Blogging from the fourth estate: a grounded theory approach and the rise of experimental journalism

This essay asks one central research question: How are professional journalists adopting the blog format and what implications do these practices have on the current and future state of their profession? To answer this question, this study uses the grounded theory method. This method is designed to help develop a theoretical model that arises from interviews and documents. This study uses a sample size of 10 journalists from elite newspapers in America. The resulting theoretical model derived in this study explains the causes and consequences of what is described as experimental journalism. In short, this is the practice of advancing traditional journalism norms through the application of new technologies. This study identified two key causes of experimental journalism: the new potential introduced by the blog format and the lack of oversight given to journalists when using this new technology. After developing a theoretical model for describing this phenomenon, this study offers six testable propositions that follow from this theoretical model. Key terms used in this study includes journalism, Hogging, j-blogging, Internet, new media, grounded theory, open coding, axial coding, selective coding, qualitative methods, mass communication, postmodernism, and public sphere.

BLOGGING FROM THE FOURTH ESTATE: A GROUNDED THEORY APPROACH AND THE RISE OF EXPERIMENTAL JOURNALISM by Thad Kelling A thesis submitted to the faculty of The University of Utah in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Science Department of Communication The University of Utah May 2010 A PPROACH EXPEIUMENTAL requi rements or Communicatioll Copyright © Thad Kelling 2010 All Rights Reserved THE U N I V E R S I T Y OF UTAH G R A D U A T E SCHOOL SUPERVISORY COMMITTEE APPROVAL of a thesis submitted by Thad Kelling This thesis has been read by each member of the following supervisory committee and by majority vote has been found to be satisfactory. U-8-Q1 Sean Lawson UN I VE R S I TY UTA H GRAD UA T E SC HOOL of" thes is Kell ing Ihe superviso!)' sati sfactory. - I J - 8-0"[ /2-~-o9 Scan THE U N I V E R S I T Y OF UTAH G R A D U A T E SCHOOL FINAL READING APPROVAL To the Graduate Council of the University of Utah: 1 have read the thesis of Thad Kelling in its final form and have found that ( 1) its format, citations, and bibliographic style are consistent and acceptable; (2) its illustrative materials including figures, tables, and charts are in place; and (3) the final manuscript is satisfactory to the supervisory committee and is ready for submission to The Graduate School. David Veng^bbi Chair: Supervisory Committee Approved for the Major Department Chair/Dean Approved for the Graduate Council Charles A<Wight Dean of The Graduate School T H E I VE R S I T Y O F U T A H R A D UATE SC H OO L APPROVAL Ihe th e Uni versi ty I have read the th es is or :--:-__- -,----,--T_I_Hl-'d_K_c:-I"li:n;-g7:-_-:c,-----:_ in i ts final form Ihal I) fo rmat. citations. arc acceptable: illustrat ive inc luding arc place: fin al sa ti sfactory submiss ion 12· rH "l Date I Cha ir: S pcrvisory Approved for the Major Depa rtlll ent Charles A. Wight ABSTRACT This essay asks one central research question: How are professional journalists adopting the blog format and what implications do these practices have on the current and future state of their profession? To answer this question, this study uses the grounded theory method. This method is designed to help develop a theoretical model that arises from interviews and documents. This study uses a sample size of 10 journalists from elite newspapers in America. The resulting theoretical model derived in this study explains the causes and consequences of what is described as experimental journalism. In short, this is the practice of advancing traditional journalism norms through the application of new technologies. This study identified two key causes of experimental journalism: the new potential introduced by the blog format and the lack of oversight given to journalists when using this new technology. After developing a theoretical model for describing this phenomenon, this study offers six testable propositions that follow from this theoretical model. Key terms used in this study includes journalism, Hogging, j-blogging, Internet, new media, grounded theory, open coding, axial coding, selective coding, qualitative methods, mass communication, postmodernism, and public sphere. shOJi, identitied blogging, new media, grounded theory, open coding, axial coding, selective coding, qualitative methods. mass communication. postmodernism, and public sphere. TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT 1 II. LITERATURE REVIEW 5 Definition of "blog" 6 New medium, new theories 9 Blogging and the law 13 Blogging and the public sphere 17 Blogging vs. journalism 20 J-blogging 25 Positioning my research 29 III. METHODS 31 Grounded theory overview 31 Systematic approach to grounded theory 33 IV. PARTICIPANTS AND DATA COLLECTION 38 Participants 38 Data collection 43 V. ANALYSIS 46 The role of creativity 46 Application of systematic grounded theory 47 VI. FINDINGS 56 Causal conditions 57 Strategies 63 Contextual conditions 67 Intervening conditions 70 Consequences 73 Experimental journalism propositions 76 ................................................................................................................... iv I. INTRODUCTION ....... ............................................................................................. 1 REViEW ........................................ ................................................. Delinition o f ............................................................................................. Ne,\' 111ediul11. nev" theories .................................................................................. 9 Blogging and the la\\' ....................................... ....... ........................................... 13 Blogging and the publi c sphere ................. ......................................................... 17 Blogging VS. journalisnl ................................................................... .................. 20 J-h\ogging ...................................................................................... .... ...... ..... ..... 25 I, oS.IH. on.l ng Iny rcscarc I1 . .............. . . . .......... . . . . . . .... . . . . ........................................... 1_ 9 ........................................................................................ ................... 3I overvic\v ................................................................................. ........................................... ................. ..................................................... ...................................................... ...... ............................ .... ....... ..... Data collection .......... ........ .. .................. ... ..................................................... ..... 43 V. ANALYSIS .......................................................................................................... 46 The role of creat ivity .......................................................................................... 46 Application of systematic grounded theory ..... ................................................... 47 VI . FINDINGS .................................................................................................... ....... 56 Causal conditions ...................................... ....... ...... ............................................ 57 Strategies ........................................................................................................... 63 Context ual conditions ............................................................................. ... ... ..... 67 Intervening conditions ................................... ... ...... ............................................ 70 Consequences ............................................................................... ..................... 73 Experimental journali sm propositions ................................................... ........ ..... 76 V. CONCLUSION Appendices GUIDE V\ ........... .............. ........................................................................... 82 A. INTERVIEW QUESTIONS ................. ........................................................... 88 B. OBSERVATION GUiDE ....................................................................... ......... 91 BIBLIOGRAPHY ... ...................................................................... ......... ......... .............. 93 I. INTRODUCTION Blogs, short for Web logs, are significant for many reasons. First of all, they provide a groundbreaking format that has never existed before. A short list of qualities makes this clear. Blogs allow authors to publish content directly onto the World Wide Web with little more than a computer and an Internet connection. In effect, blogs reduce the cost of publishing for anyone with something to say and speeds it up by eliminating the need for a printing press or physical distribution. Blogs are typically organized in reverse-chronological order, giving greater priority to what has been published most recently. Blogs usually allow readers to comment directly under each article, which increases reader-writer interaction leaps and bounds over previous publishing technologies. Blogs promote an entirely different form of writing and a greater level of interactivity through the use of hyperlinks. When a blogger cites a government document, for example, he or she can link to it, allowing readers to review it for themselves. In effect, blogs encourage greater transparency than traditional media, because readers can see the facts for themselves and derive their own judgments. Lastly, blogs are richer than other mediums because they simultaneously support music, video, pictures, charts, polls, and heaps of other multimedia content. How mainstream newspaper journalists are using blogs is a particularly interesting topic for analysis and the focus of this essay. Blogs create both challenges and opportunities as these journalists learn how to use them. It is challenging because it effect content 2 forces them to learn new technologies and new ways of presenting information, but blogs also create the opportunity of more fully reporting a newsworthy event and achieving greater interaction with readers. Much of the literature about blogs places professional journalists at odds with bloggers. They are typically seen as working in different spheres, even though they overlap in areas. In particular, bloggers are often seen as parasitic on the mainstream news media, commenting on reports by professional journalists but rarely conducting original reporting of their own. One of the key questions asked about bloggers is whether they are journalists. However, I believe the reverse question can provide useful insight into the transformations currently underway in the mainstream media: Are journalists bloggers? By this, I am suggesting that blogging is fundamentally a different type of activity than traditional newspaper reporting. A few differences help make the point. On one hand, amateur bloggers typically produce incomplete texts, use multimedia, plagiarize photos, and cite questionable sources. While, on the other hand, mainstream print newspaper reporters typically produce complete texts, do not use multimedia, avoid all forms of plagiarism, and avoid questionable sources. Bloggers and journalists are often different types of people with different ethics and practices. With these topics in mind, it is worth asking how professional newspaper journalist are adopting the blog format, despite the apparent contradictions, and what success they are having with this new technology. The following essay helps address these questions by investigating how elite newspaper journalists in America are using blogs. I do this by asking one central research question: particular. format. 3 How are professional journalists adopting the blog format and what implications do these practices have on the current and future state of their profession? Secondary research questions include: How do elite journalists define blogging? What routines do they follow when blogging? What guidance are they given when using the blog format? How do their blogging practices compare to traditional journalism standards and norms? To investigate my research questions, I use a grounded theory method. To do this, I interviewed and observed 10 elite newspaper journalists who have recently started blogging on their newspaper's Web site. My investigation resulted in a theoretical model describing the process that journalists follow as they begin to blog. Possibly the most important finding in this research is what I call "experimental journalism." Due to a number of causes outlined later, j-bloggers (i.e., journalists who blog) are in a state of experimentation where they are transforming their professional standards and creating new types of narrative styles. This research suggests that new media technologies, and related circumstances, are helping drive new professional norms, as well as a proliferation of journalism forms. The participants in this study demonstrate this trend. In one compelling interview response, for example, Kara McGuire of the Minneapolis Star Tribune, concluded: Blogs aren't going to replace traditional journalism. But newspapers are going to have to figure out how to use them to their benefit. ... I think blogs are forcing print journalism to innovate more quickly than the industry is comfortable. It is also bringing up more issues about advertising, revenue generation and content management. And it's straining an already strained workforce at a time when reporters are given less time to source and are expected to produce more content. This essay is organized in six parts. First, I outline the existing literature on blogs and position my research within this emerging field of study. One conclusion in this andfuture their blogformat? 