African based ideals, values, culture, and behavior are positioned at the center or core of a study. In centering, afrocentrism takes into account that members of a culture or group can be better understood, according to their own expressed cultural meanings, their attitudes, beliefs, and values (Dickerson, 1995). Schiele (1996) defined afrocentricity, in a social science context, as a paradigm that can explain the behavior of any cultural and ethnic group; however, he perceived it as a paradigm that mostly reflects the cultural and basic characteristics of many African 40 Americans. He expressed the concept as an emerging, important paradigm that is very useful in social work practice. Relating to social work research, Schiele (2000) maintained that while an afrocentric paradigm is asserted or affirmed by using conventional African based philosophical assumptions, using the paradigm in social work research is very useful in addressing the needs and concerns of African Americans and others of African ancestry. This is because afrocentric social work encompasses and transpires from the cultural traditions and the experiences of people of African descent. Afrocentric Principal Areas of Inquiry Schiele (1994) claimed that the principal categories of afrocentric inquiry or assumptions have characteristics that are cosmological, ontological, and epistemological. Also, in afrocentric research, all phenomena, knowledge inquiry and analysis contain at least one or more categories of an afrocentric inquiry. Asante (1990) also included an axiological inquiry. Cosmology, in the afrocentric sense, represents a collective viewpoint of myths, traditions, values, habits, visions, and outlooks. An afrocentric cosmology is a shared cultural belief that describes how worldly things are interconnected and interrelated. It is often expressed in African and African American folklore, literature, religion, prayer, spirituals (religious theme-based songs), and spirituality. There is a connection, in an afrocentric sense, of self, of community, and generally what it means to exist; those things that inform collectively, such as beliefs, truths, and values (M.K. Asante, personal communication, February 20, 2004). Though interconnectedness and interrelatedness do not reject the concept of individuality, afrocentrically, there is a sense of collective identity and belief that acknowledges that an individual cannot be fully and completely understood beyond their social or cultural background (Schiele, 2000). 41 Ontology is defined as the nature of truth and reality (Creswell, 1994). Basically, it is how one views the world or a worldview perception. Akbar (1984) and Nobles (1980) described afrocentric ontology as taking into account, all elements of the universe. It means being more spiritual, rather than materialistic, which is also considered, but not as much as a spiritual element. Closely related to cosmology, afrocentric ontology in a broad sense, is attributed to the recognition of a system of beliefs in an existence, in relationships with self and with others, as well as with the universe. That is, all and everything are created from the same spiritual substance. In other words, it is a higher power or a Creator that provides a spiritual force or essence in all things. This makes all things interconnected (Schiele, 1996) in a collective realm and as a continuous circle. Schiele asserted that this type of circle signifies that collectively, the individual is spiritually and socially connected along with others. Afrocentric ontology also relates to a belief in the unseen (Akbar, 1984); it is a belief that just because something is not visible to the eye does not mean that it does not exist. Epistemologically, afrocentricity places significant emphasis in an effective way of obtaining and demonstrating knowledge. It is a compelling source of knowing (Akbar, 1984; Asante, 1988; Schiele, 1994). The focus is on intuition, context, and felt relationships between concepts and beliefs and what is ongoing in the real world. Reviere (2001) stated, -human actions cannot be understood apart from the emotions, attitudes, and cultural definitions of a given context‖ (p. 17). There must be a connectedness, an attachment, or a sense of feeling. Akbar (1984) related that the most direct experience of self expression is through emotion or affect, and that a display of emotional reactions as a method of knowing and as a balance for reasoning, is valid. 42 The axiology perspective represents a combination of cosmology, ontology, and epistemology, centering on collectivity, spirituality, and affect (Schiele, 2000). These underscore basic afrocentric values. Asante (1990) informed that the afrocentric axiology bears meaning on what is considered good values and what is valuable. In an afrocentric perspective, the contention is that afrocentric axiology exemplifies the characteristics, values or ethos, principals, and standards of ethics. For example, afrocentrically, physical looks do not necessarily determine whether someone is beautiful or unattractive. A common expression among many African Americans is beauty is as beauty does or beauty is as beauty acts, meaning how that person is viewed by others. Within this cultural framework, a person is beautiful because his or her actions are good. A person who does good deeds, who is a caring and compassionate person, is a beautiful person. Nobles (1990) described an afrocentric axiology as the assumption that all behavior is directed by a sense of goodness, a belief that there is good in everybody. An afrocentric axiology also prescribes to what is considered as right conducts or correct behaviors, such as sharing, caring, forgiving, and helping. Rationale for a Qualitative Study The literature informed that it is stereotypical information about African American women that often hides what is actually the reality of their experiences (Collins, 1990; McNair, 1992; Minkler & Roe, 1993; Romero, 2000). Therefore, the information about African American women that is provided by the stereotypes causes others to come to false conclusions about the challenges and quality of their lives. As Dickerson (1995) emphasized, because opinions about African American woman are often distorted by influences of prejudices and stereotypical labels, it is imperative to listen to what the AACGs have to say about their lives and their every day experiences. 