Mexican-American war: patriotism despite religious persecution

The purpose of this thesis is to provide a comparative case study of two distinct units consisting of American soldiers who fought in religiously designated units, but on opposite sides during the Mexican-American War: the Mormon Battalion and the San Patricio Battalion. Both units are unique to American history. Yet despite their uniqueness, there are a surprising number of similarities between them. From their history of persecution, predating the war, to the common suffering and experiences all the soldiers endured, their similar circumstances continued (along with noted differences) until each U.S. soldier made the fateful decision of either remaining loyal or defecting to the enemy. This, however, was not the end to their similarities. Both units had government leaders assigned to command them; following the war, they received poor receptions from the people they defended; and the soldiers of both units are now revered as ethnic heroes. This study is taken from an American perspective of the war and focuses on Mormon Battalion soldiers' trend toward national allegiance to the United States of America from 1846 to 1847. Although this conflict occurred over 160 years ago, a comparative case study can still teach Americans some important lessons. Governments must demonstrate tolerance and respect for peoples' ethnicity and religious faiths to ensure conflicts do not appear as cultural or "holy" wars. Religious influences, soldier solidarity, and individual upbringings are important, but good, fair leadership, provided by competent officers, is the best motivator that can inspire national allegiance.

THE MEXICAN-AMERICAN WAR: PATRIOTISM DESPITE RELIGIOUS PERSECUTION by Richard James Matson A thesis submitted to the faculty of The University of Utah in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of History The University of Utah December 2008 Copyright © Richard James Matson 2008 All Rights Reserved THE U N I V E R S I T Y OF UTAH G R A D U A T E SCHOOL SUPERVISORY COMMITTEE APPROVAL of a thesis submitted by Richard James Matson This thesis has been read by each member of the following supervisory committee and by majority vote has been found to be satisfactory. g? V Oct. o r Oci OE Edward Davies, II John Reed UNIVERSITY GRADUATE SCHOOL ofthe ?.8 Oct 08 - ._- John Reed THE U N I V E R S I T Y OF UTAH G R A D U A T E SCHOOL APPROVAL To the Graduate Council of the University of Utah: I have read the thesis of Richard James Matson jn i t s f i n a i fo rm and have found that (1) its format, citations, and bibliographic style are consistent and acceptable; (2) its illustrative materials including figures, tables, and charts are in place; and (3) the final manuscript is satisfactory to the supervisory committee and is ready for submission to The Graduate School. .22 ccT. *og Date Lloyd Ray Chair: Supervisory Committee Approved for the Major Department PL i ' James Lehning Chair/Dean Approved for the Graduate Council David S. Chapman Dean of The Graduate School UNIVERSITY GRADUATE SCHOOL FINAL READING APPROVAL I have read the thesis of Richard James Matson in its final form ...:Dc-.:.J ~. cQ. ~-- . ABSTRACT The purpose of this thesis is to provide a comparative case study of two distinct units consisting of American soldiers who fought in religiously designated units, but on opposite sides during the Mexican-American War: the Mormon Battalion and the San Patricio Battalion. Both units are unique to American history. Yet despite their uniqueness, there are a surprising number of similarities between them. From their history of persecution, predating the war, to the common suffering and experiences all the soldiers endured, their similar circumstances continued (along with noted differences) until each U.S. soldier made the fateful decision of either remaining loyal or defecting to the enemy. This, however, was not the end to their similarities. Both units had government leaders assigned to command them; following the war, they received poor receptions from the people they defended; and the soldiers of both units are now revered as ethnic heroes. This study is taken from an American perspective of the war and focuses on Mormon Battalion soldiers' trend toward national allegiance to the United States of America from 1846 to 1847. Although this conflict occurred over 160 years ago, a comparative case study can still teach Americans some important lessons. Governments must demonstrate tolerance and respect for peoples' ethnicity and religious faiths to ensure conflicts do not appear as cultural or "holy" wars. Religious influences, soldier differences) solidarity, and individual upbringings are important, but good, fair leadership, provided by competent officers, is the best motivator that can inspire national allegiance. v TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT iv CHAPTERS 1. INTRODUCTION 1 2. SAN PATRICIO BATTALION 11 Enlistment 17 Harsh and Unjust Treatment from Officers 19 Religious Persecution 24 Ethnicity 27 Poor Living Conditions, Hard Military Work Conditions, Drunkenness, Seduction, and Impressment 29 Poor Treatment for the Sick and Wounded 31 Lack of Food and Water 33 Inconsistency with Monthly Pay and Enticements from the Mexican Government 34 Infringement of Contract, Abandonment, and Dissatisfaction 36 3. MORMON BATTALION 41 Enlistment 45 Harsh and Unjust Treatment from Officers 48 Religious Persecution 55 Ethnicity 60 Poor Living Conditions, Hard Military Work Conditions, Drunkenness, Seduction, and Impressment 66 Poor Treatment for the Sick and Wounded 70 Lack of Food and Water 73 Inconsistency with Monthly Pay and Enticements from the Mexican Government 77 Infringement of Contract, Abandonment, and Dissatisfaction 79 Summary 82 .. ..... ....... . ... . . .. .. . .. .......... . .. . .......................... . . ....... ... ...... . ... .......................... ........... .. ....... .... ........ . ......... . .... . .. . ... .l .......... ...... .. ... . ... ... .. .... . ........... . ..... .. .. ....... . ...... ....... ........ . ... .. .. . ... ..... . ........ .. .. .. ...... ........ .. ........ ..... Harsh and Unjust Treatment from Officers ...................... ... ... . ......... ..... .... 19 Religious Persecution .. ... .. ... . . .......... . .. . .......... ...... . .... ... .. . ......... ........... 24 Ethnicity .. .. .. .... . .. . ............ .. ........ .... . .. .................................... .. .... 27 Poor Living Conditions, Hard Military Work Conditions, Drunkenness, Seduction, and Impressment. .... ... .. . ............. .... ... . ..... .. ....... ...... ...... .... 29 Poor Treatment for the Sick and Wounded .. .. .. .. ............................... . ..... 31 Lack of Food and Water ...... . .. . ........................ . .. ... ... .. .. .. ... ... .. ... ...... 33 Inconsistency with Monthly Pay and Enticements from the Mexican Government ..... .... .. .. .. ....... ...... .. ..... ... . .. .. ... ............ . ..... .. ............ ... 34 Infringement of Contract, Abandonment, and Dissatisfaction ... ...... .... ..... ..... 36 Summary ........ . ............ .. .. . ... . .. .. . .......... .. .... ........ ..................... .. .. 38 ........................... . .................. . ................. . ... .41 Enlistment. .......................... .... ... ........ . ..... ... .... .. .. ... .. ...... ........... .. ...................... ............ . ... ... ... .48 .. ... .. ... ... .. .. .. .. ....... ... . .. . . .. . .... .. . ... .. . ... ............... .. .. . ......................................... . ............................ .. .. ... ... ...................................... ................. ....... .. .. . .. . . . ... .. .. .. ... . ................. . . ... Water. ........................................... ............ . ... ...... .. ................ ........ . ............................... . .. . .. ...... . .. ... .. . .. .. ..................... .... ..... ...... .. ..... ..... . .... . ...... ... .. ............ .. ........... ..... ..... . . ... 4. CONCLUSION 84 Neither Government Completely Trusted their Unique Battalion 87 Postwar Treatment 88 Commemoration of Mormon Battalion and San Patricio Battalion 91 Concluding Remarks 92 APPENDICES A. MORMON BATTALION ROSTER INFORMATION 95 B. NATIONAL ORIGIN DEMOGRAPHIC OF MORMONS AND THE MORMON BATTALION 106 C. MORMON SOLDIERS LISTED IN THE NAUVOO TEMPLE ENDOWMENT REGISTER 108 D. NATIONAL ORIGIN DEMOGRAPHICS OF KNOWN SAN PATRICIO SOLDIERS 112 BIBLIOGRAPHY 113 vii . ..... .. ........................................................ . . ............... .. .. .. . .. ..... ..... .. Treatment. .......................................... ...... ............... .... . ... .. .. .. . . .. .... .... .. Concluding Remarks .. . ............... .. ........ ... .. . .. . ......... ............ ............. 92 APPENDICES A. MORMON BATTALION ROSTER INFORMATION ... .. .. . .. . .. . .................. .... 95 ........... ...... .. ..................... ... ..... . .. ....... .. .... .. .. ................... .......... ................... . . ... ... . .. . .. ...... ................................. .... ... . .. . ... ..... .... ...... ....... .. ... . .. . ... .. .. ... . ... ..... .............. .. . .............. . BIBLIOGRAPHy ........ ..... .. . . . .. .. ............ ... ............. .. .. ................... ........ Vll CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION This thesis provides a comparative case study of two distinct military units of American soldiers who fought in religiously designated units, but on opposite sides, during the Mexican-American War: the Mormon Battalion and the Mexican Army's San Patricio Battalion. Both units are unique in American history. The Mexican government recruited the San Patricio soldiers from among United States (U.S.) Army deserters. These soldiers were mostly foreign-born (predominantly Irish) and of the Catholic faith. Meanwhile, the U.S. government recruited the Mormon Battalion from among the displaced Mormon population that had recently been expelled from the state of Illinois. This study takes an American (versus the Mexican) perspective on the war and focuses on Mormon Battalion soldiers' trend toward national allegiance to the U.S. from 1846 to 1847. But why did the Mormon soldiers remain faithful, whereas many foreign-born soldiers who suffered similar persecutions and harsh treatments deserted and defected to the enemy? Historians generally agree that harsh and unjust treatment from officers was one of the principal reasons soldiers deserted. Others include religious persecution, ethnicity, poor living conditions, hard military work conditions, drunkenness, poor treatment for the sick and wounded, lack of food and water, inconsistency with monthly CHAPTERl MomlOn foreign-2 pay, enticements the Mexican government offered, and seduction. To this list, we can add abandonment, infringement of contract, and dissatisfaction with their unit and the war. After presenting a background history of ethnic and religious persecution in the decades preceding the war, these specific areas2 of shared common experiences will be examined for each unit to determine how differences in these areas may have influenced the decision to remain loyal or to defect. The relevance of these issues continues today as the U.S. Army struggles with issues of ethnicity, government treatment, and religion in a very diverse military force. Both of the battalions are unique and yet they have a surprising number of similarities between them. The foreign-born soldiers, who comprised the San Patricio Battalion, and the Mormon soldiers endured similar persecutions predating the war and experiences as soldiers in the U.S. Army. It was not until each soldier made the fateful decision, during the conflict, to desert and defect to the enemy that their paths truly diverged. Had their circumstances been even slightly different, they might have chosen another path and remained loyal. This, however, was not the end to their similarities. Following the war, soldiers from both units received a similarly negative reception from 1 Timothy A. Garvin, "An Immortal Band of Rogues: Immigrant Disaffection and the San Patricio Battalion in the United States - Mexican War, 1846-1848" (master's thesis, California State University, 2004), 94; Robert Ryal Miller, Shamrock and Sword: The Saint Patrick's Battalion in the U.S. - Mexican War (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1989), 150; and Peter F. Stevens, The Rogue's March: John Riley and the St. Patrick's Battalion (Washington: Brassey's, 1999), x-xi, 170. 2 Because their information is not relevant, this study will not analyze three of the exonerated (during their courts-martial) deserters, two of whom were too young for service (John Brooke, Case 27 and David McElroy, Case 31) and the other deemed a simpleton (Lewis Prafier, Case 41). The fifteen- and sixteen-year- old boys claimed to desert with the intent of going home (the Mexicans caught them en route and forced them to join the San Patricio Battalion) and the simpleton did not understand what he was doing and should never have been in the military in the first place. U.S. Department of War, Judge Advocate General's Office, Proceeding of General Court-Martial at Tacubaya, Mexico, 1847, National Archives, File Number EE525, Case 27, 128-133, Case 31, 149-153, and Case 41, 198-202. In Sovereignty and Revolution in the Iberian Atlantic, Jeremy Adelman explains the concept that societies transition through an endless cycle of forking paths and "that things might have gone quite differently under other circumstances." Jeremy Adelman, Sovereignty and Revolution in the Iberian Atlantic (New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2006), 11. I areas2 fateful loya1.3 I u.s. - Mexican John 2 sixteen­year- General's Office, Proceeding o/General Court-Martial at Tacubaya, Mexico, 1847, National Archives, File Number EE525, Case 27, 128-133, Case 31, 149-153, and Case 41, 198-202. 3 differently 3 the people they fought to protect, which is opposite from the way the Irish, Mexican, and Mormon populations revere the battalions today. The only American army battalion ever recruited from one specific religious group, which announced its religious affiliation in the unit's title, is the Mormon Battalion. All soldiers in the battalion,4 with the exception of the appointed officers in the commanding staff and the guides, belonged to the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (referred to as Mormons, Saints, and LDS). Because the unit consisted of only members of a faith that many Americans regarded as suspect, the government questioned its loyalty. However, the Mormon Battalion faithfully served the U.S. government in its war against Mexico and was essential in the conquest of the California territory because it provided the troops required to establish law and order in the newly conquered lands. The Mormon Battalion is also recognized for conducting one of the longest infantry marches in history (over 2,000 miles), and for trailblazing a wagon road that later generations of migrants would use to move to California. 5 The San Patricio Battalion is also unique in American history because it was composed primarily of deserting U.S. soldiers. Defectors began joining the Mexican Army before the first official battle of the war. The San Patricio Battalion began as an artillery company, but as more defectors changed sides and foreigners living in Mexico City chose to join the unit, the company expanded to a battalion of about 200 soldiers. These "Irish Deserters" fought with surprising success and distinction for Mexico against 4 LDS California, he was the only member of the battalion court-martialed and excommunicated from the Mormon Church. See Carl V. Larson, Database of the Mormon Battalion: An Identification of the Original Members of the Mormon Battalion, 2n d ed. (Salt Lake City, UT: U.S. Mormon Battaiion, 1997), 10. 