11orms? 4 section is that blog literature lacks thorough theoretical understanding, which is one justification for the grounded theory method. Another conclusion is that blog literature lacks qualitative investigation, which again justifies the use of the grounded theory method. Second, I discuss the methods used in this study. Specifically, I outline the origin and standard procedures for applying the grounded theory method. This method basically uses a small sample size to generate a theoretical model. Researchers who use this method typically do not begin their study with a theory; instead, they allow a theory to emerge from their data. Further, grounded theory research typically relies heavily on interviews and documents. Third, I discuss who my 10 participants are and how I gathered the data I used to reach my conclusions. Fourth, I describe how I applied the grounded theory method. Fifth, I outline the theory I developed that explains the process professional journalists follow when adopting the blog format and enacting what I call "experimental journalism." In this section, I also provide several testable propositions that follow from my theoretical model. Sixth and last, I conclude this essay by returning to my opening question - Are journalists bloggers? I use my findings to answer this question, to make more general observations about the current state of the newspaper industry, and to make recommendations for both journalism professionals and scholars. investigation. - II. LITERATURE REVIEW In this section, I explore blogs and related subjects from a broad perspective, scanning the common topics being addressed to identify what has been discovered about blogs so far, the outstanding questions, and how my research fits into the fray. Authors have, for example, explored the uses of blogs, the definition of "blog," the technology that drives blogs, the interplay between blogs and the law, the affects blogs are having on the public sphere, how they compare to traditional journalism, and so on. This literature review touches on each of these subjects in an attempt to paint a broad picture of what scholars are saying about blogs and to show what my research project contributes to this conversation. In the discussion that follows, I make six arguments related to existing literature about blogs. One, blogs are best defined by the technologies that drive and structure them. The content of blogs varies so much that content-driven definitions fall short. Second, blogs are so different from previous media that they require new theories to explain them. Third, blogging relies on a balance of law and technology that is in no way absolute or guaranteed. If, for example, the structure of our copyright laws, and their enforcement, changed, blogs could be in peril. Fourth, the rise of blogging has generally bolstered the public sphere; however, some say that it also hinders it by, for example, creating a confusing din of voices and opinions. Fifth, while blogging and journalism have many differences, and while they are opposed in many ways, they also exist in a ofblogs It~ enforcement. changed. symbiotic relationship. Blogs, for example, rely on journalists for fodder to discuss and link to, while journalists similarly rely on bloggers for story ideas and examples of public opinion. Sixth and last, literature about j-blogging is still very limited, but what limited studies have been done conclude that journalists are mostly just transferring their standards onto this new format. My results contrast with these studies. The following sections describe each of these arguments, and related points, in more depth. The sections below are meant to be more illustrative than exhaustive, demonstrating the breadth of blog research. I conclude this literature review by showing how my research helps advance our understanding of blogs and especially how journalists are adopting them. Definition of "blog" Defining what blogs, or weblogs, are can be a troubling endeavor, because they come in so many shapes and sizes. Some blogs read like personal diaries, using the first-person point-of-view and focusing mainly on one person. Some feature breaking news, using the third-person point-of-view and discussing everything from war to primetime television. Other blogs contain nothing but video (these are sometimes called v-logs). Blogs also differ in terms of who authors them. Some are written by individuals on their free time, while others are written by teams of professional journalists. The wide variety blogs makes it difficult, if not impossible, to provide one, overarching definition in terms of their content. Bruns and Jacobs (2007) observe this difficulty in their book Uses of Blogs, a groundbreaking collection of essays describing the many types of blogs being written: 6 first­person (~f Blags, 7 Beyond the basic definition of "blogging" as the reverse-chronological posting of individually authored entries that include the capacity to provide hypertext links and often allow comment-based responses from readers, then, the term "blog" future P- 3) This excerpt suggests that when you look at all the blogs written today, they have little in common other than the technology that frames them, because their content varies so greatly. To address this concern, some scholars define blogs less by their content and more by the technologies that structure. Wilson Lowrey, Jane Singer, and Yochai Benkler provide the following useful definitions. The first definition listed explicitly demonstrates a bias in favor of a technological definition of blogs: Blogging refers to the production of easy-to-create Web pages with short, regularly updated items of information and commentary, and with links to information and commentary on other Web cites. (Blood, 2003; Grabowicz, 2003; Lasica, 2003; Lowrey, 2006, p. 479; Wall, 2004, 2005) Weblogs, or blogs, are frequently updated opinion journals, "quickmoving, multilinked, interactive venues of choice for millions of people wanting to share information and opinions, commentary and news." (Singer, 2005, p. 173, citing Nieman Reports, 2003, p. 59) ... the communication model or information-flow structure that blogs facilitate is a weighted conversation that takes the form of one or a group of primary contributors/authors, together with some larger number, often many, secondary contributors, communicating to an unlimited number of many readers. (Benkler, 2006, p. 217) Blogging is similarly defined in reference books. Merriam-Webster, for example, made "blog" its word of the year in 2004, defining it as "... a Web site that contains an online personal journal with reflections, comments, and often hyperlinks provided by the writer; also: the contents of such a site." But this definition appears incomplete in light of the many types of blogs found today. For instance, all blogs are not necessarily "personal now has little meaning unless a descriptive qualifier can be attached. In the future it is likely that we will come to speak primarily not of blogging per se, but of diary blogging, corporate blogging, community blogging, research blogging, and many other specific sub-genres that are variations on the overall blogging theme. (p.3) Y ochai multi linked, flow 21 7) Webster, " ... ofblogs 8 journals." Therefore, it is more helpful to define blogs by their technology instead of the form their content takes. A more helpful definition can be found in the Routledge Encyclopedia of Narrative Theory, which was "probably one of the first narrative encyclopedias to recognize blogs as an important new phenomenon" (Bruns 2007, p. 250). That definition states: ... a weblog, or blog, is a frequently updated Web site consisting of dated entries arranged in reverse chronological order so the most recent post appears first (see temporal ordering). Typically, weblogs are published by individuals and their style is personal and informal. Weblogs first appeared in the mid-1990s, becoming popular as simple and free publishing tools became available toward the turn of the century. Since anybody with a net connection can publish their own weblog, there is great variety in the quality, content, and ambition of weblogs, and a weblog may have anywhere from a handful to tens of thousands of daily readers. (Walker 2003) By aggregating all of these definitions, we can define blogs as having the following qualities: ease of use, reverse chronological order, hyperlinks to additional information, accessible to millions via the Internet, reader comments, and frequently updated information. In addition, many blogs share a number of other technical qualities. Many use RSS (real simple syndication), a syndication technology that allows readers to subscribe to the blog and send the content to a location of their choosing (e.g., a custom iGoogle home page). Many blogs sort their contents using metatags or categories, which make them easily searchable. Many are built using free and easy-to-use software such as Wordpress and Blogger. These popular online services enable anyone with an Internet connection (and a small degree of technological knowledge) to create a blog in minutes without knowing HTML (hypertext markup language) or any other computer language. However, even though blogs are best defined by the technologies that frame them, many of them share an informal and personal writing style. This can be explained, at least Routledge 9 in part, by the history of blogs. They began as a form of online diary, where individuals wrote about their lives. The current tendency of blogs to have an informal tone can be seen as a carryover from these roots. The informal tone can also be seen as a consequence of many blogs being written by individuals for free and on their own time. In contrast, if most blogs were written by employees of large corporations, they would arguably carry a more formal and impersonal style due to corporate guidelines. For example, many of the newspaper journalists in this study said they followed formal guidebooks, published by their employers, when composing their blogs. This example will be discussed more in a later section. In sum, many blogs share an informal tone, but they are most easily defined by the technologies that frame them. These qualities - and the effects they are having on law, journalism, and society - will be discussed in more detail in the following subsections. For now, it is worth noting that blogs differ radically from previous forms of mass communication. Two of the most important differences are how easily blogs can be created compared to other forms of mass communication and how they blur the lines between writer and reader. These qualities are discussed further below. New medium, new theories Like other new communication technologies, blogs are at the center of a debate about whether these new technologies demand new theories to explain them. Scholars are struggling with, on one hand, applying existing theories to these new technologies, or on the other hand, developing new theories to explain what some view as new phenomena. Many of the researchers who first investigated the Internet, for example, fell into the first ofblogs. - - 10 camp, applying theories like gatekeeping to online phenomena without modifying the theory. However, there appears to be an increasing trend toward new theory development, as more researchers see stark differences between old and new communication technologies. At least two key differences exist between old and new communication technologies, and blogs are an important example that demonstrate these differences. First, new communication technologies offer more interaction between the writer and the reader. Unlike the printed word, those who read blogs can usually comment on the blog, directly under a blog entry, and it is often immediately visible to the world. Second, new communication technologies structure information in new ways. Blogs, for example, use hyperlinks and multimedia content, which changes the way that authors write and the way people read. One scholar who falls into the first camp of researchers who advocate applying existing theories to new communication technology is Dennis McQuail (2005). In his widely read textbook Mass Communication Theory, he argues that new communication technologies have not fundamentally changed the nature of communications and, by extension, do not require new theories to explain them: On the whole the evidence so far does not support the view that new technology is having a strongly deterministic effect toward change in the short or even medium term; it is neither producing any very reliable explosion of freedom nor (as yet) seriously diminishing what freedom of communication exists already, (p. 159) However, there are a growing number of scholars who claim that new communication technologies are having a dramatic effect on communication habits and, therefore, require new theories to explain them. Henry Jenkins and Mark Deuze are two detenninistic already. 