43 West (1995) contended that exploring African American women‘s cultural reality by inquiring about their unique experiences can produce both self disclosure and respect for their backgrounds. Because of the exploratory nature of the study, a qualitative strategy was adopted. According to Creswell (1998), qualitative studies are selected when variables are not as easily defined or identified, and concepts are not always easily explained or available to describe, in order to understand the behavior of study participants. In exploring the phenomenon of the SBW concept and parenting grandchildren from the single AACGs‘ perspective, and because the main point of the research questions begins with -how‖ do they do it, utilizing a qualitative method of study was appropriate. According to Patton (1990), qualitative designs are used for exploratory research in areas where very little is known. Based on their historical experiences, the struggles to project the voices of African American women have often failed (Gibson, 1999). In order to shape and inform their experiences, it was anticipated that qualitative research methods could accurately capture what would be diverse and complex topics and subtopics, themes and subthemes, surrounding the phenomena of the concepts and their relationships. The Research Questions Throughout history, many African American women have remained resilient and have clung to their cultural heritage in spite of enormous assaults on their humanity and horrific levels of social and economic deprivation. Through it all, they have maintained their self definitions (Peterson, 1992); however, there are possibilities that many African 44 American women have behaviors and experiences that researchers and members of the helping professions could misinterpret (McNair, 1992). Historically, African American mothers, along with mothers of other ethnic groups and cultures, who are low income and single, are recognized as members within the disadvantaged groups that reflect their gender, race, age, and economic status (Almquist, 1995; Dickerson, 1995; Peterson, 1992). The same applies to AACGs. Given these and other disadvantages, how do the AACGs manage their roles of parenting grandchildren and what inspires them to assume and maintain their roles? Dickerson (1995) related that a central conceptual framework such as an afrocentric approach to methodology and inquiry is the best approach to use in order to determine the research questions. The central research questions that guided the research were: (1) How did these the single, middle aged, and elderly AACGs who reside in an inner city area known for its high volume of crime and gang activity, illicit drug movement, among other society‘s ills, cope with the responsibility of parenting grandchildren? How did they manage? (2) Did the participants perceive themselves as SBWs? If so, was the perception of being SBWs the driving force that motivated them to believe that they have the ability to raise their grandchildren? How did having this perception keep them focused on their caregiving responsibilities? How did the participants define the SBW? What were the origins of this perception as it related to them? If there was not a perception of being an SBW, then how did they do it? (3) Intended specifically for focus group discussions, what were their opinions and feelings regarding AACGs in their community collaborating collectively? Did they believe that they could collaborate collectively as a group in order to support each other, 45 combining their strengths and methods of resilience, and sharing their coping mechanisms? Could they describe the benefits of such collaboration efforts? If they did not feel that a collaborative effort was not beneficial, then why not? Summary The literature review informed the historical cultural traditions of many African Americans. In addition to the extended family networks and kinship bonds, the traditions included a strong sense of spirituality and what was believed to be cultural strengths and flexible coping skills that represent the remnants of an African tradition. The literature supported the argument that there is a correlation between many African Americans and an African culture in terms of their beliefs, experiences, behaviors, actions, and values such as the correlation between the traditional and a current commitment to the extended family. Though certainly not all, many African American families do exist within the scope of the extended family rather than within a separate nuclear family unit. This provides the interrelationship and connectiveness in a circular mode of existence. There is the inherent ability to manipulate role changes and flexibility and when necessary, to assume responsibility and care for the well being of others. There was evidence that the impact of slavery has done much to shape the behavior of many African Americans. The tradition of slavery also created the stereotypes and perceptions of African American women, including AACGs, as they are seen today. The literature shows how labeling can affect and harm many African American women The literature suggested that African American women such as the AACGs, should be identified, valued, and understood within the context of their experiences. There is a need to know how and why they behave in the manner that they 46 do. There is a need to know