5 Army of Israel: Mormon Battalion Narratives 2000), 18, 23-4 5 4 While at Fort Leavenworth, John Allen was baptized into the LOS faith to join the Mormon Battalion. In ofthe Original 2nd u.Battalion, 5 David L. Bigler and Will Bagley, (Logan, UT: Utah State University Press, 17-18,23-29. 4 6 The Irish Soldiers of Mexico 1997), 11,17, 159-160; Miller, Shamrock and Sword, 28-29; Stevens, The Rogue's March, 103, 265-271; and Edward S. Wallace, "The Battalion of Saint Patrick in the Mexican War," Military Affairs 14, no. 2 (Summer 1950): 84. their former comrades. With the exception of the commanding officer, the officers and sergeants were commissioned from within their ranks (John Riley, who was a private in the U.S. Army, was one of the first officers commissioned and by the end of the war he held the rank of major). The soldiers in the San Patricio Battalion participated in all the major encounters with both General Zachary Taylor's and General Winfield Scott's armies, from the Battle of Matamoros until most of the battalion was either captured (85 soldiers) or killed (35 soldiers) during the Battle of Churubusco. Following the battle, Scott had the 72 defectors (13 of the 85 captured soldiers were not deserters from the U.S. Army) court-martialed. Although the jury found 65 of them guilty and sentenced them to be hanged, from September 9-13, 1847, only 50 of the soldiers (20 at San Angel and 30 at Tacubaya) hanged for their crimes against the United States.6 Because the deserting American soldiers did not leave behind any diaries or journals, it is impossible to know exactly why they deserted and defected to the enemy. In considering the experience of the San Patricio Battalion, historians usually emphasize one of three biased positions: the soldiers were either heroes, victims of circumstance, or traitors. Scholars also disagree as to whether desertion was religiously motivated and the proposed reasons for desertion. Until 1989, most American scholars embraced the idea that the San Patricio soldiers who, following their own selfish intentions (not for religious motives), defected to the enemy, received a just punishment when the Army captured and hanged them as traitors. A premier book on the topic and one that espouses this opinion 6 ajust 6 Michael Hogan, (Guadalajara, Mexico: Fondo Editorial Universitario, ] 997), 11, 17, 103,265-5 7 Miller, Shamrock and Sword. 8 Richard Blaine McCornack, "The San Patricio Deserters in the Mexican War," The Americas 8, no. 2 (October 1951): 131-142. 9 Hinckley emphasizes President Polk's overtures to alleviate discrimination throughout the article. See Ted C. Hinckley, "American Anti-Catholicism during the Mexican War," Pacific Historical Review 31, no. 2 (May 1962): 121-137. 1 0 Wallace's article is riddled with inaccuracies: he only identifies sixty of the seventy-two captured San Patricio courts-martial cases and includes a false myth about John Riley serving at West Point prior to the war. The article ends without a concrete conclusion, allowing the reader to interpret the information in multiple ways. Wallace, "The Battalion of Saint Patrick in the Mexican War," 84-91. 1 1 Garvin, "An Immortal Band of Rogues," xv, 0, 93-94 and Dennis J. Wynn, "The San Patricio Soldiers: Mexico's Foreign Legion," Southwestern Studies, Monograph 74 (El Paso: University of Texas at El Paso, 1984). is Robert Ryal Miller's Shamrock and Sword. Following Richard McCormack's example, he bases many of his conclusions on the testimonies provided by the original court-martial records and he develops a number of reasons why they might have deserted. Although Miller gives little credit to religious motives, he is not as strongly opposed to the idea as Ted Hinckley who, in a 1962 article, attempts to counter the myth of religious persecution by relating many stories of religious tolerance.9 Instead, Miller's book tends to more closely resemble the interpretation found in Edward Wallace's 1950 article, "The Battalion of Saint Patrick in the Mexican War." Wallace argues that soldiers originally deserted for reasons of self-interest, and that religion was later used to excuse those actions. 1 0 Beginning in 1984, revisionist historians took a new approach to the topic. Dennis Wynn and Timothy Garvin sympathize with the doomed deserting soldiers, without depicting them as heroes. 1 1 In their works, the San Patricio soldiers became victims of circumstance. The various reasons for desertion, offered by past historians (including religious motivations), are now presented as mitigating circumstances as the historians include social history to better explain the soldiers' circumstances. Both Wynn 7 McCormack's8 9 10 II 7 Sword. 8 9 10 ofthe mUltiple 11 EI EI 6 and Garvin provide additional information on events preceding and following the war, including American countermeasures. 12 Since 1997, revisionist American historians portray the San Patricio Battalion as a band of patriotic heroes turned martyrs. Religion, along with ethnic persecution, they argue, caused the soldiers to defect to the Mexican Army. In The Irish Soldiers of Mexico, Michael Hogan seeks to counter Miller's claim that the San Patricio soldiers were traitors. John Riley has become the central figure in the story, but Hogan uses a plethora of source materials to maintain the focus on all the San Patricio soldiers. He explains how a group of soldiers who were not all ethnically Irish or religiously Catholic became a homogenous unit that fought under the symbol of the shamrock and bore the name of Saint Patrick. 1 3 In contrast, Daniel Alvarez's Memorias de John Reilly and Peter Stevens' The Rogue's March highlight the life of the San Patricio Battalion's Irish leader, John Riley. Both books resemble extended stories, meant to extract an emotional response from the reader and gain sympathy for the soldiers that suffered horrendous ordeals during a time of warfare. 14 Meanwhile, even though there are numerous personal journals,1 5 secondary sources, and public records, there has been little evolution in the last 130 years in the historiography of the Mormon Battalion. The exploits of the Mormon Battalion during 1 2 Under General Winfield Scott, the U.S. Military formed the Spy Company in May, 1847. This unit, comprised of Mexicans (many of whom were criminals or deserters from the Mexican Army) who provided intelligence, scouted for enemy locations, and acted as counter guerrillas, countered the advantage Mexico gained when they created the San Patricio Battalion. See Wynn, "The San Patricio Soldiers: Mexico's Foreign Legion," 35-38. 1 3 Hogan, The Irish Soldiers of Mexico. 1 4 Alvarez's book is not credible because it fails to cite a single source used to compile the book. Daniel Molina Alvarez, Memorias de John Reilly: Batallon de San Patricio (Mexico: Instituto de Cultura de la Ciudad de Mexico, 2002) and Stevens, The Rogue's March, x-xi. 1 5 The dedication of some of the soldiers in faithfully keeping their journals is amazing. When Robert Bliss ran out of ink (both black and blue) and could not obtain more, he wrote the remainder in the only fluid he had available, his blood. See J. Cecil Alter, "Journal of Robert S. Bliss, with the Mormon Battalion." Utah Historical Quarterly 4, no. 3 (July 1931): 67. 12 13 Stevens' The Rogue's March highlight the life of the San Patricio Battalion's Irish leader, John Riley. Both books resemble extended stories, meant to extract an emotional 14 personaljournals,15 ofthe ofthe 12 13 Mexico. 14 15 Monnon 7 the Mexican War have become an important part of LDS historical lore. Mormon historians, attempting to define the Church's role in the settlement of the American West, have written the vast majority of books and studies on the battalion. As in the case of historical writings about the San Patricio soldiers, the Mormon Battalion works are also not without bias. However, while some writers selectively report only those occurrences that would glorify the battalion's experiences, other books and articles present a more balanced view of what happened on that long march west. Following the war, two former soldiers and historians presented distinct works on the travels and accomplishments of the Mormon Battalion. Phillip St. George Cooke, the commander of the Mormon Battalion, presented the first book on the subject. Based on his war journal, The Conquest of New Mexico and California in 1846-184816 provides an officer's and non-Mormon's perspective of the travels and contributions provided by the Mormon soldiers to their nation. The view presented in the book is a watered-down version of what he actually wrote in his journal, which Ralph Biebert published in Exploring Southwestern Trails 1846-1854.17 The second book written during this time period was Sergeant Daniel Tyler's A Concise History of the Mormon Battalion in the 18 * Mexican War. Under the encouragement of John Taylor, President of the Mormon Church in 1881, Tyler compiled from known soldier journals what the Mormon Church considers the accepted history of the Mormon Battalion experience. Written with a Mormon soldier's perspective, the book lauds the dedication and loyalty of the Mormon 1 6 Phillip St. George Cooke, The Conquest of New Mexico and California in 1846-1848 (Bloomington, IL: Rio Grande Press Inc., 1878). 1 7 Ralph P. Bieber, Exploring Southwestern Trails 1846-1854 (Glendale, California: Arthur H. Clark Company, 1938). 1 8 Sergeant Daniel Tyler, A Concise History of the Mormon Battalion in the Mexican War: 1846-1847 (Glorieta, New Mexico: Rio Grande Press, 1881). ofLDS o/184816 1854.17 o/Mexican War.18 Under the encouragement of John Taylor, President of the Mormon Church in 1881, Tyler compiled from known soldier journals what the Mormon Church considers the accepted history of the Mormon Battalion experience. Written with a MomlOn soldier's perspective, the book lauds the dedication and loyalty of the Mormon 16 a/1848 17 1854 18 a/1846-8 soldiers who, despite the persecution prior to the war (which is presented in the first quarter of the book), loyally supported their nation. Both books, although sympathetic to their own agendas, provide a good description of the Mormon Battalion experiences and include some controversial accounts that are not religiously biased. Likely due to the developing Mormon culture and controversies between the LDS Church and the federal government, for nearly a century following these two books, Mormon historians presented a distorted (too positive) view of the Mormon Battalion experience. Beginning with B.H. Roberts' The Mormon Battalion, 19 which promotes the impending (1919) construction of the Mormon Battalion Monument in Salt Lake City, Utah, scholars propagandize the Mormon experience and portray the Mormon Battalion soldiers as selfless and faithful warriors; they were true patriots. Even non-Mormon historians, like Frank Goldner, glorify the dedication and accomplishments of the Mormon soldiers. Meanwhile, Paul Bailey, in The Armies of God, demonstrates his strong religious biases when he claims that "only a body of men steeped in brotherhood, with a faith transcending reason, could ever, in like condition, have made it."21 Beginning in the 1990s, revisionist Mormon historians present a more objective and inclusive accounting of the Mormon Battalion. Norma Ricketts' The Mormon 22 Battalion provides a thorough collective chronological history based on known journals and papers of Mormon Battalion soldiers. Along with demographical information, she creates an interesting work of social history that includes the wives and families that 1 9 B.H. Roberts, The Mormon Battalion: Its History and Achievements (Salt Lake City, Utah: The Deseret News, 1919). 2 0 Goldner's book includes the transcribed journal of Henry Standage (a member of the Mormon Battalion). Frank Alfred Goldner, Bluffs California (New York: Century Company, 1928). 2 1 Paul Bailey, (Garden City, New York: Doubleday Company, 169. 2 2 S. 1848 RH. 19 walTiors; 20 it.,,21 Mormon Battalion22 provides a thorough collective chronological history based on known journals and papers of Mormon Battalion soldiers. Along with demographical information, she creates an interesting work of social history that includes the wives and families that 19 B.H. Roberts, The Mormon Battalion: Its History and Achievements (Salt Lake City, Utah: The Deseret News, 1919). 20 Goldner's book includes the transcribed journal of Henry Standage (a member of the Mormon Battalion). Frank Alfred Goldner, The March of the Mormon Battalion: From Council Bluffi' to Cal(fornia (New York: Century Company, 1928). 21 Paul Bailey, The Armies of God (Garden City, New York: Doubleday & Company, 1968), 169, 22 Norma Baldwin Ricketts, The Mormon Battalion: U.S, Army of the West, 1846-1848 (Logan, UT: Utah State University Press, 1996). 9 accompanied the soldiers on their trek toward California. David L. Bigler and Will Bagley's Army of Israel, 23 a collection of source narratives with edited commentaries, chronologically relates the Mormon Battalion's history and how the soldiers transformed the land and culture in the West. Finally, Sherman L. Fleek's History May Be Searched in Vain, written from a military perspective, questions the combat effectiveness of the Mormon Battalion and whether it was wise to organize a religious unit under a government constituted to separate church and state. Although he provides a good summary of events preceding the Mexican-American War and Mormon Battalion activities during the war, he (like Ricketts) follows the example of previous historians and stresses that the Mormon soldiers were more loyal to their faith than to the federal government. 24 In their scholarly works, Mormon historians do not generally focus on desertion since there was only one documented incident in the Mormon Battalion. On August 23, 1846, barely 11 days after leaving Fort Leavenworth, Thomas Gilbert (an emigrant from Canada) decided to leave the battalion and was not seen again.2 5 However, for the rest of the army during the war, desertion was a major issue. A higher percentage of American soldiers deserted during the Mexican-American War than in any other foreign war. Between 1846 and 1848, approximately 8.3 percent of the U.S. army deserted, twice the rate during the Vietnam War.2 6 The Army of Occupation consisted of 40,934 regular soldiers and 70,129 volunteers (a total fighting force of 111,063 soldiers). Of these, 5,331 regular soldiers (nearly 13 percent) and around 4,200 volunteers (about 6 percent) 2 3 Israel. 2 4 Sherman L. Fleek, History May Be Searched in Vain: A Military History of the Mormon Battalion (Spokane, WA: Arthur H. Clark Company, 2006). 2 5 Ricketts, The Mormon Battalion, 46, 154 and Larson, Database of the Mormon Battalion, 10-11. 2 6 Miller, Shamrock and Sword, 23, 173-174. 23 Searched 24 25 War,z6 23 Bigler and Bagley, Army of Israel. 24 Battalion W A: 25 26 10 ~ Ibid., 23-24 and Stevens, The Rogue's March, 2-3. 2 8 It is important to note that the majority of Irish did remain loyal to the United States government. There were seventeen Irish companies serving in the U.S. Army, which consisted generally of Irishmen who had assimilated into American society; these Irishmen, along with other foreigners who had received or were awaiting naturalization, generally despised the defectors because they increased the persecution of German and Irish citizens by fostering the myth that they were untrustworthy. Miller, Shamrock and Sword, 174; Stevens, The Rogue's March, 128; and Garvin, "An Immortal Band of Rogues," 100. 