11 scholars who are leading the movement for new theory development. In an introduction to a 2008 issue of Convergence, an influential new media journal, they write: We are living at a moment of profound and prolonged media transition: the old scripts by which media industries operated or consumers absorbed media content are being rewritten. As those changes occur, we need to work across the historic divide in academic research between work on media industries and work on media audiences. Media companies can no longer be meaningfully studied in the absence of an understanding of how they relate to their consumers. By the same token, consumers, audiences, fan communities, users, call them what you wish, can no longer be meaningfully understood without a better understanding of the economic and technological contexts within which they operate, (p. 5) Researchers are following this charge to look at the ways that new communication technologies are changing the nature of communication. What follows are three examples of new theories developed to explain what are seen as new phenomena. The theories include "produsage," "gatewatching" and "network journalism." Each of these is directly relevant to blogging. First, Axel Bruns (e.g., 2008, 2007, 2005) developed a theory he calls "produsage." He created this term by merging the words "produce" and "usage." Bruns argues that the line between producer and user is no longer clear. In an online environment, users not only consume content but they also create content. For example, users provide reviews on travel Web sites or offer contributions to wikis, such as the popular Wikipedia. Bruns defines produsers as "users of collaborative environments who engage with content interchangeably in consumptive and productive modes (and often in both) at virtually the same time: they carry out produsage" (2007, p. 6). Bruns describes produsage as having four key principles: open participation; fluid heterarchy; unfinished artifacts; and common property, individual rewards (2008). Blogs are a good example of 11 operate. allhe 2008. otTer prod usage 12 produsage; anyone can contribute to the blogosphere, blogs are organized organically, they use information freely, and they are often written by individuals working for free. Second, Bruns provides another relevant theory he calls "gatewatching" (2005). This theory contrasts with the traditional theory of gatekeeping (e.g., Shoemaker 1996). In gatekeeping, the writer/editor controls the information gates, deciding what to publish for public viewing and what to not publish. Whereas, in gatewatching, writers watch the output gates of the gatekeepers and comment on what is published and what is not. Bruns defines gatewatching as "the observation of the output gates of new publications and other sources, in order to identify important material as it becomes available" (2007, p. 16). Many bloggers practice gatewatching by reading news reports from mainstream media outlets, linking to them in their blogs, and by critiquing those reports. Third, Jo Bardoel and Mark Deuze offer a theory of "network journalism" (2001). They define it as "the convergence between the core competences and functions of journalists and the civic potential of online journalism." Network journalism has three components, according to Bardoel and Deuze (2001): Network journalism is first and foremost journalism for any medium genre, type of format. The same story can be published in manifold ways and the journalist should be able to consider the implications of each way before telling the story. ... Secondly, network journalism needs to be oriented towards a specific audience instead of a created (and therefore faceless) one.... Thirdly, network journalism is the combination of critical and orientational storytelling, triggered by demand from (members of) the public as well as a demand from the profession itself. Like the two other theories mentioned, blogging is a good example of network journalism. Blogs use many types of media and formats, they are often written for a very specific audience, and they are often both critical and responsive to reader demands. As a new form of journalism, blogs represent one way that journalists can maintain readership "'gatewatching" infonnation .To "''"story .... one .... fonnats, 13 online. Bardoel and Deuze note the continued importance of professional journalists, who are increasingly using blogs and other new technologies: One cannot stress enough that in contemporary Western society where information is becoming the prime form of economic capital, journalists are desperately needed to help us filter out what we have to know - and when we want (and have) to know it. All of these examples show how scholars are starting to develop new theories to explain how new communication technologies are changing the ways that people share information. These changes are becoming increasingly urgent in mass communications, where technologies like blogs are rapidly changing what is being said, how it is said, and who is saying it. New communication theories, such as those discussed in this section, take these changes into account to formulate new understandings. The following subsections explain some of these changes, and related literature, in more depth. Blogging and the law A strong and growing body of legal research exists relevant to blogs. This literature is important because laws allow blogs to exist and may restrict them in the future. Blogs provide an easy means to exchange information and ideas freely. For example, anyone with a computer and a modem can set up a blog in a short amount of time and broadcast their ideas to the world. But this free exchange of information may not always be present. It depends on the laws that support and guide this activity. If the laws or the way they are enforced changes, blogs could suffer. Scholars like Lawrence Lessig and Jessica Litman warn that protections could improve in the future, threatening the free exchange of information in formats such as blogs. 10 - I iterature, 14 There are at least three areas of law directly related to blogs: copyright, free speech, and privacy. The future state of these legal topics will have a direct, and possibly profound, influence on the future of blogs and similar communication technologies. The rest of this section discusses these three legal topics and highlights some of the available literature. These areas of law are still very much under development, since there is little case law on topics such as blogs. The examples that follow highlight this uncertainty. The first legal concern is copyright law. Blogs currently benefit from loose controls on copyrighted information that, at times, goes beyond fair use - generally defined as the legal use of a small portion of a copyrighted work (see, for example, U.S. Copyright Office 2009). As a result, bloggers copy video, pictures, and documents from other Web sites and post this information on their Web sites for their own benefit. However, Lessig (2006) argues that advances in technology may allow for perfect control of information through the use of computer code. By using code, Lessig argues, copyright owners or law enforcement officials could track and control every use of a copyrighted work. If perfect control is achieved, it could restrict the use of photos and other media now prevalent in blogs. In turn, this could degrade the content now seen on blogs. For Lessig, perfect control of copyrighted works is troubling because it goes beyond the current control that the law gives to copyright holders. For example, the law currently provides for fair use. However, digital rights management (DRM) technologies - which, for example, control the ability to replicate copyrighted works - may become advanced enough to allow copyright owners to control every use of that information. Litman (2001) similarly worries about the consequences of perfect control of copyrighted information through such laws as the Digital Millennium Copyright Act of infonnation - u.s. result ] f ]n - - 15 1998. The most relevant section of that law, Title I, makes it illegal for anyone to "circumvent" copyright protections such as DRM. In effect, it overrides existing limitations to copyright protections and gives the copyright holder permanent control of his or her work. Whereas, without the Digital Millennium Copyright Act, copyright holders are restricted in the amount of time that they can control the use of their works. After a certain amount of time, they become part of the public domain. The Digital Millennium Copyright Act, Litman argues, makes this limitation obsolete. Copyright holders effectively get permanent protection. The second legal concern is the freedom of speech. The First Amendment of the U.S. Constitution protects blogs. Yet this freedom is not absolute, and perfect control threatens free speech just as it does fair use. Lessig warns that the Internet relies on making copies, and restricting the ability to make copies would have a significant impact on the free flow of ideas: Because of the changes in digital technology, it is now possible for the law to regulate every single use of creative work in a digital environment. As life increasingly moves into a digital environment, this means that the law will regulate more and more of the use of culture. (Lessig, 2006, p. 196) The Internet represents a greater realization of our free speech rights defined in the First Amendment, according to Lessig. Everyone who has access to a computer and the knowledge to use it may publish their thoughts to the world. Further, by fostering the Internet, democratic countries, like the United States, have enabled others in less liberal nations to voice their opinions. Lessig writes: "We have exported to the world, through the architecture of the Internet, a First Amendment more extreme in code than our own First Amendment in law" (2006, p. 236). The relationship between blogs and free speech circumvent"' etTect, tree 16 will be discussed in more depth in the subsection below addressing how blogs are affecting the public sphere. The third legal concern is privacy law. Bloggers, and the people who comment on blogs, benefit from the Constitutional right to privacy. Because bloggers and commentators can remain anonymous, they may express opinions and ideas without fear of criminal punishment or social stigma. Like copyright and free speech, however, restrictions to privacy in a digital world also cause concern for the future of blogging. Further improvements in computer code, or changes to law enforcement practices, may allow copyright holders and the government to track all of our actions on the Internet. This could have a chilling effect on free speech. Indeed, this may already be happening; Internet search engines, for example, already provide plenty of information about our search habits. "Before search engines, no one had any records of our curiosity; there was no list of questions asked" (Lessig, 2006, p. 204). Lessig concludes: We must build into the architecture a capacity to enable choice - not choice by humans but by machines. The architecture must enable machine-to-machine negotiations about privacy so that individuals can instruct their machines about the privacy they want to protect. (2006, p. 232) sum, blogs rely on imperfect control of copyrighted work, free speech, and the right to privacy. Scholars have made some insights into how these areas of law relate to blogs. Yet the future of these topics remains unclear, and current scholarship on these areas remains speculative. It is ultimately up to legislatures and the courts to determine what laws will govern and how. benetit ~ In legislaturcs 17 Blogging and the public sphere Blogs are generally seen as enriching the public sphere (e.g., Benkler 2006, Bruns 2007, 2008). They do this largely by allowing a greater number of people to broadcast their ideas to a large number of people. Before easy Internet publishing tools, like blogs, existed, it was very difficult, if not impossible, for the average person to communicate to a large population. Generally, this ability was limited to large corporations that could afford the equipment and labor costs necessary to print a large volume of print copies and circulate them to a large body of people (see, for example, Starr 2004). This was, and is, a relatively expensive process. Yet the Internet has changed this. Tools like blogs have radically changed who can say what, when, and for what price. Today, within minutes, people can create a free blog that is visible to millions of people. Most scholars see the Internet, and blogs more specifically, as having a beneficial influence on the public sphere. Bruns, for example, observes: While news is the lifeblood of democracy, a side-effect of the strong dichotomies between producers and audiences for news has been to turn citizens into passive audiences for, rather than active participants in, democracy, able merely to switch channels every few years by voting in elections. If they are now becoming engaged produsers of the news, there is also good chance for this change to affect their overall place in the democratic process. (2007, p. 20) Yochai Benkler, in his excellent book The Wealth of Networks (2006), provides one of the most compelling arguments for how blogs and other new communication technologies bolster the public sphere. The following discussion relies heavily on his analysis. Benkler begins his discussion by criticizing the mass media. His primary criticisms are that it limits who gets to contribute to the public sphere and it also waters down what information is available. Mass media waters down information because its 2007,2008). was. tJ:ee Internet. prod users 18 content must appeal to a large number of people. This generates content, according to Benkler, that appeals to the lowest-common denominator and rarely goes beyond a basic level of analysis, but the Internet changes this picture. More people can enter the conversation. This generates content that is often more complex, more specialized, and more critical. The variety of blogs available today is evidence of this changing nature of information available in the public sphere. Benkler argues that the Internet is having a positive influence on the public sphere, due in large part to simple and cheap publishing tools such as blogs. "Greater access to means of direct individual communications, to collaborative speech platforms, and to nonmarket producers more generally can complement the commercial mass media and contribute to a significantly improved public sphere" (Benkler, 2006, p. 211). Benkler argues that the Internet - or as he calls it, the "networked public sphere" - is contributing most significantly by making up for the shortcomings of mass media: The primary effect of the Internet on the public sphere in liberal societies relies on the information culture production activity of emerging nonmarket actors: individuals working alone and cooperatively with others, more formal associations like NGOs [nongovernmental organizations], and their feedback effect on the mainstream itself. These enable the networked public sphere to moderate the two major concerns with commercial mass media as a platform for the public sphere: (1) the excessive power it gives its owners, and (2) its tendency, when owners do not dedicate their media to exert power, to foster an inert polity. (2006, p. 220) Benkler uses two examples to demonstrate the effect that the Internet has on the public sphere. The first example involves Sinclair Broadcasting, which announced that it would air a documentary called Stolen Honor: The Wounds That Never Heal during the 2004 U.S. presidential election. The documentary was seen as an attack on Democratic candidate John Kerry. Essentially, scattered individuals formed groups using the Internet content. int1uence - - 19 and prevented Sinclair from airing the documentary through a flury of boycotts and negative publicity perpetuated via the World Wide Web. This example "suggests that the existence of radically decentralized outlets for individuals and groups can provide a check on the excessive power that media owners were able to exercise in the industrial information economy" (Benkler 2006, p. 220). The second example focuses on Diebold Election Systems, which manufactures electronic voting machines, and state elections in California. In this example, another loosely organized group of individuals was able to compel the decertification of many of