what motivates them and what are the compelling forces used in their ability to cope with raising their grandchildren. As an ideology relating to a social framework, afrocentrism explains the beliefs and values that many AACGs have. The literature made inferences that this form of centrism was the most effective approach to use in order to develop a structure of understanding related to the AACGs experiences and behaviors. Implications in the literature have not included African American women, who are described as ordinary, everyday, community women and who have not chartered paths toward defining themselves as feminists, Black feminists, or womanists. Basically, the AACGs‘ experiences, values, and beliefs have not been systemically investigated. What have been investigated are the causes of the AACG phenomenon and the identity of sources that are prevailing stressors and stress outcomes that they encounter. The literature did not indicate that AACGs have been given voice or a forum to project their feelings, experiences, and beliefs, though the literature did reflect the beliefs and values of African American women in general. The literature review related to the womanist and afrocentric concepts, and did provide perspectives and ideas for the design of a methodology. Using this sociocultural construct produced a study that was as eclectic as it was tailored and maximized access to knowledge generated by the AACGs. CHAPTER 3 METHODOLOPGY An Afrocentric Method According to Carlton-LaNey (2000), the best way to assist AACGs who may require services and interventions is to incorporate an afrocentric perspective with intervention strategies that are fundamental in identifying and building on their strengths. Believing this to be true, it was surmised that an effective research study involving the AACG study participants could be obtained by using an afrocentric perspective as well. Without using this approach, problems could have been encountered when attempting to encourage prospective study participants to talk about their experiences, to explain their realities, and to describe how they define themselves. Etter-Lewis (1993) declared that with many African Americans, in telling their stories, their narratives, explanations, or their dialogue in general, the context could often be described as being -above and below the surface‖ (p. 155)-it all depends on who is listening. This means that some African Americans may opt to disclose information in a manner that is acceptable to the way that they believe general society or the public would perceive the information. In actuality, the person who is listening to the disclosures must go below or scratch the surface in order to discern the meanings of the information, narratives, or stories. According to Carroll (1994), this is known as window dressing, a distinctively 48 conversational style attributed to many African Americans. This is a technique used when a person may or may not mind disclosing information but will disclose information in a manner that does not yield an obvious meaning. One would need to -scratch the surface‖ in order to be able to comprehend the meaning. Stereotypical information is often the only available information about African American women (Dickerson, 1995) as the socialization history of many African Americans depicts the practice of not disclosing information about themselves, especially to outsiders such as those who are not of their race. African American communities often use the saying,-Watch, as well pray.‖ This is an adaptation of a Bible verse that translates to mean keeping one‘s eyes and ears open and one‘s mouth closed. Schiele (1996) declared that a component of an afrocentric methodology in social work research involves identifying the values and practices that help contribute to the survival of a group of people who have experienced oppression and discrimination. Reviere (2001) asserted that in order to do this, all of the research participants including the researcher should be centered in place. As study participants, the AACGs had their values, behaviors, cultural meanings, attitudes, feelings, experiences, and beliefs placed at the center of the study. I was able to place my own ideals, values, beliefs, and experiences at the center of inquiry. Kershaw (1992) alluded that an afrocentric methodology produces cultural-based knowledge that places emphasis on the past, present, and future realities of African American people-this applied to the participants in this study. One reason for using this approach was to generate raw narratives to provide needed information to helping professionals and policy makers to assume an interest in recognizing, respecting, and 49 using the wisdom and inner strengths of the participants. Using this approach was also to elicit knowledge to provide tools the AACGs‘ could use in their individual and collective efforts to build on and share their strengths and resilience. This study did not adhere to a strictly preferred methodological approach, but rather to an eclectic type approach as an afrocentric methodology did not limit the researcher to an isolated means of inquiry or analysis that could have a superior status in gathering and analyzing data. While this methodological approach presented a unique way to obtain knowledge, it was not to be considered universal for all AACGs or for all African Americans. This approach offered the methodology that was believed to be more conducive for a close study of the grandmothers in this study. An Introspective Examination Prior to beginning the research, I explored my own cultural values and worldviews-I wanted to find out who I really was. In order to do this, I had to recall what I had learned about life as an African American. I had to draw on my beliefs, learning experiences, knowledge, and even wisdom acquired over my own lifetime I did this by making notes in