2 9 Stevens, The Rogue's March, 2-3. deserted. It is also important to note that 5,000 Irish enlisted in both the regular army and volunteer units, and nearly 20 percent (1,000) deserted.2 9 Although most of these former soldiers simply disappeared, a small percentage defected to the enemy and formed the nucleus of the San Patricio Battalion. The next chapter will present the tales of these soldiers. Beginning with the history of the war and the ethnic persecution of Irish and German immigrants, experienced from 1820-1845, the chapter will then describe the circumstances which influenced the soldiers' desertion. The third chapter focuses on the Mormon Battalion. Following the same format as the second chapter, it begins with a history of the Mormon experience preceding the war, then explains the circumstances surrounding the enlistment of the Mormon Battalion, and finally describes how Mormon soldiers reacted to the same circumstances that influenced the foreign-born soldiers in their decision to desert. The final chapter provides a comparative study of the foreign-born and Mormon soldiers' experiences and identifies the key reasons why the Mormons remained loyal to the government, whereas many foreign-born soldiers deserted and some defected to the enemy. Following the synopsis of the study, the chapter then highlights how the Mormon Battalion and San Patricio Battalion experiences during and following the war continued to echo one another. 27 enlisted28 anny 29 fonned fonnat ofthe Monnon tinal ofthe Monnons Monnon 27 28 29 CHAPTER 2 SAN PATRICIO BATTALION When President Polk, an ardent follower of Jacksonian Democracy, took office in 1845, the nation clamored for expansion.3 0 "Manifest destiny,"31 the belief in America's God-given right to rule the continent, demanded resolution of territorial disputes: the U.S. clashed with Mexico over the annexation of Texas (the U.S. also desired to gain control of California, having been unsuccessful at purchasing the land from Mexico); and the U.S. disagreed with Great Britain over control of the Oregon Territory (Great Britain claimed the Canadian border extended into northern California and that Americans were settling their lands). Prior to Polk taking office, the outgoing president and congress approved the annexation of Texas; Mexico declared that this was an act of war. One of the first things the new president did was send troops south to ensure Mexico did not prevent Texas from joining the nation. Later, in February 1846, he ordered the soldiers to enter the contested zone north of the Rio Grande, opposite the Mexican city of Matamoros. On April 25, 1846, the Mexican Army killed eleven U.S. soldiers. Mexico's attack on American forces provided Polk the pretext to take the nation to war. Since the 3 0 Westward expansion allowed states to prevent overpopulation and effectively get rid of undesirables. Garvin, "An Immortal Band of Rogues," 34-36. 3 1 "Manifest destiny," an expression of Social Darwinism, encouraged the belief that the Anglo-Saxon race was ethnically and religiously superior to other inferior races (including Irish and German). Garvin, "An Immortal Band of Rogues," 34-36, 55 and Hogan, The Irish Soldiers of Mexico, 86. 3 2 "Americans, brilliant or simple, envisioned their nation from sea to sea, and few worried about the means to accomplish it." Fleek, History May Be Searched in Vain, 52. 30 destiny,,,31 32 Califomia, ofthe northem Califomia 30 31 36,55 32 12 Robert W. Johannsen, To the Halls of the Montezumas: The Mexican War in the American Imagination (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985), 7-8; Richard Bruce Winders, Mr. Polk's Army: The American Military Experience in the Mexican War (College Station, TX: Texas A & M University Press, 1997), 5-12; Fleek, History May Be Searched in Vain, 39-40. j 4 The Polk administration used the following means to propagandize the war effort: newspapers, schools, churches, clubs, and other associations. Fleek, History May Be Searched in Vain, 53. 3 5 This group included abolitionists who worried about the expansion of slavery, members of the Whig Party, and New Englanders who recognized no self-interest in pursuing a war with Mexico. 3 6 Politicians had learned a lesson during the War of 1812, when individuals who opposed the war were charged with abetting the enemy. Winders, Mr. Polk's Army, 11-12. 3 7 Of the 7,000 men who volunteered in Pennsylvania, state officials were able to select 2,000 to represent the state. Fleek, History May Be Searched in Vain, 52-53. U.S. was already at war with Mexico, Polk wanted to avoid war with Great Britain. However, joint occupation of Oregon Territory was causing too many problems to allow its continuance. Fortunately for the U.S., James Buchanan worked out a compromise with the British in June of 1846, agreeing to set the latitudinal boundary along the 49t h parallel. 33 With improved relations between the U.S. and British governments, Polk continued to propagandize war with Mexico as a "patriotic and honorable venture."34 Once Congress approved Polk's war bill, most Americans and politicians supported the war effort. Members of Congress who opposed the war openly denounced Polk and his administration, but most voted to support the army's needs. Consequently, Congress authorized four increases in the size of the regular army, along with the recruitment of 50,000 volunteers. The War Department directed the formation of infantry and dragoon regiments, along with batteries of artillery. States had no problems meeting their quotas; in fact, they turned away some men because they had too many volunteers. Although many Americans supported the effort, there were some ethnic and religious communities who had little to gain by supporting a nation which had ignored their call for justice, equality, and mercy. 49th 33 venture.,,34 opposed35 36 37 33 Imagination American 34 35 self· 36 37 13 In "American Anti-Catholicism during the Mexican War," Ted Hinckley claims that "the two decades before the Mexican War are renowned for their political liberalism, economic growth, and romantic national optimism." Because of the diversity of American Protestantism, denominational liberalism allowed for diverse religious groups such as the Mormons, Roman Catholics, and Jews to gain a small measure of 39 acceptance. As new ethnic immigrants arrived in the United States, new religious faiths were established and national borders expanded, new territories incorporated diverse people (with nonmainstream Protestant beliefs) and the American "community" changed.4 0 But this measure of general acceptance did not prevent those with charcoal-smeared faces of terror and hatred from torching Mormon homes and settlements, Catholic schools and churches, and Jewish businesses.4 1 Racial and religious discrimination tore apart early American society. Racism sustained ethnic domination and repression within the national boarders. Mainstream society dehumanized nonconformist groups to encourage mistreatment and validate the act of discrimination.42 During the 1840s, thousands of destitute and diseased Irish left their ancestral lands in search of a new home.4 3 Famine4 4 and unemployment caused these people to immigrate first to England and Scotland; but when they could not find sufficient employment there, and they met with vicious persecution, they left Great Britain for Hinckley, "American Anti-Catholicism during the Mexican War," 136. 3 9 4 0 Benedict Anderson's Imagined Communities focuses on the nationalist movements in Europe around the mid-nineteenth century. Anderson explains in detail how czarist Russia and the Hapsburgs in Austria- Hungry made concessions to consolidate the people of different ethnicities into one people, without eliminating racism. See Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (New York, NY: Verso, 1983), 83-84, 86-88, 99-111. 4 1 Fleek, History May Be Searched in Vain, 56. 4 2 Anderson, Imagined Communities, 148-150, 202. 4 3 L. Perry Curtis, Apes and Angels (Washington D.C.: Smithsonian Institute Press, 1997), 29-31. 4 4 The "Irish Potato Famine," otherwise known as the "Great Hunger," began in 1845 and killed (through disease and starvation) around 1,000,000 Irish. optimism.,,38 acceptance.39 As new ethnic immigrants arrived in the United States, new religious faiths were established and national borders expanded, new territories incorporated diverse people (with nonmainstream Protestant beliefs) and the American "community" changed.40 But this measure of general acceptance did not prevent those with charcoal-smeared faces of terror and hatred from torching Mormon homes and settlements, Catholic schools and churches, and Jewish businesses.41 Racial and religious discrimination tore apart early American society. Racism sustained ethnic domination and repression within the national boarders. Mainstream society dehumanized nonconformist groups to encourage mistreatment and validate the act of discrimination.42 During the 1840s, thousands of destitute and diseased Irish left their ancestral lands in search of a new home.43 Famine44 and unemployment caused these people to immigrate first to England and Scotland; but when they could not find sufficient employment there, and they met with vicious persecution, they left Great Britain for 38 39 Ibid., 130. 40 Austria­Hungry Spread 84,86-88,99-111. 41 42 150,202. 43 29-44 14 15, 22 4 6 Garvin, "An Immortal Band of Rogues," xvi. 4 7 In the year 1846, America received more than 154,000 immigrants, with most of them coming from the British Isles. Richard E. Bennett, Mormons at the Missouri, 1846-1852 11And Should We Die ..." (Norman: University of Oklahoma, 1987), 6. 4 8 Garvin, "An Immortal Band of Rogues," xviii, 1-2, 11. 4 9 Ibid., xvii-xviii. America.4 5 Also around this time, European wars caused other ethnic groups to immigrate to new countries in search of employment, stability, and better opportunities. Because of this massive influx of immigrants, America's population doubled in size each decade (during the 1800s) and by 1846, approached 21,000,000.4 7 A large portion of these immigrants (between 800,000 and 1,000,000) came from Ireland, and had arrived between 1815 and 1846. They sought the mythical "land of opportunities" and desired assimilation into American society; but speculators had already purchased all available land, driving up prices, and jobs were short because the economy was in a slump. Many of the newcomers hoped that the previous Irish-Catholic immigrants could provide them opportunities as they arrived in American ports, but because of self-interest, they were usually denied any favor.48 The previous immigrants feared retribution from the rising nativist movement that was most prevalent in America's northeastern states, but spanned the nation. As the American economy became unstable, due partly to its shift towards industrialization and the rise of urban society, paranoia gripped many Americans, and they began to transfer blame for national and local problems to immigrants. Outsiders were a threat to the nation's welfare and a burden to its competitive market.4 9 Garvin explains that this was a "period of American history where notions of racism and discrimination transcended color lines and included those of Irish and German descent... [as part of the] lowest 45 46 21,000,000.47 favor. 48 49 descent ... 45 Stevens, The Rogue's March, 13-15,22 and Curtis, Apes and Angels, 29-31. 46 47 1852 "And Should Die . .. " 48 49 15 rung of society."5 0 Nativists used discrimination to establish a nationalistic identity, one that divided Americans by their ethnicities. 51 Although Americans considered all immigrants a menace, Stevens claims that Samuel F.B. Morse, father of the telegraph and one of the main instigators of the nativist movement, was responsible for the shift which transferred blame for America's problems especially on to those who practiced Catholicism. After having a bad experience in Italy, Morse wrote Foreign Conspiracy Against the Liberties of the United States (1835), a two-volume attack on the Catholic Church. Many Protestants seized Morse's ideas and immediately became anti-Irish and antipapist. 54 Many Americans considered Roman Catholicism, with its theocratic structure (which tended to be insular and recognize priesthood sovereignty), a threat to American independence. In some states, like Massachusetts, nativists pushed, unsuccessfully, for legislation limiting Catholic and Irish immigration.55 Unable to stop the flow of immigrants, nativists used propaganda to spread their cause and negatively stereotype immigrants. Because most of the Irish immigrants who arrived in America were unskilled laborers, they competed with blacks and other Catholic immigrants for menial jobs. Many, having difficulties finding employment, joined gangs, with the result that the Irish, and other immigrants, were blamed for a rise in crime.56 The local press, which included The Philadelphia Sun, Philadelphia Nativist, Democratic Register, and The Protestant, supported nativist activities by propagandizing these 5 0 5 1 3 2 The Rogue's March, 5 3 Baptist, signed a letter of recommendation for the work. Samuel F.B. Morse, "Foreign Conspiracy Against the Liberties of the United States: the Numbers of Brutus," New-York Observer (1835), http://jmgainor.homestead.com/files/PU/Lks/FCALUS/FCALUSOO.htm (accessed August 25, 2008). 5 4 The Rogue's March, 5 5 5 6 The Rogue's March, society.,,5o 51 52 Conspiracy Protestants53 54 55 56 Democratic 50 Ibid., 131. 51 Ibid., 3, 28. 52 Stevens, 18-19. 53 Representatives from four Protestant denominations, viz. the Episcopal, Presbyterian, Methodist, and ofthe York http:/Zjmgainor.homestead.com/files/PU/Lks/FCALUS/FCALUSOO.htm 25,2008). 54 Stevens, 18-19. 55 Garvin, "An Immortal Band of Rogues," 6-7, 13. 56 Stevens, Rogue '8 24. 16 57 following their primitive instincts, with riotous violence. 5 9 Nativists also began using derogatory names, such as "Paddy" and "Bridget," to identify the Irish.60 Although some historians, like Richard Jenson, claim that the cries of discrimination have been exaggerated over time and argue that there is no concrete proof to substantiate some of the myths,6 1 during the early and mid-1800s there were numerous acts of mob violence and nativist-instigated persecutions of immigrants. Beginning in 1824, New York Protestants provoked Irish riots when they commemorated King William's victory over Irish Catholics. Later, in 1834, Massachusetts mobs burned down a Catholic girl's academy in Boston and a convent in Charlestown, where a nun who wished to leave was supposedly being held captive; although police arrested eight people for the arson, none were convicted of a crime. Finally, in 1838, nativists applied political pressure to Massachusetts Governor Edward Everett and forced Boston's predominately Irish-born militia (Montgomery Guard) to disband; their justification was that it was too dangerous to allow armed "foreigners" to gather.62 Tensions continued to rise during the 1840s. Increased anti-immigrant propaganda ignited escalating acts of violence across the nation, as nativists claimed that 5 7 8 Irish rebels with the lean, even emaciated pigs of the countryside and to endow United Irishmen with snouts instead of noses." Curtis, Apes and Angels, 31. 5 9 6 0 The Rogue's March, 6 1 Jensen directly refutes the myth that signs discriminating against Irish were posted in American business windows. Richard Jenson, '"No Irish Need Apply': A Myth of Victimization," Journal of Social History 36, no. 2 (Winter 2002): 405-407. 6 2 issues. 57 Along with printing negative articles and literature, publishers followed the English precedent and portrayed the Irish as simians, with porcine features, 58 in political cartoons. Artists depicted them as dumb, brutish apes that were prone to react, following 59 6o 61 62 57 Garvin, "An Immortal Band of Rogues," 14. 58 "Because pigs played such a vital part in the Irish economy, it was all too easy for comic artists to equate 59 Ibid., 29-31. 60 Stevens, 24. 