the voting machines that had been installed in California: When the pressure from a well-financed corporation [Diebold] mounted, it was not the prestige and money of a Washington Post or a New York Times that protected the integrity of the information and its availability for public scrutiny. It was the radically distributed cooperative efforts of students and peer-to-peer network users around the Internet. (Benkler 2006, p. 232) While both of these examples show how the Internet can contribute to the public sphere, Benkler asks how much the Internet can contribute, if at all. Two of the primary critiques of the Internet, in terms of its contribution to the public sphere, are information overload - which Benkler calls the Babel objection - and that it will eventually be as centralized as previous forms of mass media. Benkler convincingly addresses both of these objections. First, the Babel objection states that there are too many voices on the Internet for anyone to standout. Therefore, all voices are drowned out through information overload. Benkler argues this is not correct because there are a growing number of mechanisms to sort and prioritize information on the Internet. Second, regarding centralization, Benkler states: tlury ofa - - 20 While the Internet, the Web, and the blogosphere are indeed exhibiting much greater order than the freewheeling, "everyone a pamphleteer" image would suggest, this structure does not replicate the mass-media model. We are seeing a newly shaped information environment, where indeed few are read by many, but clusters of moderately read sites provide platforms for vastly greater numbers of speakers than we heard in the mass-media environment. Filtering, accreditation, synthesis, and salience are created through a system of peer review by information affinity groups, topical or interest based. (2006, p. 242) In sum, blogs are generally seen as having a positive influence on the public sphere. Blogs, and the Internet in general, do this by allowing more people than ever before to communicate to a mass audience. Before the Internet, the ability to mass communicate was largely limited to big corporations that had access to printing presses and delivery personnel. With the Internet, however, all you need is a computer, modem, and a little knowledge to broadcast your thoughts to millions of people. As a result, the Internet, and blogs more specifically, fuel the marketplace of ideas critical to the advancement of liberal democracies. Blogging vs. journalism Blogging and print journalism have some qualities in common: news coverage, textual-based information (usually), and political commentary are among those qualities. But the differences between the two are much more dramatic. Many of these differences are technological, and they demonstrate how blogging and print journalism are essentially two different practices. Table 1 (see next page) represents a short list of common differences between the two. (The table is a compilation of ideas found in sources including Bruns 2007, 2008 and Singer 2007.) Internet. generaL Internet. ditTerences differences 21 Table 1. Differences between blogging and journalism. Blogs Print journalism • Interactive • Immediate reader comments • Newest thought/entry first • Little editing • Limited, if any, original reporting • Low barriers to entry • Stories generally short • Multimedia content • Individual style encouraged • Space virtually unlimited • Economy of esteem • Unfinished product • Static • Limited comment options • Inverted pyramid • Professional editor reviews story • Original reporting required • High barriers to entry • Longer stories • Only photos and graphics possible • Impersonal style preferred • Space limited by page count • Market economy • Finished product I. B1o~s • Static ewest Litt le Limited. irany. Ori gi nal rcqllired en tl)' virlually co unt • Market economy Unfini shed Fi ni shed From this list, a few differences stand out as particularly important. One, reader interaction differs starkly. While in print journalism, few readers are able to publicly comment on stories through letters-to-the-editor, blog readers can immediately comment on what has been written, and their comments are often immediately visible to anyone on the Web site. Two, the structure and type of content is different. Print journalists follow sometimes-strict story guidelines, such as the inverted pyramid. Whereas, bloggers are generally not bound to any guidelines, because, in large part, they often work alone, unaffiliated with large news organizations; they can write their blog entries in whatever style or structure they please. Three, the economics of blogs and print journalism differs greatly. Bloggers often operate in what John Quiggin (2007) calls an "economy of esteem," which means that they work for personal gratification and status - not for money. Whereas, professional journalists usually work for corporations that operate in a market economy. These economic differences have profound differences on their work product. One important difference is the attitudes toward libel law. Since professional journalists work for corporations with sometimes a lot to loose (e.g., money), they are often more sensitive to libel than bloggers (Hall, 2006). This point relates to credibility, which is discussed more below. Some scholars are starting to look at the differences in work routines between professional journalists and bloggers. Lowrey and Latta (2008) provide this compelling explanation: Both journalism and blogging have developed routines for maintaining audiences, but the routines differ because of unique burdens (e.g. blogging's unlimited resources and traditional organizational journalism's need for massive audiences) and unique advantages (bloggers' ability to duck content with which they are uncomfortable and journalists' division of labor). The routines of this young media genre are only now taking shape, and changes in these routines and their 22 ditJerences ditlers unat1iliated sty Ie differs esteem, " - ditlerences which is discussed more below. ditler journalism'S oflabor). 23 consequences bear watching, particularly as some blogs gain audience, revenue and workload. Such gains may lead to organizational forms of production to differentiate tasks, or they may lead to acquisition by existing media organizations, an increasingly common occurrence (Domingo & Heinonen, 2008). // would be most helpful iffuture study focused on the dynamics of changing forms and the changing relationship journalism and blogging practices, as well as their causes and consequences. (Lowrey & Latta, 2008, pp. 196-197, emphasis added) Beyond the differences between blogs and print journalism, some researchers have asked a more general question: Are bloggers journalists? In other words, do bloggers do similar work as professional journalists employed by news companies such as a daily newspaper? Jane Singer is one of the more active researchers asking this question. She responds: "Journalists' immediate answer is: No way. Bloggers' immediate answer is: No thanks. But the question demands more than a two-word response" (Singer, 2007, p. 23). In addition to the differences listed in Table 1, Singer argues that bloggers and journalists have opposite routes to truth based on competing worldviews. Bloggers use a postmodern approach that recognizes multiple truths exist on any given subject, while journalists use a modernist approach that strives to achieve a singular truth. Researchers, such as Singer (2007) and Bruns (2005), take up this same perspective, looking at how bloggers and journalists differ in fundamental ways. Singer goes as far as to say that bloggers are parasitic on journalists, copying and remixing the reports written by professional journalists for their own benefit. One key issue here is original reporting. Bruns (2005) discusses how most bloggers do not do original reporting, whereas this is a standard practice for professional journalists. Therefore, many bloggers rely on journalists for interviews with politicians, for example. Bloggers also rely on journalism as a source of ideas to discuss and with which to hyperlink. It changing & 24 However, scholars are also finding ways that bloggers and journalists work symbiotically, each providing something the other lacks (e.g., Singer 2007). A central gap left by mass media is the nature of its content to appeal to the lowest-common denominator (as noted above in the public sphere section). In this way, it does not appeal as much to specialized audiences: The tendency toward lowest-common-denominator programming translates in the political sphere into a focus on fairly well-defined, iconic views, and to avoidance of genuinely controversial material, because it is easier to lose an audience by offending its members than by being only mildly interesting (Benkler, 2006, p. 205). ... However diligent they may be, a small number of professional reporters, embedded as they are within social segments that are part of social, economic, and political elites, are a relatively stunted mechanism for intake, (p. 209) As these comments suggest, bloggers compensate for some of the inadequacies of professional journalism. In addition, journalists can learn transparency from bloggers, who habitually link to source documents to support their arguments (Singer, 2007). This action allows readers to see for themselves, instead of merely trusting the writer. "Journalists can also benefit from the fact that news bloggers offer thousands of extra pairs of ears to the ground" (Singer, 2007, p. 28). Meanwhile, bloggers rely on journalists in many ways. As noted above, bloggers rely on journalists for original reporting and discussion ideas. Similarly, they rely on journalists for photos to post on their Web sites. Bloggers also rely on journalists for publicity. This occurs when a journalist discusses a blog in a printed report, and this publicity drives readers to the blog. Bloggers need journalists as a foil. Bloggers can learn better ethics from journalists (Singer, 2007). One key issue in any discussion comparing blogging to print journalism is credibility. Arguably, if blogs are not viewed as credible, they will not be read as a detined, 205) .... intake. otfer onjournalists pUblicity. ajournalist ifblogs 25 trusted source of information. Therefore, readers will discount what bloggers have to say. Journalists, on the other hand, have a long history of professional tradition that helps them maintain a level of credibility with their audience. However, some scholars (e.g., Benker 2006) are showing how credibility is being established in the blogosphere (the totality of interconnected blogs). This is largely happening through peer-review systems that rank blogs (e.g., Technorati, Digg), giving readers a way to judge the content found in them. "It is a new reputation system, established not by editors or CEOs of media companies, but by an extraordinary diverse range of contributors" (Lessig, 2006, p. 243). As these review systems continue to grow, they have the potential to rival journalism's professional ethics, which help protect the credibility of the journalists. sum, this section discussed how traditional journalism and bloggers differ, but it also complicated the difference between the two. Whereas amateur bloggers are sometimes parasitic on professional journalists, the two also work in symbiosis in ways noted above. The line between traditional journalism and blogging is also not as clear as it may seem. This is especially true in this study, which, as discussed in depth later, analyzes how elite journalists have adopted the blog format. J-blogging Wheres there are many differences between print journalists and bloggers, many journalists have started adopting blogs, which blurs the line between print journalism and bloggers. This new group of bloggers has come to be known as j-bloggers (short for journalist-blogger). They are "typically columnists or top-level reporters whose byline gives them sufficient buzz to start their own blogs under the auspices of their media TechnoratL companies. In l-ofbloggers asj-26 organization" (Singer, 2007, p. 30). An increasing number of media organizations are starting to use this format: Despite the bumps, media organizations seem to be finding that news blogs are an intriguing way to engage readers and to cover their communities creatively. They allow journalists to share information that doesn't fit in the traditional format's limited news hold, to squeeze more voices into their reporting, and to get potentially valuable feedback from the public. (Singer, 2007, p. 30) Journalists have been starting to use blogs at an increasing rate as a new way of distributing news: The Fourth Estate has fallen fast and furiously in love with blogs, from news-driven ones about professional sports teams, real estate, crime, Hurricane Katrina, immigration, and local and national politics to zanier ones that dive deep into niche subcultures. (Hull, 2006, p. 64) Yet when journalists maintain blogs - as compared to amateur, unpaid writers - they face a unique set of circumstances. Many of these circumstances are directly related to their being part of an organization that typically has more to lose than just one individual disseminating information. Two examples illustrate this point. One, as introduced above, libel law is more important for professional journalists than for amateur bloggers, because they often work for companies with a lot of assets to lose in a libel lawsuit: One of the biggest questions facing newsrooms is how libel law applies to blogs. Libel suits are relatively rare - and blogging is so new that little case law exists. Still, many media attorneys stress that if a blog is written by a newspaper staff writer, it is likely to be held to the same standard of liability or malice as if it appeared in newsprint. (Hull, 2006, p. 64) Second, editing comes into question. Journalists are used to having their work edited by someone else, sometimes by several other people. However, many blogs are generally not edited by anyone other than the writer. So journalists are left wondering whether or not to edit their blogs and to what extent (Hull 2006). news­driven - - - 27 In contrast, amateur bloggers do not typically confront issues of libel law and editing, according to Hull. First, amateurs do not have as much concern for libel law because they generally do not have as much to lose as a corporation (or maybe they have not been trained to care about libel law). However, maybe even more importantly, bloggers are able to maintain a higher degree of anonymity than professional journalists. So not only do amateur bloggers have less to lose, they can also be more difficult to locate and sue. Second, amateur bloggers do not need to be as concerned with editing as professional journalists. Part of the explanation has to do with reader expectations; those reading blogs typically understand they are not edited and overlook minor flaws. Another part of the explanation has to do with how easily a Web page can be edited. In any event, amateur bloggers are often able to publish their ideas quicker than professional journalists, because they do not typically need to wait for their work to be edited by someone else. The topic of editing is related to the larger subject of how professional journalists are often embedded in news institutions with deeply rooted professional standards. Whereas, many amateur bloggers only answer to themselves and are often not trained in professional journalism standards. So far, there is very little research available specifically addressing the practice of j-blogging. A thorough review of available research reveals only a handful of studies on this important topic. Most of the available studies focus on how blogging affects journalism norms. Specifically, it looks at how j-blogging affects journalists' approach to transparency, gatekeeping, ethics, and related topics. Jane Singer and Susan Robinson provide the two most relevant examples. oflibellaw affects transparency. 