a journal as I reflected on my experiences growing up mostly in an inner city, segregated community, and during visits to the South prior to the civil rights movement. I was raised by my grandmother and recalled the life values I acquired during my childhood such as maintaining self reliance, working twice as hard for positive accomplishments, and getting an education. I called up those things learned from the women I have known and what I remembered from knowing single, African American women in my family and in my community who I considered to be SBWs. 50 As Reviere (2001) recommended, I had to be able to describe reality from my perspective. That is, I had to think about what I had learned from the intense spirituality prevalent in my family as well as the close family ties and extended family and kinship bonds that were not. I thought about the ability to cope with adversities in life and about all of this related to me. I had to remember the role change I had to make at a very young age when I was given the responsibility of being a mother figure to my three younger siblings. I had to recollect others describing my controlling nature and how I have tried to -mother‖ everybody. I thought about which ways I considered have made me a SBW. I recalled some of the events in my adult life: marriage, divorce, the relationships, raising two children, being a single mother, remarrying, and becoming a widow who continues to grieve. First, I needed to develop a plan to approach the grandmothers although, as an African American woman, I was confident I would not have problems. I believed if I could adjust my mannerisms and my vernacular to mirror each grandmother during the recruitment and interviewing process, I would have successful recruitment efforts and subsequent interviews. As Asante (1990) suggested, I made written notes about my beliefs and thoughts about grandmothers raising their grandchildren, what I believed were their thoughts on being able to cope, their perspectives of their strengths, and how they would narrate their life experiences. I anticipated that for most, if not all, their belief and trust in God would be the mainstay, giving them their major coping mechanism. I thought that each one would consider she was the epitome of strength because of the adversities and hardships she may have had to endure. Regardless, I thought they would feel able to maintain their 51 strong faith in God even when confronted with what they considered to be the utmost struggles. I did take on an AACG role for a short while prior to engaging in the study. I thought I would probably take on the responsibility if needed again, but that I would not ever want to. My thoughts about this way of thinking caused me to perceive myself as being a selfish person. To soothe the self criticism, I remembered feeling I was always there for others. However, I also felt resentment because I believed no one had ever been there for me. Then I attempted to measure and count instances in my life of what I had done for others and what others had done for me. Therefore, in my mind, I was not selfish at all. I was looking for parity. Having those self critical thoughts and being able to quickly erase them and to substitute them for perceived -good thoughts‖ about myself caused me to believe I was a SBW. I could deny that I had ever had such critical thoughts about myself and then believe it. I believed I would be familiar enough with the grandmothers‘ histories that were probably similar, their language, mannerisms, superstitions, and myths, and that this would offer me cultural and social immersion with the participants, which is necessary for an afrocentric study (Asante, 1990). I expected that I would share their emotions and feelings. Before the study began, I felt that I had admiration for the prospective participants and I also believed they had tremendous courage to do the caregiving jobs that they have assumed. The Westside The study participants lived in an area known as the Westside, in Las Vegas, Nevada. The Westside is a blighted, urban ghetto and an illegal drug infested, gang 52 populated community. There are tremendous dangers in this neighborhood. From the 1930s until well into the 1960s, Las Vegas was known as the -Mississippi of the West,‖ so called to emulate comparison to the overt racial divide that was predominant in the state of Mississippi and other southern states prior to the Civil Rights Movement in the 60s (Soul of America, 2001). The Westside community was established in the early 1940s when African Americans were displaced from the downtown Las Vegas area where many had settled after arriving from the southern states to work at a magnesium supply plant. According to historical accounts, local business owners and others from out of state recognized the potential of downtown Las Vegas as prime real estate for building casinos and hotels. Most of the displaced African Americans were encouraged to relocate to an area known as -across the tracks.‖ The Westside became famous as the place where celebrated African American entertainers had to seek room and board after performing downtown or on the Las Vegas Strip. They were not allowed to room, dine, or participate in activities in the casinos and hotels (Las Vegas History X, 1999). A railroad underpass separates the Westside from downtown Las Vegas. For many years, its inhabitants referred to the area as -living behind the concrete curtain‖- and the curtain was considered to be solid. Other areas of the city were developed and received the infrastructure required to become a bustling metropolis; however, for years, the Westside was, and still remains greatly ignored by city planners (Las Vegas History X, 1999). The Westside consists of public housing apartments and other low income apartments; some older, but well maintained homes; and many homes that are abandoned and boarded up. Situated