61 '''History 62 Garvin, "An Immortal Band of Rogues," 15-17. 17 6 3 The Rogue's March, 6 4 The Rogue's March, 34. immigrants were un-American murderers. Increasing acts of violence between Irishmen and native-born Americans occurred in Massachusetts, Michigan, Connecticut, Maryland, New York, Florida, and Indiana. Finally, on May 3, 1844, thousands of armed, torch-carrying nativists poured into the Irish working-class districts of Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. The mobs intended to drive the Irish out of the city by force, but the immigrants fought back and after five days of fighting, the mobs left with their mission unaccomplished. They did, however, succeed in burning down three Catholic churches, two rectories, two convents, and over 200 Irish shanties. As the buildings burned, the city's police merely watched while Protestant rioters prevented the fire department from containing and putting out the fires. The five days of fighting left 150 seriously wounded and at least 30 dead Irish immigrants. Throughout the early and mid-1800s, the federal government did nothing to alleviate immigrant persecution. State governments retained the authority to govern civil disputes and power over individual property rights. They also controlled the migration of people within state boundaries.63 Enlistment When tensions arose between the United States, Great Britain, and Mexico over possession of California and the Oregon Territory, nativists, who adamantly supported the war, questioned the reliability of immigrants. They attempted to pass laws that would limit the number of immigrants who could serve in the military.6 4 However, lawmakers 3,1844, fires. 63 64 lawn1akers 63 Stevens, 21, 25 and Garvin, "An Immortal Band of Rogues," 17, 28. 64 Hinckley, "American Anti-Catholicism during the Mexican War," 135-137 and Stevens, Rogue's 34. 18 rejected the legislation when it became clear that the army could not raise a sufficient number of enlistees from native citizens.65 When America formally declared war against Mexico, the government had no problem recruiting "volunteers," but they continuously had difficulties recruiting regular soldiers from among the native-born populations and required immigrant soldiers to fill the army's ranks. Irish and German immigrants became the target recruits. Nearly half of the soldiers that enlisted in the U.S. Army were foreign-born, and of those, most were from predominantly Catholic backgrounds. These foreign-born soldiers generally enlisted for a steady paycheck,6 9 the promise of land, and early naturalization - not out of a sense of patriotism.7 0 At a time when the American economy was suffering, businesses were failing, and unemployment was rampant, the army was hiring. For many hungry, unemployed Irish and German immigrants, the military offered an ideal job 71 • opportunity. These immigrants, many of whom were veteran soldiers who had fought in Europe, hoped to elevate their social status through military service. However, foreign-born soldiers were ineligible for promotion to the officer ranks, and many were forced to serve under less experienced and incompetent officers who used abuse to try and gain obedience. filled with men whose intelligence and industry enabled them to fill the higher places in the walks of life." As quoted in Winders, Mr. Polk's Army, 60. 6 6 "hirelings." Instead, native citizens preferred to serve as independent "volunteers," be subject to less discipline, and to have more control over their terms of service and who their leaders were. 6 7 6 8 European nations and Canada. Miller, Shamrock and Sword, 9. 6 9 The military paid seven dollars a month, along with food, lodging and health care. Winders, Mr. Polk's Army, 60. 7 0 7 1 7 2 Immortal sufficient 65 volunteers,,,66 tIll 67 68 69 ofland, naturalization-not ofpatriotism.7o suffering, opportunity.71 These immigrants, many of whom were veteran soldiers who had fought in Europe, hoped to elevate their social status through military service.72 However, foreign-born soldiers were ineligible for promotion to the officer ranks, and many were forced to serve under less experienced and incompetent officers who used abuse to try and gain obedience. 65 Captain George A. McCall, a recruiter in Philadelphia, claimed "that the ranks of our army could not be 66 Native citizens abhorred regular military service, considering the soldiers to be wage earners and 67 Garvin, "An Immortal Band of Rogues," 57. 68 24 percent Irish, 10 percent German, 6 percent English, 3 percent Scottish, and 4 percent from remaining 69 Polk's 70 Garvin, "An Immortal Band of Rogues," 59-60. 71 Winders, Mr. Polk's Army, 60. 72 Garvin, "An ImmOltal Band of Rogues," xix. 19 Harsh and Unjust Treatment from Officers During the course of the war, there were two officers whose actions directly influenced the lives of all the soldiers in the U.S. Army: General Zachary Taylor (Old Rough and Ready) and Major General Winfield Scott (Old Fuss and Feathers). Both were veterans, both understood how to communicate effectively with officers, and both could influence their soldiers to accomplish the mission. Unfortunately, few of their junior officers emulated their examples, which included treating immigrant soldiers fairly.73 Some historians might argue that their different approaches to halting desertion encouraged ethnic violence, but in truth, both were trying to use force to prevent further violence. General Taylor ordered deserters to be shot. When the government questioned his activities (proclaiming the measures too harsh and unjust), he boldly challenged the politicians to come up with a suitable alternative. 74 Later in the war, Major General Scott employed the more tactful approach of reminding his soldiers of the fate of the hanged San Patricio deserters (a pending threat of violence). Scott's pre-war condemnations of "the officer corps for illegal punishments regularly inflicted on the enlisted men" probably influenced his less harsh approach to the issue of desertion. 76 rash manner. In the course of trying to physically force an Irish soldier to execute an order that he (the soldier) did not understand, the soldier became frustrated and struck the general. When the officers, stunned by what they had just beheld, prepared to run the offending soldier through with their sabers, Taylor stopped them. The soldier had impressed the general with his show of force, and Taylor told the officers that once trained, the Irishman would make a fine soldier. Stevens, The Rogue's March, 55. 7 4 Dispatch from General Zachary Taylor. U.S. Department of War, Adjutant General's Office, In Answer to the Call for Information Relative to Deserters Shot Near Matamoros, May 31, 1846, National Archives, Correspondence File Number 27932, 1-3. 7 5 U.S. Department of War, Adjutant General's Office, General Orders Number 296, Headquarters of the Army, Mexico, September 22, 1847, National Archives, Correspondence File Number 27932. 7 6 Mark A. Vargas, "The Military Justice System and the Use of Illegal Punishments as Causes of Desertion in the U.S. Army, 1821-1835," Journal of Military History 55, no. 1 (January 1991): 2, 19. 73 74 ofviolence).75 76 73 Through his example, General Taylor tried to teach his subordinates to not always react in a violently 74 Answer Callfor 75 76 2,19. 20 In the 1840s, the U.S. Army was young and going through changes that reflected changes in society. Young officers, newly graduated from West Point,7 7 tended to be arrogant, abusive, and unprofessional in behavior, especially when trying to conceal their 78 inexperience. The ambiguous Articles of War provided minimal boundaries to punishments and procedures within the military legal system.7 9 Officers, who were both the prosecutor and judge, were free to impose cruel and unreasonable punishments, while conducting limited or no investigations. Some officers took advantage of the vagueness to interpret blatant forms of abuse as necessary summary punishments. When the number of troublemakers increased because of mistreatment, these officers generally imposed stiffer punishments. Situations were generally worse in frontier and more isolated areas. These extralegal punishments led some soldiers to desert and, in a few cases, to retaliate against the officers in charge. As the army approached Mexico, abusive punishments became more common and Q 1 threats changed from verbal to physical occurrences. To maintain control of their soldiers, officers and sergeants employed common forms of discipline, such as loss of pay, demotion, and corrective training (such as holding a sign advertising the soldier's 89 infraction, during off-hours), which are still in use in today's U.S. Army. Officers also demonstrated arbitrary harshness in administering punishment. Besides flogging or From 1838-1845, Major Richard Delafield was the superintendant at West Point. He was a strict disciplinarian who believed cadets needed to be punished for every infraction. Some of the punishments imposed on cadets included confinement in "Dark" prison, restriction, extra guard duty, loss of rank, denial of privileges, and suspension or expulsion from the Academy. James L. Morrison, Jr., The Best School in the World: West Point, the Pre-Civil War Years, 1833-1866 (Ohio: Kent State University Press, 1986), 22, 40, 73-74. 7 8 Mr. Polk's Army, 7 9 "Army law was a complex maze of customs, mandates, and rules based upon British traditions." Vargas, "The Military Justice System," 7. 8 0 8 1 Stevens, The Rogue's March, 42. 8 2 Miller, Shamrock and Sword, 152. 77 inexperience.78 The ambiguous Articles of War provided minimal boundaries to punishments and procedures within the military legal system.79 Officers, who were both the prosecutor and judge, were free to impose cruel and unreasonable punishments, while conducting limited or no investigations. Some officers took advantage of the vagueness to interpret blatant forms of abuse as necessary summary punishments. When the number of troublemakers increased because of mistreatment, these officers generally imposed stiffer punishments. Situations were generally worse in frontier and more isolated areas. These extralegal punishments led some soldiers to desert and, in a few cases, to retaliate against the officers in charge. 80 As the army approached Mexico, abusive punishments became more common and threats changed from verbal to physical occurrences.8! To maintain control of their soldiers, officers and sergeants employed common forms of discipline, such as loss of pay, demotion, and corrective training (such as holding a sign advertising the soldier's infraction, during off-hours),82 which are still in use in today's U.S. Army. Officers also demonstrated arbitrary harshness in administering punishment. Besides flogging or 77 expUlsion Civil 1866 40,73-78 Winders, 61-62. 79 80 Ibid., 2-7, 10-15. 81 82 21 branding soldiers on the face (HD for habitual drinker, W for worthless, and D for QO OA deserter), soldiers who fell asleep on guard duty were sometimes shot, and if a soldier made mistakes in drill, he could lose a month's pay (even first time offenders) or receive discipline immediately if an officer or sergeant decided to slash him on his shoulder with o r his saber. But some of the more barbarous punishments (for even minor offenses) included being "buck and gagged," placed on a "wooden horse," hung from a tree by one's thumbs,8 8 or placed in a hole for 30 days.8 9 Based on the popular ditty ( 2 n d and 3 r d verses), written by an unknown Irishmen, it is evident that these forms of discipline were commonly used: "Sergeant, buck him and gag him," our officers cry For each trifling offense which they happen to spy, Till with bucking and gagging of Dick, Pat, and Bill, Faith, the Mexican' ranks they will help to fill. The treatment they give us, as all of us know, Is bucking and gagging for whipping the foe; But they are glad to release us when going to fight. They buck us and gag us for malice or spite.90 Excessive abuse led some soldiers to rise up in mutiny against their tyrannical leaders. The most infamous incident involved the uprising against Colonel Robert T. Paine, on August 15, 1847. Paine commanded a volunteer regiment from North Carolina. 8 3 8 4 8 5 8 6 they come in contact with his posterious. His hands are then taken forward of his knees and tied with a handkerchief - a rope should be used when the patient shows violent symptoms. The job is then finished by running a stick under his knees and over his arms." Miller, Shamrock and Sword, 153. 8 7 set-up on the parade ground, and then had weights tied to his feet. He remained on the "wooden horse" for one or more days, subsisting on only water and three crackers. Miller, Shamrock and Sword, 152. 8 8 8 9 Disciplines usually covered the hole (sometimes with a door) and during their term of confinement, the errant soldier subsisted on water and crackers. Soldiers could receive this punishment for offenses as trivial as running past a "sentry without obeying prescribed military form." Miller, Shamrock and Sword, 152. 9 0 The Rogue's March, deserter),83 soldiers who fell asleep on guard duty were sometimes shot,84 and if a soldier made mistakes in drill, he could lose a month's pay (even first time offenders) or receive discipline immediately if an officer or sergeant decided to slash him on his shoulder with his saber.85 But some of the more barbarous punishments (for even minor offenses) included being "buck and gagged,,,86 placed on a "wooden horse,,,87 hung from a tree by one's thumbs,88 or placed in a hole for 30 days. 89 Based on the popular ditty (2nd and 3rd verses), written by an unknown Irishmen, it is evident that these forms of discipline were commonly used: "Sergeant, buck him and gag him," our officers cry For each trifling offense which they happen to spy, Till with bucking and gagging of Dick, Pat, and Bill, Faith, the Mexican' ranks they will help to fill. 9o 83 Ibid., 153. 84 Garvin, "An Immortal Band of Rogues," 70. 85 Stevens, The Rogue's March, 45 and Winders, Mr. Polk's Army, 61. 86 The errant soldier sat with "his latter end resting upon his parent earth. His heels are then drawn up until 87 After having his hands tied behind his back, the delinquent soldier mounted a "wooden horse" that was 88 Garvin, "An Immortal Band of Rogues," 72-76. 89 Discipliners 90 Stevens, 53. In response to his excessive disciplinary actions, officers and soldiers within his unit tried to force his removal from command and assassinate him. When mutineers ran into complications, soldiers from the neighboring Virginia and Mississippi Regiments joined the doomed mutiny effort.91 Another incident that created a substantial uproar, although officers quickly suppressed it, involved an officer stabbing a tied-up soldier through the heart for resisting punishment.9 2 In the end, loyal soldiers who enjoyed the established caste system (favoring the American-born, Protestant soldier) usually suppressed mutinies. Leaders in abusive units generally operated under a double standard in giving punishments. Officers were less likely to be punished for common infractions than enlisted men, and native soldiers received lighter sentences for the same offenses than those given to foreign-born soldiers.9 3 In one instance, two soldiers equally involved in the same theft, one Irish and the other American, received completely different sentences. The native-born soldier lost one month's pay and served a sentence of 10 days imprisonment, whereas the foreign-born soldier lost three month's pay and received two month's confinement, ending with a dishonorable discharge. Another example involves two soldiers who, while drunk, struck an officer. The native-born soldier received imprisonment, followed by a dishonorable discharge, and the foreign-born soldier received the firing squad.9 4 Meanwhile, defectors told their former mess-mates that the Mexican Army treated foreign-born soldiers fairly and with greater respect. 