28 First, Singer provided one of the first analyses in her article titled "The political j - blogger: 'Normalizing' a new media form to fit old norms and practices" (2005). She conducts a quantitative textual analysis of 20 blogs and concludes: ... most journalists are "normalizing" blogs in at least one key way: they are maintaining control over the information provided under their names, sticking to their traditional gatekeeper function even with a format that is explicitly about participatory communication. As for the related concept of non-partisan presentation of information, these blogs indicate a move away from the neutral stance of the traditional journalist. However, that finding should be interpreted with caution; the majority of j-bloggers here, particularly the local ones, are columnists already comfortable with incorporating opinion in what they write. (Singer, 2005, p. 192) This study lacks a quality that future studies ought to fulfill: "Of particular urgency is the need to talk with j-bloggers about their decisions and experiences in order to understand the processes and the rationales at which a content analysis only hint" (p. 193, emphasis. added). Second, Robinson follows up on Singer's study in her article "The mission of the j-blog: Recapturing authority online" (2006). She similarly conducts a textual analysis, although she uses a qualitative methodology. Yet, despite their methodological differences, Robinson's conclusions are very similar to Singer's: "the world of postmodern journalism is tapping at the door of the mainstream press, embodied in a blog. However, in the end, these j-blogs by mainstream publications remain very much framed in tradition." This study similarly lacks interviews with the j-bloggers, relying solely on textual analysis. My research attempts to help fill this void. A related gap in existing research about j-blogging is in-depth, qualitative studies looking at the daily routines of j-bloggers. This type of work is only beginning. One book advocating this type of research is a new book by Paterson and Domingo (2008) called j-blogger: ofj-withj-understand till ofj-29 Making Online News: The Ethnography of New Media Production. Paterson and Domingo challenge online news researchers to follow in the footsteps of ethnographers who entered newsrooms in the 1970s to better understand the ways that new media technologies are being used. "What has been missing is careful examination of those at the center of the Internet's impact on the newsroom - the daily work of journalists, their work routines, and their values" (Paterson & Domingo, 2008, p. x). Paterson and Domingo challenge researchers to look past the technologic determinism that has dominated discussion about online news production. "Research can no longer take for granted that the Internet will change journalism immediately and dramatically" (p. 1). Positioning my research With the above survey in mind, I now turn to the question of how to position my research in relation to what has already been written. Possibly the biggest void that it attempts to till is the lack of qualitative research that uses interviews and observations of bloggers. My research investigates how professional journalists, working for elite newspapers, are using blogs. This work builds on existing research about blogs by providing a more in-depth account of the routines that professional journalists are following in their use of blogs. It also offers insight into howj-blogs are changing the nature of professional journalism. These goals are accomplished by conducting a combination of interviews and textual analysis. Whereas several studies have conducted textual analyses of j-blogs, mine goes a step beyond these by also using interviews of the participants. As will be discussed in my methods and analysis sections, I read my participants' blogs as a form of observation to generate fieldnotes. MakinK - I). how j-tieldnotes. 30 My research provides a more in-depth account of j-blogging than is currently available. A few of my central questions, which I addressed through interviews, include: How do journalists determine the style of their blog? How much time do they spend blogging? And who edits their blog? (See Appendix A for a full list of interview questions.) My research is also unique in its application of a grounded theory methodology. No one has yet used this method to study j-blogging practices. This method, as developed by Strauss and Corbin (1990), advocates approaching a subject without a theory in mind, allowing the theory to emerge through an inductive approach. A key quality of this method is constant comparison of all the data collected in order to determine connections between key concepts. This approach contrasts with studies such as Singer's (2005) and Robinson's (2006), which use a normative theory framework to analyze j-blogs. The grounded theory method is described in more depth in the methods section below. Beyond addressing j-blogs, my research offers insight relevant to larger discussions about the public sphere, the law, and new communication behavior in a networked environment. It also attempts to contribute to the movement of creating new theories that describe new media phenomena. Existing studies about j-blogging do not make these sorts of connections. III. METHODS Grounded theory overview My study uses a grounded theory approach, which is a qualitative methodology that follows inductive logic. Therefore, I did not use a theory as a primary starting point. Researchers who use the grounded theory enter the field without a theory in mind and let a theory, or general and predictive description, develop through the process of observation, interviews, and interpretation. Anselm Strauss and Juliet Corbin make this point clear in their landmark text on grounded theory, Basics of Qualitative Research: Techniques and Procedures for Developing Grounded Theory. They write: "A researcher does not begin a project with a preconceived theory in mind (unless his or her purpose is to elaborate and extend existing theory). Rather, the researcher begins with an area of study and allows the theory to emerge from the data" (1998, p. 12). In addition to not using a theory, it is important to keep other research in the background: It is impossible to know prior to investigation what the salient problems will be or what theoretical concepts will emerge. Also, the researcher does not want to be so steeped in the literature that he or she is constrained and even stifled by it. (Strauss & Corbin 1998, p. 49) The following outline is based largely on Strauss and Corbin's guide to doing grounded theory, as well as John CreswelPs helpful summary of the method in Qualitative Inquiry & Research Design: Choosing Among Five Approaches (2007). Ill. (~fQualitative Research: Procedures/or TheOlY. stif1ed Creswell's 32 CreswelPs description is, incidentally, based largely on work by Strauss and Corbin, recognized leaders in this method. The grounded theory approach was first developed in sociology by Barney Glaser and Anselm Strauss in 1967. They developed this approach because they believed theories were often not suited to particular situations and participants (Cresswell, 2007, p. 63). Fundamentally, grounded theory is an attempt by the researcher to move beyond description to form an abstract schema of a process. Strauss and Corbin define grounded theory as "theory that was derived from data, systematically gathered and analyzed through the research process. In this method, data collection, analysis, and eventual theory stand in close relationship to one another" (1998, p. 12). Kathy Charmaz, a proponent of grounded theory, provides another helpful definition: Essentially, grounded theory methods are a set of flexible analytic guidelines that enable researchers to focus their data collection and to build inductive middle-range theories through successive levels of data analysis and conceptual development. A major strength of grounded theory methods is that they provide tools for analyzing processes. (2005, p. 508) Theory, the result of the grounded theory approach, is defined as "a set of well-developed categories (e.g., themes, concepts) that are systematically interrelated through statements of relationship to form a theoretical framework" (1998, p. 22). My research shares these same goals and definitions. It is an attempt to develop an interrelated set of categories that explains what happens when professional journalists adopt the blog format. Strauss and Corbin discuss when it is appropriate to use the grounded theory method, and again, my research follows their recommendation. They write: The main purpose of this form of qualitative research is to develop theory. To do this, it is necessary to frame a research question in a manner that will provide the flexibility and freedom to explore a phenomenon in depth. Also underlying this approach to qualitative research is the assumption that all of the concepts Creswell's middle­range 33 pertaining to a given phenomenon have not yet been identified, at least not in this population or place. Or, if so, then the relationships between the concepts are poorly understood or conceptually underdeveloped. (1998, p. 40) Similarly, the question in this project is designed to provide flexibility. To repeat, my central question is: How are professional journalists adopting the blog format and what implications do these practices have on the current and future state of their profession ? Further, the topic under investigation in my study has not been fully explored or developed - as noted in the literature review above - which justifies a grounded theory approach. Data collection in grounded theory research usually relies heavily on interviews: "Interviews play a central role in the data collection in a grounded theory'* (Creswell, 2007, p. 131). However, other forms of data, such as documents, are also important. In addition, those interviewed are usually selected by their ability to contribute to the development of a theory (Creswell, 2007). My research project uses two types of data. First, it relies heavily on interviews with journalists who blog. Second, I use their blogs, as documents, to generate observation notes. My research participants and the nature of my data is discussed in more detail in a later section. Systematic approach to grounded theory There are two types of grounded theory: a systematic approach and a constructivist approach. I use the systematic approach described by Strauss, Corbin, Creswell, and others. The systematic approach to grounded theory follows a three-step tlte hlog Itave tlte al1dfuture their profession? - - playa theory" 34 process - open coding, axial coding, and selective coding. Creswell briefly summarizes each of these steps: Grounded theory provides a procedure for developing categories of information (open coding), interconnecting the categories (axial coding), building a "story" that connects the categories (selective coding), building a "story" that connects the categories (selective coding), and ending with a discursive set of theoretical propositions. (Creswell, 2007, p. 161, citing Strauss & Corbin, 1990) In defining these three steps, I will introduce a number of other concepts that are important to grounded theory and my research project. First, in open coding, the researcher examines the data (e.g. interview transcripts and observation notes) for salient categories. He or she "saturates" these categories by "looking (and interviewing) until the new information obtained does not further provide insight into the category" (Creswell, 2007, p. 160). Strauss and Corbin define open coding similarly as "the analytic process through which concepts are identified and their properties and dimensions are discovered in data" (1998, p. 101). Central to this step is developing categories that describe your data. Stauss and Corbin recommend: "The important thing to remember is that once concepts begin to accumulate, the analyst should begin the process of grouping them or categorizing them under more abstract explanatory terms, that is, categories" (1998, p. 114). They describe several ways for generating categories, and this research project follows their recommendations for analyzing data at the sentence and paragraph level: "While coding a sentence or paragraph, he or she might ask, k What is the major idea brought out in this sentence or paragraph?' Then, after giving it a name, the analyst can do a more detailed analysis of that concept" (1998, p. 120). - CreswelL category"' '35 Another practice adopted into my research from Strauss and Corbin in the open coding stage was keeping memos. They recommend writing memos describing sections of data and how categories may interrelate. The memos act as mini sketches, or early attempts at analysis, to help work toward a larger theoretical model. Strauss and Corbin define memos as a "researcher's record of analysis, thoughts, interpretations, questions, and directions for further data collection" (1998, p. 110). Second, in axial coding, the researcher identifies the core or central phenomenon and determines how all the other categories relate to this phenomenon. a related definition, Strauss and Corbin explain axial coding as "the process of relating categories to their subcategories, termed 'axial' because coding occurs around the axis of a category, linking categories at the level of properties and dimensions" (1998, p. 123). The core phenomenon is a central category that emerges during the open coding phases, and it is one that links directly to all other major categories that have been identified. To determine how all the significant categories relate, the researcher organizes them by four qualities of the core phenomenon. These qualities are used heavily in my analysis (discussed in detail later): (1) Causal conditions: These are factors that cause the core phenomenon. (2) Strategies: These are actions taken in response to core phenomenon. (3) Contextual and intervening conditions: These are broad and specific situational factors that influence the strategies. (4) Consequences: These are outcomes from using the strategies (Creswell 2007, p. 161). Further, as the researcher conducts axial coding, Strauss and Corbin recommend constant comparison of your data to avoid, as much as possible, personal bias that can distort your findings: "it is important that the analyst validate his or her interpretations through constantly comparing one piece of data to another" (1998, p. 137). In (2) Strategies: These are actions taken in response to core phenomenon. (3) Contextual and intervening conditions: These are broad and specific situational factors that influence the strategies. (4) Consequences: These are outcomes from using the strategies (Creswell 2007, p. 161). 