there are a bank, a library, a senior citizens‘ center, and a Boys and Girls Club. There is also Agassi‘s College Preparatory School which is open to all 53 city students; the West Las Vegas Arts and Cultural Center; three elementary schools; a fast food restaurant; and a few small community markets although there is not a major supermarket in the area. There are a multitude of churches of several denominations and one Mosque frequented by members of the Nation of Islam (formerly known as the Black Muslims). I have counted eight churches located in one two-block area. Every community in Las Vegas has a middle school and a high school with the exception of the Westside area. The Westside high school students are bused to high schools in other areas of the city. With the slightest rainfall, the streets of Las Vegas flood very quickly and become very dangerous for driving and walking. Ironically, during rainfalls, the streets on the Westside do not flood at all. Recruiting the Participants For writing the report, I gave the participants pseudonyms. I chose to limit my search for participants who lived in the Westside community of Las Vegas, Nevada because of the concentration of African Americans who live there. I knew the area had a large number of AACGs because a Westside elementary school principal had previously advised me that many of her students resided in homes where their grandmother is the head of the household and where their parents were absent. This principal was to be a key in opening the door for me to locate and interview participants and she had offered me the use of her school‘s conference room to conduct interviews. However, before I presented the study proposal and prior to receiving approval from the Institutional Review Board (IRB), she was transferred to another school in an area far away from the Westside but she did direct me to other key persons that I could contact. I contacted the new principal as well as another principal at a second 54 elementary school located in the community. I was also directed to the West Las Vegas Arts and Cultural Center in the community which is where the children come to participate in various activities and usually, their parents or grandparents bring them. The new principal at the first elementary school was not receptive to assisting me in locating AACGs. We discussed her helping me navigate through the proper school administration channels, and the fact that approval might or might not be granted. She indicated that she was already overwhelmed with responsibilities and felt helping me would be an additional burden. Although she was supportive of my intentions, she was not willing to exert herself further. I understood her feelings and felt that as I had other options, this was not a great disappointment. Following IRB approval, I sought and received permission from the managers of three public housing projects to post a flyer on their tenant bulletin boards. I left flyers with the director of the West Las Vegas Arts and Cultural Center (WLVACC). The director allowed me to set up a table and posters in the lobby at the WLVACC so that I could also pass out flyers there. I left flyers with the principal of the second elementary school who promised to personally give copies to the AACGs that she knew. The flyers indicated that the prospective participants should contact me by phone so that an appointment time could be set for interviewing and for further explanation and information. Each participant was given a $10 grocery certificate for the individual interview and another for participating in the focus group discussions. I mailed letters and flyers to 30 churches in the community, requesting volunteers, and indicating the criteria for participation in the study. The letters were to be read during the time for announcements at Sunday morning worship services. I stood outside an ethnic based community market and distributed flyers to people going in and out of the 55 store. Although the location was busy with store customers, this area was also congested with drug sellers and buyers, panhandlers, and others who simply -hung out‖ in the area. It was not my favorite place to recruit but I knew that many people, including senior citizens, frequented the market. I had expected to recruit at least 15 single, grandmothers whose grandchildren resided with them without the presence of either parent in the home. Their ages were to vary from age 38 and older. It was expected that they would reside on the Westside. I received many telephone calls from grandmothers willing to participate in the study. Most did not reside on the Westside. Some stated that their children (the grandchildren‘s parents) resided in the home. Some were married or had significant others in the home who contributed to the support of the household and the grandchildren. Some stated that they did not have the time to devote to a lengthy interview even when they were told that the interview did not have to be completed in one session. One prospective participant did not believe that I was a student attempting a research project. She accused me of being a disreputable person or a scam artist. I attended the grand opening of a Housing and Urban Development (HUD) federally financed apartment complex offering low-rent housing to senior citizens. There were separate units reserved for grandparents and the grandchildren they are raising but at that time, there were no grandparent applicants or residents. On that day, no one was present at the grand opening except a local television station reporter and crew, the leasing agent, and me. The leasing agent gave me permission to place flyers and informed consent forms in the lobby that gave more details about the study. The television reporter interviewed me and I explained the purpose of my study and why there 56 was an increase in grandparent caregiving. That evening, the