9 5 Blatant 9 1 Reference to a Mutiny in the North Carolina Regiment," Orders Number 404, Buena Vista, August 16, 1847, National Archives, Correspondence File Number 27932. 9 2 9 3 The Rogue's March, 53. 9 4 The Rogue's March, 204-205. 9 5 22 91 92 93 94 95 91 Dispatch from General John E. Wool. U.S. Department of War, Adjutant General's Office, "In /847, 92 Garvin, "An Immortal Band of Rogues," 74. 93 Ibid., 71 and Stevens, 94 Stevens, 95 Ibid., 85. 23 According to testimony provided against Lachlin McLachlin during his court martial, the prisoner was a difficult soldier who was constantly being disciplined and found in the Guard House. A few days prior to his desertion, leaders in his unit brought him up on charges of mutiny - but the charges were later withdrawn. Judge Advocate General's Office, Proceeding of General Court-Martial at Tacubaya, Case 18, 90-93. 9 7 U.S. Department of War, Judge Advocate General's Office, Proceeding of General Court-Martial at San Angel, Mexico, 1847, National Archives, File Number EE531, Case 17, 85-88. 9 8 Miller, Shamrock and Sword, 154. 9 9 Stevens, The Rogue's March, 172-173. abuse and disparity in treatment encouraged many soldiers to desert and, as stated in the popular ditty's last line of the second verse, fill the Mexican ranks. Two of the captured San Patricio soldiers explained during their courts-martial that they deserted directly because officers abused them. Lachlin McLachlin alleged that he ran away because a lieutenant in the company had abused him and threatened to kill him.9 6 William H. Keech explained that the night before he came-up missing, he fell out of the day's march. When he arrived later that evening, he was severely disciplined. A witness for the prosecution (during his court martial) claimed that while being punished, Keech declared that "no man in the Army would have the opportunity of tying him up again." The next day, he again fell out of the march (claiming he was sick) and Mexican Lancers captured him.9 7 Another deserter, Patrick Maloney, claimed that he joined the San Patricio Battalion because he was unjustly punished for attacking his sergeant. When his command found him guilty of assault, he lost six month's pay and had to carry around a thirty pound ball for a month, from reveille to retreat. Not surprising, desertion rates were always higher in abusive units.99 96 97 98 99 96 a/General Martial 97 a/General Martial San Mexico. 17,85-98 99 24 Religious Persecution According to the Constitution's First Amendment,1 0 0 Americans are entitled to the free exercise of religion. However, this freedom has not always been accessible to members of the U.S. armed forces. Prior to the war with Mexico, all army chaplains and sanctioned religious services (given to the troops) were of the Protestant faith. 1 0 1 Officers habitually forced their Catholic soldiers to attend Protestant services. If soldiers refused or failed to attend the services, they were punished. " Even officers faced court-martial for failure to either attend or force their Catholic soldiers to attend these services. For example, in 1843, when Lieutenant John Paul Jones O'Brien, a native-born, third-generation Irish-Catholic (one of the first Catholic officers to graduate from West Point) refused to force his Catholic soldiers to attend the sanctioned Protestant services, his chain-of-command threatened to bring him up on charges. Lieutenant O'Brien challenged his superiors on the threatened court-martial and cited the Constitution to defend his actions. Although his commander eventually dropped all charges, it did not cause the army to change its policies regarding religious observation. 1 0 3 This lack of respect towards the foreign-born and Catholic soldiers' religious preference led some soldiers to question their national loyalty. During the war with Mexico, the lack of Catholic chaplains gave Mexican priests sway over Catholic soldiers. 1 0 4 Mexican churches became a refuge for Catholic soldiers desiring religious succor. Catholic priests began to emphasize to wayward American, 1 0 0 The Bill of Rights, the first ten amendments to the Constitution of the United States, became effective on December 15, 1791. 1 0 1 The Best School in the World, 57. 1 0 2 1 0 3 1 0 4 IOO 101 Officers 102 103 104 100 effective J 5, 101 Sometimes, even Protestant faiths were discriminated against; William T. Sprole, a Presbyterian, was fired from teaching at West Point to make room for an "authorized" Episcopalian. Morrison, Best 102 Garvin, "An Immortal Band of Rogues," 65. 103 Stevens, The Rogue's March, 37, 58. 104 Miller, Shamrock and Sword, 156-159. 25 1 0 6 1 0 7 1 0 8 outside of Matamoros, while he was en route to encourage a suspect unit of regulars to remain loyal. Meanwhile, Father McElroy, suffering from dysentery, chose to remain in Matamoros as General Winfield Scott left with most of the army for Vera Cruz and General Taylor proceeded south towards Saltillo. Stevens, The Rogue's March, 180-181,205-206. 1 0 9 Catholic soldiers that the Mexican culture offered an environment where they could freely follow their faith, without the threat of violence. 1 0 5 A German soldier, who remained loyal to the U.S. government, claimed that it was common practice for Mexican priests to urge Catholic soldiers to desert and defect. Along with reiterating the Mexican government's offered inducements of land, chance for promotion, and money to any American soldiers willing to defect to the Mexican Army, the priests told soldiers that the war "was wrong and [that it was] sinful to fight against their religion."1 0 6 Two of the worst culprits were Fathers Rafael Ignacio Cortez and Eugene McNamara. Their sermons, delivered to General Scott's troops as they marched from Jalapa to Puebla in 1847, blatantly encouraged defection and earned them the enmity of the U.S. Army, which actively sought their arrest. To counter the Mexican government's tactic of using religion to incite desertion and defection within the ranks of the U.S. Army, President Polk appointed two Catholic chaplains: Fathers John McElroy and Anthony Rey, both Jesuits. Although neither accompanied the army beyond Matamoros,1 0 8 their service earned them the respect of Protestant soldiers and helped dispel the myth that the war was an American crusade against Catholicism. 1 0 9 Father McElroy's sermons encouraged loyalty to the U.S. government, while refuting the perceived contradiction between loyalty to Catholicism 105 ofland, religion.,,106 ofthe 107 108 109 105 Garvin, "An Immortal Band of Rogues," 80. 106 Stevens, The Rogue's March, 165-166. 107 Miller, Shamrock and Sword, 156-159. 108 Mexican bandits (under the likely influence of Mexican, Catholic priests) murdered Father Rey just 181, 205-109 Stevens, The Rogue's March, 132-133. and patriotic action. 1 1 0 Unfortunately, any benefit gained with the appointment of these two chaplains was quickly lost when Protestant soldiers (especially volunteers) vandalized and robbed Catholic churches, assaulted priests, and disrupted church services. 1 1 1 These actions allowed priests to encourage further desertions and defections by exclaiming: '"Will you consent... to have the holy rites of your church abolished and the sign of your redemption exterminated? . . . Two fates are left open to you: to be vile slaves or independent Catholics.'" The Mexican government circulated numerous religiously motivated pamphlets and circulars to U.S. soldiers in both General Taylor's and Scott's armies. This propaganda, as demonstrated with titles such as "Mexicans to Catholic Irishmen," stressed the religious and ethnic discrimination foreign-born soldiers suffered from their compatriots, while claiming Mexicans to be their brothers in religion.1 1 3 Even when it was apparent that the United States had won the war, the continuing string of deserters greatly concerned General Scott. Like Taylor, Scott recognized that religious influences and acts of discrimination encouraged many soldiers to desert and defect to the enemy. Since he did not have a Catholic chaplain with his army, 1 1 4 he used another tactic to combat the enemy priests. He, along with his officers (who did not have a choice), attended local Catholic Church services to demonstrate solidarity with the Catholic faith and conquered Mexican people. When this example of solidarity was not sufficient to end the string of desertions and defections, General Scott addressed his Garvin, "An Immortal Band of Rogues," 85 and Stevens, The Rogue's March, 132-133. 1 1 1 Shamrock and Sword, 1 , 2 The Rogue's March, 1 1 3 Miller, Shamrock and Sword, 66, 79. 1 1 4 General Scott took an Episcopalian chaplain, Reverend Dr. McCarthy, with his army to Vera Cruz. Stevens, The Rogue's March, 205-206. 26 I 10 II I '''consent ... ... Catholics. ",112 re 11·9·lO n. 113 114 110 III Miller, 162. 112 Stevens, 167. 113 114 27 soldiers directly and warned them not to listen to insurrectionists. He warned his Catholic soldiers that priests were erroneously trying to use religion to encourage desertion. frustration, the general threateningly reminded them of the captured San Patricio soldiers' fates (hanged).1 15 Ironically, following the war, the U.S. government and the Department of War denied that religious discrimination and Catholic priestly influences caused soldiers to desert and defect. Perhaps the army recognized that its actions resulted in some soldiers' disloyalty to the nation, or maybe they feared that such an open declaration would further alienate or enrage religiously persecuted soldiers. Regardless of the true reasons, on three separate occasions, officers in the Adjutant General's office claimed that no evidence existed to justify this myth. 1 1 6 Meanwhile, Mexican leaders, such as General Jose Joaquin Herrera, openly claimed that the Irishmen truly fought for Mexico and Catholicism. 1 1 7 Ethnicity Besides appealing to American soldiers' Catholicism, Mexican propaganda pamphlets targeted foreign-born soldiers who were recipients of nativist discrimination, both within American society and the U.S. armed forces. Nativist officers habitually U.S. Department of War, Adjutant General's Office, General Orders Number 296, Headquarters of the Army, Mexico, September 22, 1847, 1 1 6 courts-martial. S. Department of War, Adjutant General's Office, Memorandum, February 7, 1898, National Archives, Correspondence File Number 27932; U.S. Department of War, Adjutant General's Office, Request for Information Reference Whether Religious Scruples or Mexican Priests Responsible for Desertions During the War, February 26, 1898, 2 n d Endorsement, National Archives, Correspondence File Number AGO 27932; and U.S. Department of War, Adjutant General's Office, Reply to Inquiry, March 24, 1896, National Archives, Correspondence File Number 34517. 1 1 7 In 1l5 justifY 1 16 1 17 115 u.s. National Archives, Correspondence File Number 27932. 116 The Adjutant General's office replied in the negative to three congressional requests to verify if religion was a root cause for the high number of desertions during the war. Their justification for this assertion was that none of the hanged defectors referenced religious persecution in their defense during their courts­martial. U.S. for 2nd 117 Stevens, The Rogue's March, 231. Mitchell was severely wounded in the battle and command of the 1s t Ohio regiment passed to Lieutenant Colonel Weller. The Mexican War and Its Heroes: Being a Complete History of the Mexican War, Embracing all the Operations Under Generals Taylor and Scott, with a Biography of the Officers (Philadelphia, PA: Lippincott, Grambo & Co., 1850), http://books.google.com/books?id=yiATAAAAYAA J&pg=PA46&lpg=PA46&dq=colonel+mitchell+mexican+war&source=web&ots=MXjBna02U2&sig=mm 0Vgc_yKN_c3SNP-9SLncGo2VY&hl=en&sa=X&oi=book_result&resnum=4&ct=result#PPA3,MI (accessed October 18, 2008) and Garvin, "An Immortal Band of Rogues," 77. 1 1 9 The Rogue's March, 144, 207. 1 2 0 1 2 1 discriminated against their foreign-born soldiers. Infrequent ethnic riots occurred when officers and nativist soldiers mocked the Irish and German soldiers' manner of speech, ridiculed their abilities, and referred to them using ethnic slurs. For example, an ethnic German soldier "collared and choked" Colonel Mitchell, 1s t Ohio Regiment, after the Colonel berated him, using racial slurs, for failing to obey an order. This led to an ethnic 118 i • riot within the unit's ranks that was quickly suppressed. In another instance, two volunteer units, the Jasper Greens (composed of Scots-Irish immigrants) and Kenesaw Rangers (predominantly Protestant), came to physical blows after the opposing units traded racial insults. The fight killed one soldier and injured both of the units' commanders (who were trying to break up the fight).119 Officers also demonstrated ethnic prejudices in the course of administering military justice. In addition to adjudicating prejudiced verdicts, military judges often denounced the offender's nationality.1 2 0 Incidents such as these, perpetrated by army officers and fellow soldiers, gave credence to the Mexican government's claim that it was the friendlier employer of foreign-born soldiers. The Mexican government specifically solicited German and Irish American soldiers to join their nation, which they claimed, unlike America, would * •121 reward them and appreciate their service. 28 1 st riot within the unit's ranks that was quickly suppressed. ll8 In another instance, two volunteer units, the Jasper Greens (composed of Scots-Irish immigrants) and Kenesaw Rangers (predominantly Protestant), came to physical blows after the opposing units traded racial insults. The fight killed one soldier and injured both of the units' commanders (who were trying to break up the fight). I 19 Officers also demonstrated ethnic prejudices in the course of administering military justice. In addition to adjudicating prejudiced verdicts, military judges often denounced the offender's nationality.120 Incidents such as these, perpetrated by army officers and fellow soldiers, gave credence to the Mexican government's claim that it was the friendlier employer of foreign-born soldiers. The Mexican government specifically solicited German and Irish American soldiers to join their nation, which they claimed, unlike America, would reward t h em an d appreci.a te tl le'u servi.c e. 121 118 This event occurred early in the war, prior to the Battle of Monterrey (September, 1846). Colonel 1 st o[Officers Co .. http://books.google.com/books?id=yiATAAAAYAA dq=colonel+mitchell+mexican+war&source=web&ots=MXjBna02U2&sig=mm OV gc _yKN _ 9SLncGo2VY &hl=en&sa=X&oi=book Jesult&4&ct=result#PP A3,M 1 (accessed October 18,2008) and Garvin, "An Immortal Band of Rogues," 77. 119 Garvin, "An Immortal Band of Rogues," 77 and Stevens, 144,207. 120 Stevens, The Rogue's March, 53. 121 Miller, Shamrock and Sword, 78. One of the persistent myths about the San Patricio Battalion is that its makeup was predominantly Irish. According to demographical information, although 79 percent of the battalion consisted of foreign-born deserters from the American army, only 39 percent were from Ireland. 