36 Third, in selective coding, the last step in the systematic method for grounded theory research, the researcher takes the model derived from axial coding and develops propositions (or hypotheses) to describe the entire process (Creswell, 2007, citing Strauss & Corbin, 1997). Similarly, Strauss and Corbin define selective coding as " the process of integrating and refining theory" (1998, p. 143). They also note the continued importance of "theoretical saturation" in the selective coding stage. They define it as "the point in category development at which no new properties, dimensions, or relationships emerge during analysis" (1998, p. 143). The ultimate goal of the three grounded theory steps is to develop a theoretical framework that can describe the phenomenon being studied and that can be developed further through future research projects. Strauss and Corbin advise: [I]f theory building is indeed the goal of a research project, then findings should be presented as a set of interrelated concepts, not just a listing of themes. Relational statements, like concepts, are abstracted from the data. However, because they are interpreted abstractions and not the descriptive details of each case (raw data), they (like concepts) are "constructed" out of the data by the analyst. By "constructed," we mean that an analyst reduces data from many cases into concepts and sets of relationship statements that can be used to explain, in a general sense, what is going on. (1998, p. 145) To help develop and represent these relationships, Strauss and Corbin recommend the use of simple diagrams that draw together all the major categories identified in your research project: "Diagramming is helpful because it enables the analyst to gain distance from the data, forcing him or her to work with concepts rather than with details of data" (1998, p. 153). My research, similarly, emphasizes diagrams. In a later section, the conclusions of my research are presented in a simple diagram. Researchers using grounded theory often see their method evolve through the process of data collection and analysis. For instance, they might start with a broad CreswelL statements. sense. tha1 research. 37 research question that changes several times during data collection and analysis, depending on what observations are made. In other words, as the research project progresses, they may learn what questions they should be asking (see, for example, Cresswell, 2007). Furthermore, Strauss and Corbin advocate using their grounded theory approach creatively, not worrying too much about the details and allowing the method to form to your individual preferences and the circumstances of your study. They write: We advise students not to worry needlessly about every little facet of analysis. Sometimes, one has to use common sense and not get caught up in worrying about what is the right or wrong way. The important thing is to trust oneself and the process. Students should stay within the general guidelines outlined in this book and use the procedures and techniques flexibly according to their abilities and the realities of their studies. (1998, p. 295, emphasis added) My research project follows this advice by staying true to the core principles of the grounded theory method, while also adapting it to suit my particular needs and circumstances. Further detail about how 1 applied this method can be found in my analysis section. example. abilities I applied this method can be found in my IV. PARTICIPANTS AND DATA COLLECTION Participants It is true that a research project is only as good as its participants. This is certainly true of large, quantitative projects, and it is, perhaps, even more true of qualitative projects that generally use a much smaller pool of participants. Whereas, a quantitative project might use 1,000 participants, a qualitative study might only use a small faction of that number. Therefore, it is crucial to outline, with as much detail as possible, who the participants are and why they were chosen. This is true of this research project, and this section aims to outline those details. It is important to begin by explaining that, in the grounded theory approach, a small sample size is acceptable and preferred. The goal is to pick a small group that is representational of the study group and, through interviews and observation, get to know their thoughts and concerns in an intimate way. The key to knowing if the sample is large enough is when the researcher starts to experience saturation. This is when the participants start repeating the same things and nothing new is arising from the interviews or observations. Literature on the grounded theory approach supports the use of small sample sizes. On the high end of the spectrum, Creswell (2007), for example, advocates a sample size of 20-30: oflarge, projects. participants. 39 The researcher typically conducts 20 to 30 interviews based on several visits "to the field" to saturate the categories (or find information that continues to add to them until no more can be found), (p. 65) Note the reference to saturation. This concept is repeated in the literature as an important element of legitimizing the sample size. On the low end of the spectrum, Juliet Corbin (2009), the coauthor of a groundbreaking book on the grounded theory method, advocates an even smaller sample size, which allows for even more detailed analysis. Her PhD dissertation, which followed the grounded theory methodology, used a total of eight participants. Now, applying these parameters to this research project, the first step was to define the criteria by which I would select my participants. First, I derived a simple definition for elite newspapers: I defined them as the top 20 newspapers in the country based on their 2008 print circulation. The circulation estimates were taken from the Audit Bureau of Circulation. The assumption was that the larger the circulation their employer had, the broader readership and impact they had as writers. Second, I decided elite journalists could best speak for journalism as a field, because, with the broadest readership and most resources, they are considered trendsetters in the field. Other journalists look to them as the most skilled in the field, and readers look to them as examples of what the best journalists in the country do. Evidence of this can easily be found by looking at journalism textbooks: they invariably use examples taken from newspapers with large circulations. For example, The Associated Press Guide to News Writing (Cappon, 1991) cites examples from national and international Associated Press (AP) writers, whose work reaches millions via the AP news wire. found). News 40 After defining what types of newspapers I would target, I had to determine which people within those organizations I would approach to participate in this study. This proved more difficult because, unlike choosing newspapers, the participants had to be willing to volunteer 1-2 hours of his or her time for an interview, which proved to be asking a lot of busy reporters already cramped for time. Due to the time commitment I required for participants, I had to cast a broad net when recruiting people. In the end, I was forced to pick a minimum level of requirements and send e-mail requests to everyone at these newspapers who fit those basic requirements. If my net was much more narrow, it would have been practically impossible to recruit an adequate number of participants considering how few were willing to dedicate the time required. I used two requirements for participation. First, they had to work for one of the top 20 newspapers in the country based on circulation. Second, they had to blog for these newspapers on a part-time or full-time basis. Beyond these requirements, I also set a number of preferences that also guided the selection of the final sample. First, I gave preference to bloggers who wrote about news, features, and opinion to provide a broad sample of writing types. Second, I attempted to find participants from a broad geographical range. Therefore, after finding several participants on the East Coast, I focused my attention on other heavily populated regions of the country, such as the West Coast and the Great Lakes region. Third, I gave preference to blogs that were innovative in some way. For example, Douglas Feaver's blog, "Dot Comments," uses an innovative format not seen in print editions of newspapers. In his blog, he samples and summarizes reader comments to popular articles online. Four, an attempt was made to find the greatest variety of bloggers as possible. 41 With these criteria in mind, I sent e-mails to 123 journalists across the country asking them to participate in this study. The vast majority of these requests went unanswered, which is an indication that they did not have time to respond to my request, let alone participate in the study. Fourteen journalists responded to my inquiry, and the final sample was selected to give the most diverse sample possible. So, as mentioned before, I limited the number of journalists who were from the same region or newspaper as other participants, producing the final sample size of 10 journalists. The broad scope of my sample, in terms of where they work and what type of writing they do, is both a matter of convenience and intentional planning. It was convenient because, as noted before, it could have been impossible to recruit, for example, only those who covered politics since many people simply did not want to participate due to time or other concerns. However, more importantly, the broad scope was an intentional construction of this study. Since this study aims to develop a general theory for journalists who adopt the blogging format, it follows that the broader the sample, the more legitimate the findings would be. Therefore, this study relies on saturation more than similarity between participants. In other words, the primary objective of the sample selection was not to find participants who were as similar as possible. Beyond the basic requirements, the participants come from a broad range of backgrounds. Instead, the objective was to find the point at which a diverse group, with varying histories and job responsibilities, began repeating the same things about blogs and their adoption of this new format. The result of this objective is the ability to make broader, more widely applicable conclusions about the state of j-blogging among elite journalists in America. tlns recruit 42 With all of these considerations in mind, I selected the following participants, whom are listed in alphabetical order. They represent a diverse cross-section of working journalists who have recently starting to blog as part of their work duties. Each of them took up the blog format under different circumstances and with different objectives. Not only does the diversity of this group reveal much about the state of j-blogging, but their similarities despite these differences are perhaps more revealing. As a later section will illustrate, when diverse types of journalists are saying the same things about blogging and demonstrating the same trends, we are better able to isolate the influence blogs are having on the profession in general. My participants included: (1) Anonymous East Coast reporter, who works for a national newspaper. He blogs about statistics and numbers. This person asked to be kept anonymous. (2) Deborah Bonello, of the Los Angeles Times. She lives in Mexico City and blogs about Hispanic news and culture on "La Plaza" (latimesblogs.latimes.com/laplaza). (3) Douglas Feaver, of the Washington Post. He blogs about reader comments on "Dot Comments" (blog.washingtonpost.com/dot.comments/). (4) Saul Hansell of the New York Times. He contributes to and helped develop the group blog "Bits" (bits.blogs.nytimes.com). (5) Larry Harnisch, of the Los Angeles Times. He writes about old newspaper reports, dead movie stars, and other assorted topics in his blog, "The Daily Mirror" (latimesblogs.latimes.com/thedailymirror). (6) Phil Izzo, of the Wall Street Journal. He blogs about economics on "Real Time Economics" (wsj.com/economics). (7) Thomas Mathews, of the Washington Post. He writes about education on his blog, "Class Struggle" (voices.washingtonpost.com/class-struggle). (8) Kara McGuire. of the Minneapolis Star Tribune. She blogs about personal finance issues on her blog, "Ka-Blog! Putting the 'Personal' into Personal Finance" (www. startribune.com/kablog). arc (blog. Hansell, ""The (latimesblogs.Street.!ournal. (voices. McGuire, lvfinneapo/is startribune.43 (9) Ben Welter, of the Minneapolis Star Tribune. He launched and maintains "Yesterday's News" in which he discusses people in old news stories and where they are today (www.startribune.com/yesterday). (10) Eric Zorn, of the Chicago