impromptu interview was featured on the television station‘s nightly news program. Later I revisited the complex. According to the leasing agent, two families had moved in and there were others on the waiting list, waiting for the completion of a required investigation. I knocked on the doors of the two occupants, identified myself, explained what I was doing there, and requested their participation in the study. Both AACGs declined to be interviewed. The Participants The participants in the study were selected by using purposive sampling. According to Patton (1990), with this type of sampling, participants are selected because of unique characteristics that are similar to each sample member. The sampling purpose is to maximize information. Also, it is used to study the lived experiences of a specific population. Eleven grandmothers, all single women, agreed to be interviewed. One of the eleven telephoned me to schedule an appointment to be interviewed. Unfortunately for me, I was unable to schedule an immediate appointment. This grandmother belonged to the Nation of Islam and I was ecstatic that she had agreed to an interview. I did not know anything about the Nation of Islam‘s members other than they are African Americans. I was eager and looked forward to the interview as I would have learned a lot from this lady. I believed that there is a vast difference in the worldview of Black Muslims as they were formerly called and many African Americans, as a collective group. Relative to African Americans, I knew that there were cultural differences in the behaviors, values, beliefs, experiences, concerns and other variables that I was seeking from study participants. However, when I called back to schedule an appointment, I did not receive 57 an answer. After calling many times, trying the contact her, I learned that the prospective participant‘s telephone had been disconnected and I did not have her address. I was very disappointed. Therefore, I was left with 10 study participants. Paradigm Guiding Research According to Akbar (1984), -methodologies make sense only in the light of the models that breed them‖ (p. 399). An afrocentric, womanist epistemology underpinned this study. This paradigm is shaped by afrocentric philosophical assumptions that determined the range of concepts, theories, methods of data collection, and the analyses that were used in the study. For this study, the afrocentric, womanist epistemology paradigm is characterized by a concern for the qualities of strength, resilience, perseverance, and power that describes the experiences of ordinary African American women like the grandmothers in this study. It was intended to reflect the everyday life experiences of the grandmothers within a cultural and gender context and to place their experiences at the center or core of the study. This means that all processes and procedures relating to concepts and research were centered in the participants‘ understandings, their life experiences, and their life chances (Kershaw, 2003). Assuming that many African American women have access to both afrocentric and womanist perspectives, an alternative paradigm that could best explain these concurrent cultural realties and could reflect elements of both traditions, was called for here. Such concurrent and intersecting perspectives create a separate paradigm. Research Design This descriptive and exploratory study was designed to give voice to those African American women who represent the less privileged African American women; 58 those African American women who were not considered high academic achievers or affluent accomplished. The design of the study was devised to explore and describe the experiences and feelings of single African American Custodial Grandmothers (AACGs), and to explore and explain their coping mechanisms, and the sources of their strength and resilience. It was also designed to initiate a strengths based group that could lead to a collaborative effort in problem solving and support. The design consisted of a descriptive approach to narrative inquiry based on data from individual interviews and an afrocentric initiative based on data acquired from focus group discussions. Afrocentric Narrative Inquiry Marshall and Rossman (1999) defined a narrative inquiry in a study, as one that is based on the narratives of the participants‘ experiences and life stories. They further described a narrative inquiry as a collaboration of the relationship between the researcher and the participant. This type of inquiry mirrors the oral tradition of an Afrocentric perspective that, according to Asante (1988), carries the assumption that people‘s realities are constructed through the narration of their experiences as related through their life stories. Asante asserted that in this tradition, this perspective is described by the descriptive spoken accounts and preservations of knowledge and wisdom, passed from one generation to the next of a people‘s cultural history and ancestry. Additionally, an afrocentric perspective places emphasis on the views of the participants‘ lives in a holistic manner. Akbar (1984) alluded that including the standards of an afrocentric inquiry in a holistic manner involves the total person-a full range of what many African Americans consider to be total human dimensions, including physical, mental, and spiritual expressions as well as oral transmissions. 