1 2 2 However, Miller's belief that the number should actually be higher bears much consideration. It is highly probable that many who claimed Canada, Britain, or even the United States as their nation of origin when they enlisted had 123 lied in their records to cover-up desertion from the British military. John Riley himself, in a letter to the Mexican president, claimed he led 48 Irishmen in his first battle alone1 2 4 (which is 8 more than the total number of verified Irish-born soldiers identified in Appendix D). It is also highly probable that the 21 percent of the battalion that are listed as native-born soldiers were Catholic and Irish descendants, who most likely had experienced nativist discrimination. Some of these men might have identified themselves as Irishmen (their heritage) when they joined the Mexican Army. Poor Living Conditions, Hard Military Work Conditions, Drunkenness, Seduction, and Impressment Living conditions for soldiers, both in garrison and while on the march, were harsh. Even before the war began, while they were in what America considered part of Texas, soldiers resided in tents that provided minimal protection from flies, insects, 1 9 S poisonous creatures, the elements, and the sun. To make matters worse, a soldier's work was usually tedious and required much physical labor. Besides constructing 1 2 2 Appendix D, Table 4: San Patricio Battalion Demographics. 1 2 3 Shamrock and Sword, 32. 1 4 John Riley wrote the letter to the Mexican president on August 20, 1848. Miller, Shamrock and Sword, 32 and Stevens, The Rogue's March, 103. 1 2 5 Miller, Shamrock and Sword, 9, 14-15 and Garvin, "An Immortal Band of Rogues," 63. 29 demo graphical 122 lied in their records to cover-up desertion from the British military. 123 John Riley himself, in a letter to the Mexican president, claimed he led 48 Irishmen in his first battle alone l24 (which is 8 more than the total number of verified Irish-born soldiers identified in Appendix D). It is also highly probable that the 21 percent of the battalion that are listed as native-born soldiers were Catholic and Irish descendants, who most likely had experienced nativist discrimination. Some of these men might have identified themselves as Irishmen (their heritage) when they joined the Mexican Army. poisonous creatures, the elements, and the sun. 125 To make matters worse, a soldier's work was usually tedious and required much physical labor. Besides constructing 122 123 Miller, 124 ] 848. 125 9,14-]5 30 fortresses and digging wells to obtain serviceable drinking water, soldiers marched hundreds of miles (sometimes trailblazing new roads), performed tedious guard duty, and constantly drilled (drill, drill, and more drill was something soldiers complained about 1 2 8 The poor living and hard work conditions caused many soldiers to become disgruntled with their service. To escape their misery, most soldiers sought relief by consuming alcohol; however, for a few soldiers, alcoholism was not sufficient to lessen their misery and the disgruntled soldiers deserted. 1 2 9 According to the courts-martial records of the captured San Patricio soldiers, 28 of the 72 defendants claimed alcohol (or the search for it) was involved with either their desertion or impressment into service in the Mexican army. Many of the defectors claimed that Mexican civilians and Lancers captured them while they were intoxicated and either directly forced them to join their ranks, or took them to Mexico City where John Riley either tricked or threatened them into joining the battalion. 1 30 Strong drink also made the soldiers more susceptible to the enticements of Mexican females who encouraged them to desert. Scantily-clad Mexican sirens, who made themselves visible to the American soldiers, proved a great temptation, especially to unmarried soldiers. Thirty years after the war, "Baldwin,"1 3 1 a San Patricio deserter, During this time period, American fortresses were generally five-sided structures, with earthen walls nine feet high and fifteen thick; soldiers organized in "fatigue details" performed the majority of the manual labor required for the fortress's construction. 1 2 7 Winders, Mr. Polk's Army, 141. 1 2 8 Miller, Shamrock and Sword, 15, 43, 69, 165. 1 2 9 Garvin, "An Immortal Band of Rogues," 62 and Miller, Shamrock and Sword, 15. 1 3 0 Judge Advocate General's Office, Proceeding of General Court-Martial at San Angel; Judge Advocate General's Office, Proceeding of General Court-Martial at Tacubaya; and Stevens, The Rogue's March, 218. 1 3 1 The former San Patricio soldier took the pseudonym "Baldwin" to protect his true identity when the Chicago Tribune interviewed him. Miller, Shamrock and Sword, 148. 126 127 often). 128 129 ofthe 130 Baldwin,,,131 126 127 128 15,43,69, 129 130 Martial Martial Rugue's March, 131 31 Shamrock and Sword, The Rogue's March, Judge Advocate General's Office, Proceeding of General Court-Martial at San Angel, Case 13, 65-68. Mr. Polk's Army, Shamrock and Sword, 167. admitted to the Chicago Tribune that he deserted because he longed to be with the gaily dressed senoritas. Besides looking for a possible partner, the women encouraged the soldiers to get drunk and then took them to locations where Mexican Lancers waited to capture and impress them into service in the Mexican Army. 1 3 2 At least, that was the 133 claim of Dennis Conahan, one of the captured San Patricio deserters. Whether this was true or not was irrelevant to the jurors. They found that Cohanan's lusts and poor decisions were no excuse for desertion and defection. The army hanged him with the rest of the captured San Patricio soldiers at San Angel (September 9, 1847). Poor Treatment for the Sick and Wounded Besides lowering morale, poor living and hard work conditions, bad water, poor diets, impure air, and bad sanitation practices caused many soldiers to become ill. 1 3 4 The U.S. Army suffered nearly double the number of losses (10,000) from sickness and injuries than died directly in battle. 1 3 5 Soldiers ignorantly drank from contaminated water sources (sometimes containing decomposing corpses), and volunteer soldiers were exceptionally susceptible to dehydration while marching because they did not understand how to properly ration the water they carried in their canteens. Besides the bad water, improperly cooked rations also gave many soldiers diarrhea and dysentery. With weakened immune systems and questionable sexual practices,1 3 6 soldiers were more susceptible to illnesses, such as yellow fever and venereal diseases. This resulted in the 132 claim of Dennis Conahan, one of the captured San Patricio deserters. 133 Whether this was true or not was irrelevant to the jurors. They found that Cohanan's lusts and poor decisions were no excuse for desertion and defection. The army hanged him with the rest of the captured San Patricio soldiers at San Angel (September 9, 1847). I34 oflosses 135 136 132 Miller, 31, 148-149 and Stevens, 98. I33 Martial 13,65-134 Winders, 140-142. 135 Miller, 136 Soldiers commonly visited prostitutes and contracted venereal diseases. 32 abandonment, along the side of the road, of many sick and exhausted soldiers who fell Inexperienced, incompetent, and negligent doctors increased the suffering of sick and wounded soldiers, causing many deaths. Most medical practices had not progressed 138 * in decades. Anesthesia was a new, rarely used procedure (usually involving whisky at this time), amputation was a standard practice, and unsanitary conditions encouraged the spread of diseases and fatal infections.1 3 9 Besides failing to properly vaccinate soldiers, doctors administered medical services that usually hurt patients more than helped them. Doctors treated yellow fever with calomel, fevers with arsenic and zinc, dysentery /diarrhea with sulfates of copper and acetates of lead, and diseases with bleeding and opium. Doctors also neglected soldiers and erroneously returned them to duty while they still required treatment. Conditions in field hospitals were so bad that some soldiers preferred to escape from them and rejoin their military unit. When possible, soldiers also preferred self-care to doctor treatment.1 4 0 Some of the soldiers deserted directly because of poor medical treatment they received or failed to receive. During their courts-martial, Alexander McKee and William H. Keech both claimed that they did not desert, but were instead sick, had fallen out of march, and that Mexican Lancers captured them and, due to their impoverished state, they had to join the Shamrock and Sword, The Rogue's March, Mr. Polk's Army, 142-143, 157. 1 3 8 Dr. William T. Morton (a dentist) first developed anesthesiology in 1846. He used ether, and then chloroform (1853) to anaesthetize his patients. Prior to the use of anesthesia, mortality rates were high due to doctors' inability to sufficiently treat hemostasis, infection, and operation pain. Shanghai Yixin Medical Treatment Equipment Co., Ltd., "Knowledge of Anesthetic Analgesia," http://www.sh-yixin. com/en/MedTec_Knowledge_02_en.asp (accessed September 17, 2008). 1 3 9 Spartacus, "American Civil War," Medical Treatment, http://www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/USACW medical.htm (accessed September 17, 2008). 1 4 0 156, 160. out of march. 137 in decades. Anesthesial38 was a new, rarely used procedure (usually involving whisky at this time), amputation was a standard practice, and unsanitary conditions encouraged the spread of diseases and fatal infections. 139 Besides failing to properly vaccinate soldiers, doctors administered medical services that usually hurt patients more than helped them. Doctors treated yellow fever with calomel, fevers with arsenic and zinc, dysentery/dianhea with sulfates of copper and acetates of lead, and diseases with bleeding and opium. Doctors also neglected soldiers and enoneously returned them to duty while they still required treatment. Conditions in field hospitals were so bad that some soldiers prefened to escape from them and rejoin their military unit. When possible, soldiers also preferred self-care to doctor treatment. 140 Some ofthe soldiers deserted directly because of poor medical treatment they received or failed to receive. During their courts-martial, Alexander McKee and William H. Keech both claimed that they did not desert, but were instead sick, had fallen out of march, and that Mexican Lancers captured them and, due to their impoverished state, they had to join the 137 Miller, 156; Stevens, 203; and Winders, Army, 138 sh­yixin. comJen/Knowledge_02_en.asp 17,2008). 139 http://www.spartacus.schoolnet.17,2008). 140 Winders, Mr. Polk's Army, 146, 152-156,160. 33 Lack of Food and Water Besides causing illness, the poor quality of drinking water and rations, or even the food and water on their own. The scarcity of water holes necessitated the construction of new wells; at times, soldiers marched for hours without replacing the water in their canteens. Stevens claims that during a 150-mile march, Taylor's Army of Occupation 1 4 5 brackish and unpalatable (soldiers sometimes mixed it with whisky to buffer the taste). Rations were no better. Soldiers ate rancid bacon and beef, their hardtack was moldy, and 1 4 1 Proceeding of General Court-Martial at San Angel, 17, 85-and Case 26, 129-134. 1 4 2 1 4 3 General's Office, Proceeding of General Court-Martial at San Angel, Case 1, 1-8. 1 4 4 19, 93-5 4 5 Mexican army. 1 4 1 Mexicans also captured sick soldiers when officers, under doctors' endorsements, made them perform their regular duties. 1 4 2 Even though he was very sick, Henri Venator's supervisors put him on guard duty. While on duty, he heard a noise and went to investigate. Because it was so dark and he was in a weakened condition, he lost his way and Mexican Lancers captured him.1 4 3 Meanwhile, Henry Octker admitted, during his court-martial, that he had deserted the army, but pleaded innocent to the charge of defection. While at the Rio Grande, Octker broke his collarbone. Instead of treating the injury, doctors returned him to his unit and officers forced him to march and do regular duty. He claimed that he ran away because he could no longer suffer the great pain and harsh treatment. 1 44 141 142 143 pam. and h ars h 144 lack of either form of sustenance, lowered morale and forced some soldiers to forage for I 50-went twenty-six hours without water. 145 When water was available, it was usually 141 Judge Advocate General's Office, Martial Case 17,85-88 142 Stevens, The Rogue's March, 61. 143 Witnesses corroborated his story, but the jury ruled him guilty and hanged him. Judge Advocate Martial 144 Ibid., Case 19,93-97. 145 Stevens, The Rogue's March, 69. 34 at times, officers cut their rations. 1 4 6 In desperation, some soldiers left their units to hunt for additional food sources. According to their courts-martial records, Patrick Dalton and Auguste Morstadt were captured by Mexican Lancers while they were searching for corn. James McDowall was captured while hunting beef at Vera Cruz, and Hezekiah Ankles while he was hunting deer. Jurors during these courts-martial found all of the defendants guilty and sentenced them to be hanged, even though McDowall had witnesses that corroborated his story. One soldier even claimed to see him get captured, but failed to report the incident in fear of officer retribution for the unauthorized hunting expedition. Instead of considering their compelling stories, the jury believed that these hungry soldiers deserted. Whether the Mexicans captured them (as they all claimed) or they surrendered themselves to the enemy, they were defectors who needed to be punished. 1 4 7 Upon reviewing the four cases, General Scott only remitted Ankles' sentence. Based on mitigating circumstances, Scott commuted his sentence to 50 lashes and branding the letter "D" on a cheek. 1 48 Inconsistency with Monthly Pay and Enticements from the Mexican Government Along with providing an inconsistent supply of rations, the U.S. government paid its soldiers miserly wages. Before the war, many in Congress continued to disregard the importance of a standing regular army for the nation's defense. They saw it as an 1 4 6 Mr. Polk's Army, 141. 1 4 7 Judge Advocate General's Office, Proceeding of General Court-Martial at San Angel, Case 6, 29-35; Case 14, 69-74; Case 24, 119-124; and Judge Advocate General's Office, Proceeding of General Court- Martial at Tacubaya, Case 16, 81-85. 1 4 8 U.S. Department of War, Adjutant General's Office, General Orders Number 281, Headquarters of the Army, Tacubaya, September 8, 1847, National Archives, Correspondence File Number 27932, 3. 146 147 148 146 Ibid., 44, 107 and Winders, 147 afGeneral Martial Court­Martial 148 o[the 27932,3. The military continues to experience problems in paying its soldiers. The author of this thesis went two months without pay due to a simple clerical error, and failed to receive command support to correct the problem until he personally brought it to the attention of his Battalion Commander. 1 5 0 1 5 1 Proceeding of General Court-Martial at Tacubaya, 106- 110. 1 No officer was present when Ellis enlisted. Because his paperwork lacked an officer's authorizing signature and he never swore the oath of allegiance, it was filed as incomplete and the government did not pay him. 1 5 3 Proceeding of General Court-Martial at Tacubaya, 164. unnecessary drain on tax income. Therefore, they authorized a small regular army (ignorantly depending on their untrained state militias to provide defense in the event of a foreign war) and paid their officers and soldiers low wages. To make matters worse, the government habitually failed to pay soldiers on time, if at all. 1 4 9 Soldiers went for months without payments. 