Tribune. He blogs about life in Chicago and pop culture at "Change of Subject" (blogs.chicagotribune.com/news_columnists_ezorn/). Data collection After I chose participants, I turned my attention to collecting the data necessary for the analytical steps in the grounded theory method. This method does not outline one singular way for gathering data. However, as noted earlier, it gives preference to interviews with participants and inspection of documents. This study follows these general guidelines by, first, conducting open-ended interviews with the participants and, second, reading their blog entries and the reader comments associated with each entry. I treated the blogs as a form of activity that could be observed using fieldnotes. My methods for data collection follow suggestions outlined by Cresswell (2007). For interviews and observations, he recommends using what he calls "protocols," which he defines as "a predesigned form used to record information collected during an observation or interview" (p. 135). Both types of protocols help researchers focus on their research questions and organize their thoughts. Creswell concludes: "Whether a researcher uses an observational or interview protocol, the essential process is recording information" (p. 138). What follows is a more detailed description of how I recorded information through interviews and reading my participants' blogs. First, I conducted semi structured interviews - that is, I did the interviews using a structured list of questions, but participants were allowed to answer in whatever words news _columnists _ ezorn/). tieldnotes. semistructured - and manner they chose. I gave the participants the option of being interviewed via telephone or e-mail, and all but one - the anonymous East Coast reporter - chose to complete the interview via e-mail. A copy of the interview questions I used for each participant is attached (Appendix A). The questions were designed to identify their routines for blogging, how these routines differed from their print-journalism habits, and how they felt blogging was affecting journalism in general. In the end, the interview transcripts generated 35 single-spaced pages of information. Second, I read each participants' blog for a period of 20 days. All of these periods concluded between March and September 2009. The number of blog entries by the participants in the 20-day time period ranged from 5 to 20. As with sample size, saturation was the determining factor in selecting the 20-day period. Twenty days provided enough blog entries per participant to see the same things coming up again and again. In other words, after reading their blog for 20 days, I was not making any additional observations about their blog; their routines and approach to blogging became obvious at that point because I was repeatedly making the same observations. Further, by setting a time limit for reading the blogs - instead of, for instance, a total number of blog entries - I was able to gage how much effort each one put into their blog relative to the other participants. When reading these blogs, I treated them as a form of activity that could be observed and recorded through fieldnotes. To direct my fieldnotes, I used an observation guide that asked a series of questions designed to address my research question. A copy of the observation guide is attached (Appendix B). Emerson et al. (1995) outline the - - 44 fi'om single­spaced ofblog - of: - importance of using a systematic process for observations: "What is observed and ultimately treated as 'data' or 'findings' is inseparable from the observational process" (p. 11). Furthermore, my observation guide follows Creswell's advice by accommodating both factual description and my reflections about what I was observing (2007). In the end, my observations generated 32 single-spaced pages of information. With my interview transcripts and observation notes in hand, I turned my attention to the grounded theory method of analysis. As outlined earlier, this involved a three-step process. The essential steps included reading through my data and inserting codes and memos at the sentence and paragraph levels through the process of open coding. Then I condensed and synthesized these codes and memos through axial and selective coding. These steps are detailed in the following section. 45 ultimate ly "data" "tindings' 11 ). furthermore, 111y Creswelrs descript ion end. observat ions tran scripts hand. iturned 10 anal ysis. earl ier, th ree-rcading dala ax ial selecti ve arc followi ng V. ANALYSIS The role of creativity I will begin this section with comments about qualitative research in general and grounded theory approach more specifically. Qualitative research is not an exact science that attempts to produce repeatable experiments. In fact, if the qualitative research project is exactly repeatable, in a generic sense, then the researcher probably did something wrong; he or she probably did not ask interview questions that were penetrating enough or make insightful enough observations (see, for example, Creswell 2007). Grounded theory is no exception. It is true that grounded theory aims to produce general theoretical claims to truth. However, these claims are not presented as the one and only truth. Instead, as discussed in more detail earlier, they are presented as "propositions," in other words, as suggestions for how the phenomenon appears to exist. this way, grounded theory is more a beginning than an end, because it results in propositions that require further research for thorough validation. Strauss and Corbin observe this when describing the purpose of the coding process to "build rather than test theory" (1998, p. 13). The key point is that grounded theory is as much an art as any other qualitative research method. This quality was discussed earlier when describing how proponents of this theory advocate the creative application of the steps of analysis. In their guidebook for grounded theory, Strauss and Corbin outline this important quality: In theory. 47 Analysis is the interplay between researchers and data. It is both science and art. It is science in the sense of maintaining a certain degree of rigor and by grounding analysis in data. Creativity manifests itself in the ability of researchers to aptly name categories, ask stimulating questions, make comparisons, and extract and innovative, integrated, realistic scheme from masses of unorganized raw data. It is a balance between science and creativity that we strive for in doing research. There are procedures to help provide some standardization and rigor to the process. However, these procedures were designed not to be followed dogmatically but rather to be used creatively and flexibly by researchers as they deem appropriate. (1998, p. 13) A second indication of the flexibility of grounded theory is in their use of the term "approach" instead of "method." Calling it an "approach" implies that its parameters are suggestions for ways to preceed, not necessarily strict formulas meant to dictate every step of the process and every observation of your data. As I now turn to the steps I took in my analyses, it is important to keep in mind the importance of creativity and the role of the researcher as an active part of the research, not a detached, anonymous observer. Application of systematic grounded theory My application of the grounded theory approach uses the summary provided above as a springboard, modifying it as necessary to fit my preferences and the circumstances of my research project. As noted earlier, this is the recommended way to use this approach. First, as proponents of this method suggest, I began my analysis with open coding to determine the basic categories at issue as journalists are adopting the blog format. I then determined, based on repetition in my data, which of these were the most important, or major, categories. Second, I took these major categories and determined how they were interrelated by using axial coding. Finally, I used suggestions for selective coding to pull those relationships into one unified theoretical model. I will now proceed dogmatically but rather to be used creatively and t1exibly by researchers as they f1exibility unitied 48 to describe each of these stages in more detail. Meanwhile, the resulting theoretical model is described in substantial depth in the following findings section. First, in the open coding phase, I applied the same process to all of my data - the interview transcripts and observation notes - to determine the categories involved as journalists adopted the blog format. As noted above, I used Strauss and Corbin's sentence and paragraph level of analysis by inserted parenthetical category titles in the data after sentences or paragraphs. These categories described the key themes found. After doing this with all of my data, I turned my attention toward reducing the number of categories, as much as possible, to a more limited number of major categories. I did this largely by isolating what categories were being repeated in the data, although this was not solely a quantitative process. It was a qualitative process that considered the number of repetitions, as well as how much the participant's stressed the category. The resulting categories are listed in Table 2 (see next page), which shows what major categories (or codes) arose from interviews and observations of each participant. Also, during the open coding phase, I was writing memos as described by Strauss and Corbin. As introduced earlier, this is the practice of writing explanations for observations made in the data. The objective of writing memos is to start the process of theorizing by making small steps toward integrating the categories discovered in your data. I wrote my memos by inserting them into the body of my data. Writing memos is fundamentally a creative process where the researcher attempts to make connections in the data that may not be self-evident. - - 49 Table 2. Codes from interviews and observations. Participant Major codes from interview Major codes from observation Anonymous East Coast reporter • No technology training • Asked to blog, but willing • Technology definition of blogs • Blog inspired by print • Style freedom • Print as standard • Use of blog software • More work • High blog standards • Reader engagement • Edited less than print • Original reporting • Self-promotion through blog • Blogs secondary to print • Increased transparency • Open-ended stories • Personal tone • Shorter than print stories • Innovation Deborah Bonello, Los Angeles Times • No technology training • Volunteered to blog • Technology definition of blog • Some prior experience • Use of blog software • Heavy use of multimedia • Journalism standards • Blog edited • Reader engagement • Optimism for future of journalism • Innovation • Limited time to participate • Standard blog format • Self promotion • Blogs secondary to print • Heavy use of multimedia • Transparency • Innovation • Traditional journalism style • Shorter than print stories Douglas Feaver, Washington Post • No technology training • Innovation • No formal guidelines • Access to blog readership stats • Use of blogging software • Limited editing • Reader interaction • Technology challenges • Blogs as future of journalism • Typical blog format • No multimedia • Innovation • Conversational tone • Traditional journalism standards • Limited editing Saul Hansell, New York Times • Blogs are flexible • Less formal than print journalism • Blogs are effort to drive more traffic to Web site • Same high standards of fairness as print journalism • Edited after publishing to blog • Self-promotion • Self linking • Content innovation • Standard blog technology • Secondary status to traditional news on Web site • Traditional journalism norms • Detached reporting • Good grammar ofblogs freedom ofblog software engagement Ed ited train ing format ofblog experience b log software Transparency multimed ia engagement journalism Innovation participate training format Innovation guidelines b logging software standards interaction challenges journalism flexible Self-promotion Times journa I ism linking traffic innovation technology as traditional journalism blog norms reporting grammar 50 Table 2 cont. Participant Major codes from interview Major codes from observation Larry Harnisch, Los Angeles Times • Extended journalism career • Traditional journalism standards consuming • Good grammar • Standard blog technology • Presented as inferior to other online content • Content innovation • Form unlikely to find offline • Unusual content • Readers respond to quizzes and • Loose writing style Phil lzzo, Wall Street Journal from blog software required • Blog edited • Must keep up with other bloggers standards • Journalism tone and style • Immediacy of blogs of journalism • Standard blog format • Blogs given secondary status to print news • Innovation • Journalism tone and style • Shorter than print articles • Substituting multimedia for words • Linking • Innovation • Self-promotion Thomas Mathews, Washington Post • Self reliance standards technology Limitless space standards • Reader interaction advantage • Biggest shift in journalism in • Standard technology • Inferior to other online content • Reader interaction • Form innovations • Lack of multimedia • Personal tone • Limited linking • Variable style and length Kara McGuire, Minneapolis Star Tribune of blogs • Volunteered style time • Reader interaction • Looser style than print journalism blogosphere advantage journalism • Standard technology • Inferior placement compared to content • Use of social media • Personal tone and content • Little original research • Innovative approach cant. • Blogs as personal • No formal technology training • Employer asked him to blog offline • Blogging technology guides content • Blogging is time consuming direct questions • Effort underappreciated • Professional advantage • Freedom as advantage and drawback Phillzzo, • No technology training format Journal • Asked to blog, but willing • No blog style guidelines from employer • Use of b log software • No technical knowledge required for • Journalism standards ofblogs Self-promotion • Blogs are future ofiournalism • Diverse possibilities of blogs technology • Blog expands possibilities of print on line content column interaction innovations • Lack of blog standards multimedia • Limited knowledge of technology • Lim itless space • Limited time length • Traditional journalism standards interaction • Professional advantage lifetime • Diverse potential ofblogs technology