59 As Morrow, Rakhsha, and Castañeda (2001) related, the narrative inquiry offered a connection with the grandmothers‘ life stories. The inquiry made it possible for the researcher to capture, and for study participants to communicate, strong cultural content and implications. Following the tenets of the afrocentric philosophy, the afrocentric narrative inquiry focused on the individual and the context of the person‘s lived experiences and placed them in the center of the inquiry. An Afrocentric Initiative for a Strengths Based Collective In a focus group setting, how the participants matched certain conditions with successful problem solving techniques, such as using successful coping strategies, represented knowledge that allowed for control. This knowledge is emancipatory in nature (Kershaw, 1992). Afrocentric values and a collective approach were an integral part of this methodology. In this sense, this part of the research design can be described as a modified action research design. It was not the intention to engage in a research study and simultaneously solve a problem or to engage the participants in all phases of the study as action research dictates. I did not intend to try to act as a change agent or was the intention to provide a process of empowerment to the participants (Fine, 1992). I intended to initiate a course of thought whereby the participants could empower themselves individually and collectively, and could use a group effort to generate emancipatory knowledge, or to engage in mutual aid to each other. Data Collection from Individual Interviews Most of the interviews lasted at least 90 minutes. Except for demographic and leading, prepared questions initiated by the researcher, the interviews were informal and unstructured, allowing the participants free expression. 60 According to Dickerson (1995), the afrocentric-collected data must come from the participants‘ perspective. Data collection involved indepth interviews, participant observations, life histories, as well as the uncovering and interpreting the meanings of myths, symbols, distinctive phrases, patterns and rhythms of speech (Asante, 1990). I began each interview with an introduction of who I was and why I was doing the study, though this information was included in the consent form. I gave a brief history about myself, telling where I was born and raised. This was done to create an atmosphere of ease and comfort. I told them about some of my life‘s experiences. They seemed to appreciate that I was a grandmother and that at a time in my life, I had also been a single parent. Centering for the study involved assessing how the grandmothers described their lives, past and present, and how they described what they thought their lives should have been. Additionally, a description of what the participants perceived as barriers that limited their chances to live the way they would like to live also qualified the data collection place as centered (Kershaw, 2003). The interviews were conversation type interviews. If the conversations became intense, the participant and I were able to recognize the passion of the intensity and we were able to diffuse it with a positive justification or explanation. The Informed Consent Each participant was offered a Consent for an Individual Interview form. Some of the participants asked me to read the form to them. They all stated that they understood and signed the form. Later, they received a copy of the signed form. With each participant‘s permission, the interview was audio taped. One participant refused to 61 be audio taped. She signed the form but wrote under her signature that she and I understood that her interview was not being audio taped. Initial and subsequent interviews with this participant were recorded manually. The informed consent indicated how the data would be treated and stored while in my possession and what would happen to the tapes following completion of the study. For confidentially purposes, the informed consent included the statement that tapes and written information would not identify the participant by name or physical description. Watching-Observation of the Participants Afrocentric-collected data involve total immersion in the culture of the people being studied (Asante, 1990). I am a member of the cultural ethnic group of the participants studied. We share a culture and perhaps a historical shared way of life. This form of data collection offered an opportunity for me to observe, and mentally record their behavior and events as they occurred during the interview process. By doing this, I was able to define the nature of my own reality, while listening to stories, quotes, and themes as the words of the participants unfolded. The participants made certain verbal and nonverbal cues or made verbal rhythms of speech (vibes) that I was able to interpret and respond to as they occurred. Interviewing-Asking and Listening The interviews were guided by a flexible, iterative, continuous design as defined by Morrow and Smith (2000). This type of interview design was adjusted as the interview progressed. The interview questions changed throughout the interview and basically were dependent on the participants‘ responses. In following an iterative design, 62 a typical question was an opened, explorative type. It produced a response that was theme based, thereby leading to a different theme-based question, which produced yet a different theme-based response. During the interviews, the questions asked were simple and short but allowed the participants to respond without time limitations to their responses. They were allowed to express themselves freely without feeling the need to adhere to answering only the questions asked. The structured questions were an open ended interview type relating to specific areas of experiences. In addition to the typical demographic questions such as the age of grandmother and grandchildren, the following questions were asked: 1. How do you feel about being a parent the second time around? About being placed in this position? 2. What are your experiences as the primary caregiver of your grandchild? 3. What are your feelings about the child‘s parents? 4. What are the differences in the behavior of your grandchild and the parents of the child? 5. How do your parenting skills in raising your grandchild compare with those that you used to raise the grandchild‘s paren