1 3 0 Some disgruntled soldiers and officers resigned or deserted to demonstrate their displeasure with the government's indifference to their condition. Private Richard Hanly, during his court-martial, stressed that he was due money from the U.S. government when he joined (after being captured and impressed into service) the Mexican Army. 1 5 1 Meanwhile, in a rare case, jurors dropped all charges against Private 152 Edward Ellis when he proved that, due to a clerical error in his enlistment, he had never received any pay nor actually belonged to the U.S. Army. Given these circumstances, it is no surprise that some soldiers chose to defect to the Mexican Army. In contrast to the American government's apparent indifference to its defenders, the Mexican government paid its soldiers higher wages. In 1846, the Peso exchanged for $.96 U.S. The difference in monthly pay between the U.S. and Mexican soldier increased with rank, but was always higher for Mexico, from the rank of Private (7 dollars U.S. versus 8.5 pesos Mexican) to Colonel (81 dollars U.S. versus 200 pesos 35 149 150 151 Edward Ellis when he proved that, due to a clerical error in his enlistment, 152 he had never received any pay nor actually belonged to the U.S. Army. 153 Given these circumstances, it is no surprise that some soldiers chose to defect to the Mexican Army. In contrast to the American government's apparent indifference to its defenders, the Mexican government paid its soldiers higher wages. In 1846, the Peso exchanged for $.96 U.S. The difference in monthly pay between the U.S. and Mexican soldier increased with rank, but was always higher for Mexico, from the rank of Private (7 dollars U.S. versus 8.5 pesos Mexican) to Colonel (81 dollars U.S. versus 200 pesos 149 150 Garvin, "An Immortal Band of Rogues," 64. 151 Judge Advocate General's Office, Martial Case 22, \06- 152 fi led 153 Judge Advocate General's Office, Martial Case 33, 160- 36 Infringement of Contract, Abandonment, and Dissatisfaction Worse than failure to consistently pay the soldiers was the blatant infringement of their contracts that occurred when General Winfield Scott's Army shipped south towards Vera Cruz, en route to Mexico City. Soldiers with enlistments ready to expire suddenly had them extended for the duration of hostilities. open rebellion against the government's "stop-loss" action, some of these affected soldiers decided to desert once the first opportunity presented itself for a safe escape. 1 59 As the war continued and soldiers saw the actions and inactions of both governments and peoples, along with the destruction left behind from warfare, many became disillusioned about what recruiters had convinced them was a just war. Such was Shamrock and Sword, 1 5 3 Antonio Lopez de Santa-Anna's April, 1847 proclamation from Orizava offered 10 dollars for desertion without arms, and more if armed, along with 500 dollars and rank to anyone who led 100 men to also desert. 1 5 6 Mr. Polk's Army, 61-62. 1 5 7 land to any deserter upon successful completion of the war. 1 5 8 31, 1 5 9 Mexican).1 5 4 This was something that Mexican officials highlighted in the desertion propaganda that they distributed among the American soldiers. Throughout the war, Mexican officials offered favorable inducements to encourage immigrant soldiers to defect. Beginning with a small trickle, more and more soldiers later began to risk desertion for more favorable conditions and opportunities. Besides higher salaries, they proffered money bonuses,1 5 5 opportunities for rank advancement1 5 6 with the possibility of joining a deserter unit, generous land grants, 1 5 7 civilian clothes, a horse, a drink, and even • 158 a guide to assist the defector in reaching Mexico City or the Mexican army. 154 ffild I55 advancementl56 157 a guide to assist the defector in reaching Mexico City or the Mexican army. ISS In 159 154 Miller, 39. 155 156 Foreign-born soldiers were ineligible for promotion to officer ranks in the U.S. Army. Winders, 157 Antonio Lopez de Santa-Anna's April, 1847 proclamation from Orizava offered 200 square acres of 158 Miller, Shamrock and Sword, 30-3 J, 46, 49, 64. 159 Stevens, The Rogue's March, 181. 37 charge of desertion to the enemy; he claimed that he did not willingly join the San Patricio Battalion. The jurors found him guilty and hanged him. Judge Advocate General's Office, Proceeding of General Court- Martial at San Angel, Mexico, Case 11, 57-60. , 6 1 The Rogue's March, 1 6 2 1 6 3 Army Judge Advocate General's Office, Proceeding of General Court-Martial at San Angel, Case 22, 109-113. the case with Elizier S. Lusk, who deserted because he wanted to go home. 1 6 0 Others, like John Riley, claimed that their conscience dictated that they desert to the enemy and fight for the "liberty of a people which had war brought on them by the most unjust aggression." 1 6 1 Some soldiers also began to take offence with the whole concept of "Manifest Destiny," since it taught that God's will was that Protestants (not Catholics) control the western frontier.162 The continuous stream of desertions, despite American victories, demonstrates the dissatisfaction felt by many soldiers with the war. Dissatisfaction with their assigned unit also led some soldiers to desert. Andrew Nolan, a wounded veteran from the Battle of Monterey, stated in his defense "that he was dissatisfied with his situation in K Company," so after informing officers of his desired course of action, he deserted the unit. Nolan claimed that he intended to rejoin a former unit, which treated him better, but he was captured by Mexicans while en route to 1 6 3 While some soldiers ran away, deserting their units and failing to honor their contract with the government, the army should be held accountable for the loss of some soldiers - specifically those that they abandoned while marching between locations. As previously stated, during long marches, scores of men collapsed from dehydration, sickness, and extreme heat. As a common practice, units abandoned these soldiers along 160 1 61 frontier. 162 Saltillo. 163 160 Lusk admitted during his court-martial that he lost his senses and deserted, but pleaded innocent to the a/General Court­Martial II, 161 From a letter John Riley wrote to the President of Mexico. Stevens, 94. 162 Garvin, "An Immortal Band of Rogues," 34, 36. 163 Jurors found Nolan guilty of desertion to the enemy, and the Anny hanged him in San Angel, Mexico. o/General Martial Summary Life for a foreign-born soldier in the U.S. Army was very precarious during the Mexican-American War. Besides fearing abandonment, extended terms of service, and receiving low and inconsistent pay, soldiers had little protection from tyrannical leaders 1 6 4 1 6 5 Proceeding of General Court-Martial at Tacubaya, 11, 52-1 6 6 General Orders Number 281, 3 General Orders Number 283, Headquarters of the Army, Tacubaya, September 11, 1847, 27932, 3. 1 6 7 the side of the road. 1 6 4 Besides the cases already mentioned dealing with sick soldiers (Alexander McKee and William H. Keech), units also abandoned drunk or lame soldiers. On December 10, 1846, John Daly's unit left him on the side of the road due to dmnkenness and inability to keep up with the unit. When he sobered up sufficiently to continue his march, Daly linked-up with a group of sick American soldiers from the 2 n d Infantry Regiment and boarded a steamboat for transport down river. According to Daly's testimony, Mexicans captured him when he went ashore from the sick boat and later forced him to join the Mexican Army.1 65 General Scott must have felt some level of responsibility for these soldiers' situations, because he commuted the sentences to 50 lashes and the branding of the letter "D" upon the face for two of the three condemned defectors. 1 6 6 These three soldiers were fortunate to have survived their abandonment. Units sometimes sent "sick wagons" back to collect those soldiers left behind during the day's march. The recovery crews found many of these sick, lame, and dehydrated soldiers dead, either from natural causes or because bandits and Mexican Lancers had murdered them in their weakened condition. 1 67 38 164 Jolm nd Almy.165 166 167 164 Stevens, The Rogue's March, 69. 165 Judge Advocate General's Office, o/General Martial Case 11,52-57. 166 Adjutant General's Office, 281,3 and U.S. Department of War, Adjutant General's Office, o/1847, National Archives, Correspondence File Number 27932,3. 167 Winders, Mr. Polk's Army, 143. 39 who operated under a double standard and imposed cruel and unfair punishments. Some officers followed the nativist trend and continued to ethnically and religiously persecute and ridicule foreign-born Catholic soldiers. Although President Polk assigned two Catholic chaplains in an attempt to dispel the idea that the war was a crusade against Catholicism, officers still forced Catholic soldiers to attend Protestant services and allowed, through omission, Protestant soldiers to rob and vandalize Catholic churches. Because of these actions, and the fact that neither of the Catholic chaplains accompanied the army beyond Matamoros, Mexican priests continued to gain influence over foreign-born Catholic soldiers who sought religious comfort during the war. Like all the soldiers serving in both Taylor's and Scott's armies, foreign-born soldiers also lacked the common comforts of clean and dry lodging, good drinking water, competent medical treatment, and sufficient food. Their tents were infested with rodents and insects, which carried diseases. Incompetent and negligent doctors mistreated many patients and commonly returned them to duty before healing them. These soldiers were required to perform normal soldier work (pulling guard duty, performing drill, marching, or building defensive fortification) which was very tedious and physically demanding. Soldiers sometimes performed these labors after consuming rancid rations or having their rations cut. This drove some soldiers, in desperation, to risk capture by the enemy and forage for additional food. To escape the misery associated with soldier life and to forget the maltreatment from bad officers, foreign-born soldiers turned to alcohol. One-third of the San Patricio soldiers claimed alcohol was involved with their ultimate defection to the Mexican Army. Others, disgusted by their treatment (desertion rates were always higher in abusive units) foreign­born 40 and disillusioned with the war, openly embraced the higher pay, chance for advancement, and other incentives offered by the Mexican government. These soldiers became the core of the San Patricio Battalion. In contrast, the Mormon Battalion soldiers suffered similar hardships and persecutions, but remained loyal to the U.S. government. The second half of this comparative case study will now identify the Mormon soldiers' history, experiences, and how they reacted to comparable conditions and situations. It will also highlight some of the differences which caused the Mormons to remain loyal. CHAPTER 3 MORMON BATTALION Before the war, another religious group with a theocratic structure, which nativists feared threatened American independence, 1 6 8 had formed within the borders of the United States - the Mormons. From the date of its founding in 1830 until the Mexican War, hostile neighbors viciously persecuted and through "quasi-legal"1 6 9 and extra-legal means expelled members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints out of their homes and settlements. The more notable settlements included Kirtland, Ohio; Jackson County, Missouri; Far West, Missouri; and Nauvoo, Illinois. In each of these locations, the Saints built cities, churches, and schools, and lived a form of communal capitalism which effectively intertwined the church and government. Besides directing religious affairs, the prophet Joseph Smith as the head of the theocracy was directly involved in most of its ventures, from banking (the Kirtland bank eventually collapsed and led to a Some of the fear exhibited by locals was not without merit. As Mormon settlers moved into Jackson County, Missouri (what they called New Jerusalem or the city of Zion), some told their neighbors that the Mormons would be the sole inheritors of the land and that all Gentiles would either have to leave or convert to Mormonism. Fleek, History May Be Searched in Vain, 57. 1 6 9 "Governor Lilburn Boggs, an icon of disdain for Mormons, issued his infamous 'extermination order,' which seemingly authorized an "open season" on Mormons if they did not flee from the state." Baugh, "the Haun's Mill Massacre and the Extermination Order of Missouri Governor Lilburn W. Boggs," 1-5 as quoted in Fleek, History May Be Searched in Vain, 58. 1 7 0 These mobs of discontented citizens (many of whom had been the original settlers of the land) included not only ruffians and desperados, but also civic leaders and upstanding members of the community who believed that a fanatical theocracy would gain control of local politics and threaten the rights and values of the community. BATT ALlaN 168 legal,,169 l7O fmm etIectively ofthe 168 Monnon Monnons Monnonism. 169 fi'om Extennination 170 ofthe ofthe 42 History May Be Searched in Vain, 56-60. 1 7 2 The Mormon militia in Far West eventually surrendered, was disarmed, and left to the mercies of the Missouri "mobocrats" - who showed no mercy. 1 7 3 1 7 4 History May Be Searched in Vain, 1 7 5 number of members leaving the church) to commanding the Nauvoo Legion (which numbered between 3,000-4,000 soldiers at its peek, and was second in size to the U.S. 171 regular army). Although the Mormons established local militias for their own protection, they were never sufficient to protect the Saints. With the exception of Far West, where county militias faced each other in actual combat,1 7 2 the Saints were usually slaughtered. " Joseph Smith sought redress and support from the federal government. He traveled to Washington D.C. and even met with President Martin Van Buren; although he showed how the Saints had been robbed of millions of dollars' worth of property (along with the lives of scores of its members), in the end, the government offered nothing but consoling words. According to Fleek, "There was no legal or political precedent by which the federal government could intervene."1 74 Nauvoo, Illinois was the last Mormon settlement lost prior to the Mexican War. Initially, the residents of Illinois welcomed the Saints. They were industrious people and after a short time, they turned marshes into a beautiful and prosperous city. The Saints received a generous charter from the state, which allowed Mormon leaders to establish municipal courts, a university, and city militia. But again, as the Saints' numbers grew, the locals began to fear their political influence and were revolted by rumors of polygamy. The final straw was when the Nauvoo Expositor printed a story that 1 75 denounced Joseph Smith, the Mormon Church, and the practice of polygamy. Joseph Smith ordered the destruction of the Nauvoo Expositor press and then instituted martial regular army).171 Although the Mormons established local militias for their own protection, they were never sufficient to protect the Saints. With the exception of Far West, where county militias faced each other in actual combat,172 the Saints were usually slaughtered. 173 Joseph Smith sought redress and support from the federal government. He traveled to Washington D.C. and even met with President Martin Van Buren; although he showed how the Saints had been robbed of millions of dollars' worth of property (along with the lives of scores of its members), in the end, the government offered nothing but consoling words. According to Fleek, "There was no legal or political precedent by which the federal government could intervene." 174 Nauvoo, Illinois was the last Mormon settlement lost prior to the Mexican War. Initially, the residents of Illinois welcomed the Saints. They were industrious people and after a short time, they turned marshes into a beautiful and prosperous city. The Saints received a generous charter from the state, which allowed Mormon leaders to establish municipal courts, a university, and city militia. But again, as the Saints' numbers grew, the locals began to fear their political influence and were revolted by rumors of polygamy. The final straw was when the Nauvoo Expositor printed a story that denounced Joseph Smith, the Mormon Church, and the practice of polygamy. 175 Joseph Smith ordered the destruction of the Nauvoo Expositor press and then instituted martial 171 Fleek, 172 173 For example, on October 31, 1838, 17 Mormon men and boys were killed at Haun's Mill Massacre. 174 Fleek, 59. 175 Ibid., 60. 43 Pauline Udall Smith, Captain Jefferson Hunt of the Mormon Battalion (Salt Lake City, UT: Nicholas G. Morgan, Sr., Foundation, 1958), 38-40. 1 7 7 History May Be Searched in Vain, 61. 1 7 8 the Mormon Battalion." Utah Historical Quarterly 4, no. 2 (April 1931): 47. 1 7 9 1 8 0 C. Army of Israel, 32-35. law as tensions rose. After parading the Nauvoo Legion in the city to demonstrate law and order, Joseph Smith followed the state governor's orders and relinquished the Nauvoo Legion's arms to Captain Dunn (an officer in the state militia); this action 176 affectively disarmed the Saints again and left them subject to mob persecution. Joseph Smith was arrested and held at Carthage, then murdered by a mob of militiamen and prominent citizens; of the five men arrested for the murders, county authorities allowed 177 them all to escape justice. With the death of Joseph Smith, leadership of the theocracy passed to Brigham Young. He soon decided it was time for the Saints to find a new land where they could 178 practice their faith and live free from persecution. Desperate for funds, Young instructed Jesse Carter Little1 7 9 to appeal again to the federal government for assistance. Little immediately gathered letters of endorsement from influential politicians who were supportive of the Mormons' plight and then wrote President Polk a letter outlining the persecutions suffered by the Saints, their need for assistance, and their desire to remain U.S. citizens. He exaggerated the number of Saints both in the U.S. and Great Britain. He claimed that there were 12 to 15 thousand who had just left Nauvoo, 40 thousand currently in Great Britain awaiting migration, and thousands more scattered among the remaining states. According to Little, all of these people planned to migrate to Oregon Territory. Little claimed that: affectively disarmed the Saints again and left them subject to mob persecution. 176 Joseph Smith was arrested and held at Carthage, then murdered by a mob of militiamen and prominent citizens; of the five men arrested for the murders, county authorities allowed them all to escape justice. 177 With the death of Joseph Smith, leadership of the theocracy passed to Brigham Young. He soon decided it was time for the Saints to find a new land where they could practice their faith and live free from persecution. 178 Desperate for funds, Young instructed Jesse Carter Little I 79 to appeal again to the federal government for assistance. Little immediately gathered letters of endorsement from influential politicians who were supportive of the Mormons' plight and then wrote President Polk a letter outlining the persecutions suffered by the Saints, their need for assistance, and their desire to remain U.S. citizens. He exaggerated the number of Saints both in the U.S. and Great Britain. He claimed that there were 12 to 15 thousand who had just left Nauvoo, 40 thousand currently in Great Britain awaiting migration, and thousands more scattered among the remaining states. According to Little, all of these people planned to migrate to Oregon Territory.180 Little claimed that: 176 a/177 Fleek, 178 Mob violence had left most of the Saints destitute. Between Missouri and Illinois, John W. Hess, a Mormon Battalion soldier, lost two homes and most of his possessions. J. Cecil Alter, "John W. Hess, with 179 Little was the appointed leader of the Saints then residing on the East Coast of the United States. 180 Jesse Little, as cited in Bigler and Bagley, a/Israel, 44 [Mormons were] true hearted Americans, true to our country, true to its laws, true to its glorious institutions - and we have a desire to go under the outstretched wings of the American Eagle. We would disdain to receive assistance from a foreign power, although it should be proffered, unless our government shall turn * 181 us off in this great crisis and will not help us, but compel us to be foreigners. By first outlining the possible number of Mormons who would soon reside in the territory and then offering the veiled threat to seek British aid if the U.S. government was not prompt to support the plight of its people, Little gained the attention of the president. Little submitted this letter on June 1, 1846 while the U.S. border dispute with Great Britain still existed. A host of some 60 to 70 thousand people would be a powerful political element in the contested region. Since the majority of Saints mentioned were British, their natural loyalties would be with the foreign power. However, Little implied that British Saints would accept American citizenship over British nationality, based on their conversion of faith. As a consequence, Polk agreed to meet with Little and developed a plan to "conciliate them [the Mormons], and prevent them from assuming a hostile attitude towards the U.S. after their arrival in California."1 8 4 The president offered the Mormons enlistment in the army, under General Kearny (who was leading the expedition against California); but the enlistment was supposed to occur upon arrival in California. Enlistment would provide income to the newly arrived Saints, demonstrate their loyalty to their nation, and give them credence as initial settlers in the new territory. This was a concessionary tactic by the president, since the army already had a surplus of volunteers that were being turned back by the thousands. However, along with this offer 1 8 1 Army of Israel, 1 8 2 This was not a new concept. Between 1844-1845, Father Eugene McNamara, an Irish-Catholic priest, unsuccessfully plotted with the British and Mexican governments to resettle 10,000 Irish immigrants in California. This scheme would have supported both the British government's attempt to control more of the Oregon Territory and provided a buffer for the Mexican government against their expansionistic northern neighbor. Hogan, The Irish Soldiers of Mexico, 144-145. 1 8 3 History May Be Searched in Vain, 1 8 4 Army of Israel, tum us off in this great crisis and will not help us, but compel us to be foreigners. 181 By first outlining the possible number of Mormons who would soon reside in the territory and then offering the veiled threat to seek British aid if the U.S. government was not prompt to support the plight of its people, Little gained the attention of the president. Little submitted this letter on June 1, 1846 while the U.S. border dispute with Great Britain still existed. A host of some 60 to 70 thousand people would be a powerful political element in the contested region. 182 Since the majority of Saints mentioned were British, their natural loyalties would be with the foreign power. However, Little implied that British Saints would accept American citizenship over British nationality, based on their conversion of faith. 183 As a consequence, Polk agreed to meet with Little and developed a plan to "conciliate them [the Mormons], and prevent them from assuming a hostile attitude towards the U.S. after their arrival in California.,,184 The president offered the Mormons enlistment in the army, under General Kearny (who was leading the expedition against California); but the enlistment was supposed to occur upon arrival in California. Enlistment would provide income to the newly arrived Saints, demonstrate their loyalty to their nation, and give them credence as initial settlers in the new territory. This was a concessionary tactic by the president, since the army already had a surplus of volunteers that were being turned back by the thousands. However, along with this offer 181 Jesse C. Little, as quoted in Bigler and Bagley, 34. 182 I 45. 183 Fleek, 76. 184 James K. Polk, as quoted in Bigler and Bagley, 36. 45 came certain stipulations: the size of the unit was limited to one battalion of 500 soldiers and they were to be commanded by a regular army officer. However, due to a miscommunication in the message sent from the War Department to General Kearny (which benefitted the Saints), the Saints enlisted in the Mormon Battalion prior to their arrival on the west coast. Enlistment When Captain James D. Allen first arrived at the Saints' camp in the Iowa Territory with the intention of enlisting 500 men, the homeless Saints demonstrated an initial lack of enthusiasm. Men who later joined the battalion described their negative initial reactions in their journals and diaries. John Steele said, "I will see them in hell before I will fire one shot against a foreigner for them those [sic] who have mobbed, robbed, plundered and destroyed us all the day long and now seek to enslave us to fight 187 for them." Abraham Day III more bluntly stated, "Here is one man who will not go, 188 • dam'um." Henry Bigler expressed his concern for answering the call by stating, "Here were the Saints with their wives and children in an Indian country, surrounded by savages, without a house, and a scanty [meager] supply of provisions. . . . to leave them thus to go at the call of our country, to say the least, was rather trying."1 8 9 William Hyde saw the situation as a skillfully devised trap; if the Saints failed to supply the requisite 500 soldiers, their adversaries would denounce them as national enemies, but if the 1 8 5 James K. Polk, as cited in Bigler and Bagley, Army of Israel, 35-37. 1 8 6 William L. Marcy, as cited in Bigler and Bagley, Army of Israel, 38-39 1 8 7 John Steele, "Extracts from the Journal of John Steele," 6-7 as quoted in Fleek, History May Be Searched in Vain, 54 (Quoted from another secondary source, this journal does not match up with the copy on hold in the LDS Archives; it is Fleek's belief that the journal could be an abridgement of the original and kept with some unknown family member). 1 8 8 Abraham Day III Journal, typescript, 6, Harold B. Lee Library, Brigham Young University, Provo, UT. 1 8 9 Henry W. Bigler Journal, July 15, 1846, as quoted in Ricketts, The Mormon Battalion, 2. 185 186 for them.,,187 Abraham Day III more bluntly stated, "Here is one man who will not go, dam'um." 188 Henry Bigler expressed his concern for answering the call by stating, "Here were the Saints with their wives and children in an Indian country, surrounded by savages, without a house, and a scanty [ meager] supply of provisions .... to leave them thus to go at the call of our country, to say the least, was rather trying.,,189 William Hyde saw the situation as a skillfully devised trap; ifthe Saints failed to supply the requisite 500 soldiers, their adversaries would denounce them as national enemies, but if the 185 James K. Polk, as cited in Bigler and Bagley, Army of Israel, 35-37. 186 William L. Marcy, as cited in Bigler and Bagley, Army of Israel, 38-39 187 John Steele, "Extracts from the Journal of John Steele," 6-7 as quoted in Fleek, History May Be Searched in Vain, 54 (Quoted from another secondary source, this journal does not match up with the copy on hold in the LDS Archives; it is Fleek's belief that the journal could be an abridgement of the original and kept with some unknown family member). 188 Abraham Day [II Journal, typescript, 6, Harold B. Lee Library, Brigham Young University, Provo, UT. 189 Henry W. Bigler Journal, Ju[y 15, 1846, as quoted in Ricketts, The Mormon Battalion, 2. 46 Church provided the soldiers, they would be "in their power to be destroyed as they had done our leaders at Carthage." 1 9 0 What most Saints did not initially know was that President Young had solicited help from President Polk, and that this offer of enlistment was the result. 1 9 1 Once this became common knowledge, thanks to Brigham Young talking to the assembled Saints and Church leadership actively encouraging enlistment, a United States flag (which had been faithfully carried during the exodus from Illinois) was hoisted over the enrollment table and Captain Allen began enlisting the 500 soldiers necessary to form the Mormon Battalion. A number of Saints who joined the Mormon Battalion first encountered Captain Allen as they themselves arrived at Council Bluffs. 1 9 3 Although the idea of a Mormon Battalion intrigued some, they chose not to enlist until after Allen had gained the support of Brigham Young. 1 9 4 Some, like George Washington Taggart, arrived after both Allen and Young had issued their speeches and enlisted for more patriotic reasons. 1 9 5 In a letter written to his wife, Fanny, on August 6, 1846, Taggart justified his enlistment by claiming: I have forsaken for the time being My possessions My Family and at the risk of life start for Mexico as a united States Soldier with 500 of my Brethren in order to show that the Blood of my Grandfathers who fought and bled in the revolutionary war and the spirit of liberty and freedom still courses in the veins of some of their posterity that are called Mormons, I go forward on this expedition with ful[l] faith William Hyde Journal, 12 July 1846, typescript, 18, Lee Library, Brigham Young University, Provo, UT. 1 9 1 The Mormon Battalion, 2. 1 9 2 Abraham Day III Journal, 6 and Smith, Captain Jefferson Hunt of the Mormon Battalion, 56. 1 9 3 1 4 James Ferguson arrived from Great Britain in time to hear Captain Allen's call for soldiers. He enlisted as a private on July 9, 1846, one week after Allen secured Brigham Young's support. Will Bagley, A Bright, Rising Star: A Brief Life and a Letter of James Ferguson Sergeant Major, Mormon Battalion; Adjutant General, Nauvoo Legion (Spokane, Washington: The Arthur H. Clark Company, 2000), 6-7. George Washington Taggart, "A Short Sketch of His Travels with the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter- Day Saints February 17, 1846 - January 11, 1847," transcribed from journals, 4-5, Marriot Library, University of Utah, Salt Lake City, UT. 190 191 192 193 194 195 wi fe, 190 191 Ricketts, 192 I!I a/193 Alter, "John W. Hess, with the Mormon Battalion," 49. 194 a/Battalion; 19 Latter­Day II, 1 9 6 1 9 7 Brigham Young, "The Enlistment of the Mormon Battalion in the Service of the United States," April 5, 1848 as quoted in Goldner, The March of the Mormon Battalion, 247. 1 9 8 Roberts, The Mormon Battalion, 21. 1 9 9 Tyler, A Concise History of the Mormon Battalion in the Mexican War, 351. 2 0 0 and confidence that My life wil[l] be preserved and that I shall again have a joyful meeting with you and Eliza Ann and enjoy a long and happy life here upon the 1 9 6 The call for enlistment came at a very inconvenient time for the Saints. Even after the presidency of the Mormon Church advocated enlistment, many still looked upon the situation with astonishment and fear. 1 9 7 Not only had they recently been evicted from their homes, but the majority of those best suited for enlistment (young, single males) were in neighboring states searching for employment. Consequently, for the Mormons to reach the army's goal of 500 soldiers, an inordinate number of fathers had to leave their families to serve the government. Despite Brigham Young's endorsement, some Mormons continued to oppose enlistment and transferred their feelings of negativity towards those who volunteered. Besides lightly esteeming their service, soldiers, and their families, became the target of negative remarks. 1 9 9 Lieutenant Lorenzo Clark, a Mormon Battalion veteran, remembered the following story that occurred prior to the Battalion's departure from Council Bluffs: A lady who belonged to the Battalion was in conversation with another lady, and when interrogated about her husband going to California, and asked how she felt, the reply was, that she would rather be a soldier's widow than a coward's wife.2 00 Regardless of the dissidents feelings, Brigham Young proclaimed that the "Mormon Battalion was organized from our camp to allay the prejudices of the people, prove our loyalty to the government of the United States, and for the present and 47 earth. 196 197 198 199 2oo 196 Ibid., 19. 197 198 199 200 Ibid., 358. 48 government sanction to eliminate the Mormons while they wintered in the Iowa Territory. Abraham Day III Journal, 7 and Winders,