Volunteered • Personal style other online content • Limited time media interaction content journal ism • Competition in b\ogosphere is approach challenging • Professional advantage • Blogging as catalyst for change in professional journalism 51 Table 2 cont. Participant Major codes from interview Major codes from observation Ben Welter, Minneapolis Star Tribune experience reliance • Traditional journalism standards oversight interaction inferior to journalism reports journalists blogosphere Confusing text formatting existing text • Regular use of photos style/tone opportunity journalism standards Eric Zorn, Chicago Tribune technology training Volunteered • Innovation guidelines standards software Technology complications supports print Editing interaction • More personal tone • Limited time • Optimism for journalism online format to Multimedia Transparency 51 inlcnricw Welter. • Prior Web experience • Little original text Mil1l1eapolis Srar • Self reliance • Confu sing tex t formalling Tribllne Trad itional standards • Heavy use of ex isting lext • Limited editing and overs ight ofp holos • Reader interact ion • Blogs treated as inferior to other • Blogs treated as infer ior 10 print content • Informal sty le/tone • Professional jo urnal iSIs improve • Limited oppo rtunity for reader content in blogosphere interaction • Broad linking practices • Traditional journal ism standards Zorn. • No techno logy train ing • Standard blog format Tribune • Volun teered to blog • Blog secondary 10 print Inno vation • Multimed ia • No formal guide lines • Personal tone • Use of journalism standards • Transparency • Blog sofiwarc • Variable style • Techno logy comp lications • Innovation • Blog suppons priru product • Editing • Reader interaction time ·ournalism online 52 Second, in the axial coding phase, I started by identifying the core phenomenon at play in my data and then determined how all the other categories related to this phenomenon. The core phenomenon I settled on was what I call experimental journalism. I define it as a form of journalism that encourages innovation beyond the set of established journalism norms and practices. Key causes of experimental journalism are the introduction of blogging, which is a new reporting technology that creates new possibilities, and limited oversight or guidance when journalists use this technology. These circumstances encourage journalists to experiment with their craft and create new forms for reporting news and information. This experimentation contrasts with print newspaper journalism, where the possibilities are more limited and oversight is more stringent. All of these elements are discussed in depth in my findings section. Arriving at this core phenomenon was very much a subjective, or qualitative, decision. I chose it in part because of the frequent repetition across all of my data. I chose it because it was something all participants discussed or demonstrated. I chose it because it tied together all my other observations in my data. In other words, all my other observations fit under the umbrella of experimental journalism. I also chose this as my core phenomenon because it appeared to me as the most important observation on which to focus my theoretical model. I decided that the greatest contribution to the literature would be to describe and illustrate how journalists are using the freedom they have with the blog format to push the boundaries of their trade. Once I had identified the core phenomenon, I continued the axial coding process by turning my attention to determining how all the other major categories related to this journalism. 53 core phenomenon. To do this, I asked the four questions recommended by Creswell (2007): (1) What are the causes of the core phenomenon? (2) What strategies are the journalists using to address the core phenomenon? (3) What intervening and contextual conditions are influencing the core phenomenon? (4) What are the consequences of the core phenomenon? The answers to these questions form the body of my findings section, so I will not go into great depth here describing them. However, I will note that answering these questions required that I not only look at my data, but that I also look beyond my data to determine what might be driving it. For example, it became clear that my participants had very limited time to blog, as well as to participate, in this study. Contextual conditions and strategies showed that one of the explanations was that journalists are experiencing increased job pressures due to the current contraction of newsroom personnel. Third, in the selective coding phase, I further refined all of my answers and explanations derived during the axial coding phase. The way that I approached the selective coding process was by emphasizing my role as the researcher in choosing what findings were most important and refining them as much as possible. In this way, as discussed earlier, my own biases and strengths, as the sole researcher, become inextricably intertwined with my findings. This is an unavoidable, though not necessarily negative, aspect of any qualitative research (see, for example, Emerson et. al 1995). The result is that my findings may not be the same findings as another researcher talking to the same participants. Two key products resulted from the selective coding phase. First, through subjectively refining my findings during the axial coding phase, I created a diagram that (2) What strategies are the journalists using to address the core phenomenon? (3) What intervening and contextual conditions are influencing the core phenomenon? (4) What are the consequences of the core phenomenon? The answers to these questions form the body of my findings section, so I will not go into great depth here describing them. However, I will note that answering these questions required that I not only look at my data, but that I also look beyond my data to determine what might be driving it. For example, it became clear that my participants had very limited time to blog, as well as to participate, in this study. Contextual conditions and strategies showed that one of the explanations was that journalists are experiencing increased job pressures due to the current contraction of newsroom personnel. Third, in the selective coding phase, I further refined all of my answers and explanations derived during the axial coding phase. The way that I approached the selective coding process was by emphasizing my role as the researcher in choosing what findings were most important and refining them as much as possible. In this way, as discussed earlier, my own biases and strengths, as the sole researcher, become inextricably intertwined with my findings. This is an unavoidable, though not necessarily negative, aspect of any qualitative research (see, for example, Emerson et. al 1995). The result is that my findings may not be the same findings as another researcher talking to the same participants. Two key products resulted from the selective coding phase. First, through subjectively refining my findings during the axial coding phase, I created a diagram that 54 pulls all of the pieces together (see Figure 1 on following page). The diagram assembles the major categories and relationships discovered earlier into the simplest model possible. Second, the other product of the selective coding phase was propositions that emanated from the diagram. These are discussed in depth in a following section. Figu re page), relationshi ps possibl e. Second. oth er proposit ions arc di sclissed fo llowing sec tion. / Causal conditions • Existence of new technologies • Job requirements • Desire to try new technology • Loose definition of "blog" • Few formal norms for blogs • Limited oversight/editing \ Contextual conditions • Rising computer usage • Media convergence • Competition to newspapers • Financial hardship Strategies • Using journalism norms • Using external norms • Innovation/experimentation • Self reliance z Intervening conditions • Education • Experience • Job description • Limited time Experimental journalism \ \ Consequences • New narrative forms • New journalism norms • Greater reader interaction • Greater transparency V / Figure 1. Experimental journalism theoretical model for journalist adoption of the blog format. Cil:Dll:~IUilII:IlDdili llll!i - • Rising computer usage - £rperimemal • Media convergence - - - jOIll'flafi,wlI / • Compe l'it ioll to newspapers -- / -- /' • Financial hardship "- / ~ "- / "- I Callsal tlluditiODS Stral~ifS CooS:Q IIf DtfS • Usingjoumalism norms • New narrative forms • Job requi rements • Using external norms • New journalism nonns • Innovation/experimentation • Greater reader imeraction of"• Self reliance • Greater transparency • Few fonnal nonns for blogs , / / "- "- / "- loterVfuiDl: coud jtillDS /' -- / -- - • Education / • Experience - - / • Job description - • Limited time Figure I . £rperimenw/ jOllrnalism theoretical model for journali st adopt ion of the blog form"' . v . Vo VI. FINDINGS In this section, I outline the results of my analysis. The structure of my findings follows the questions I asked during the axial coding phase. That is, what are the causal conditions, strategies, contextual and intervening conditions, and consequences of my core phenomenon? As described earlier, my core phenomenon is experimental journalism, which I define as using blogs to create new ways of presenting news and information. My findings are summarized in Figure 1. This diagram illustrates the general circumstances that professional journalists face when they begin to blog, as well as the process they follow as they begin to use this new format. The circumstances and process explain, and are part of, what I am calling experimental journalism. Figure 1 summarizes the grounded theory I derived through my investigation. As discussed in more detail above, my theoretical model is grounded in the sense that I determined its parts and dimensions by looking at my data and allowing themes to emerge, rather than start my research with a preconceived theoretical framework. In the following discussion, I outline each part of Figure 1, and then I conclude this section by listing a number of testable propositions that follow from my theoretical model. These propositions are derived from, or inspired by, Figure 1, and they provide other researchers with a place to begin further research into the implications of j-blogging. These propositions are critical because research on j-blogging has just begun, and existing studies do not make it clear what 1 research on j-blogging has just begun, and existing studies do not make it clear what 57 questions we should be asking. Other researchers should treat these propositions like hypotheses to assess using other research methods. Causal conditions Existence of new technologies. The existence of j-blogging and its consequences are most obviously spurred by the existence of available technologies. Every one of the participants in this study used sophisticated blogging software such as Wordpress or Typepad. These types of software are very easy to learn and use, and require no technical knowledge, which is very important. If j-blogging required technical knowledge of computer programming languages (e.g., HTML or PHP) it is unlikely that as many journalists would be keeping blogs. This is true of all the participants in this study. The advent of the Internet is even more paramount than blogging technology. The Internet, as we know it today, is unlike any information technology that came before it, and it contrasts sharply with print technologies. The Internet provides the opportunity to hyperlink and mix multiple kinds of media (e.g., text, images, video) side-by-side. It provides the ability for instantaneous publishing; there is no need to wait for the printing process and delivery. Another significant quality is the amount of information you can publish on the Internet. In a typical print newspaper, writers are generally limited to the amount of paper that the company can afford, which is based on the number of ads they sell. In contrast, the amount of information a newspaper can post on its Web site is, practically speaking, limitless due to the relatively small and falling costs of digital storage. ofj-Everyone Ifj-g .. ofthe images. 58 Thomas Mathews, of the Washington Post, provides a good example on the topic of limitless space, as did other study participants. Mathews discussed the advent of blogging technologies and online news in general. Mathews is one of the study's most experienced journalists, with almost four decades of experience in the newsroom. Mathews said blogging and online news in general posed "the biggest change in my lifetime." One of these changes was his ability to write as much as he wanted when publishing on his blog, whereas his available space was limited when writing for the print newspaper. He said: Well, it is true that since I started the online column eight years ago, I have loved being able to write 4,000 or 5,000 words without being told I am out of my mind and the paper does not have space for it. I don't do that too often, and that limitless space is probably not good for my writing. The blog by Larry Harnisch, of the Los Angeles Times, presents another example of how journalists are taking advantage of limitless space. In each blog post, he usually embeds several historic newspaper clips, which viewers can click for a closer look. It would be completely impractical to achieve the same thing in a print newspaper format. Regardless of the form that examples take, the point is that limitless space gives journalists room to experiment, and when you mix that with a huge new range of possibilities, journalists use the blog format to push the boundaries of their abilities and profession. Job requirements. The nature of journalism work is related to the requirements of the jobs that journalists fill. For the purposes of this study, it was significant that blogging was either a part-time or full-time part of the participants' jobs. For those who blogged on a part-time basis, which was the majority of the participants, their other duty was to contribute to the print edition of their newspaper. Eric Zorn, of the Chicago Tribune, for 1 oflimitIess experiment. 59 example, both blogged and contributed to the print product. He said the two job duties complement each other: "I use the blog to gather comments and feedback on print columns and to seed the ground for print column ideas. I also have a weekly column called 'Change of Subject' that reprints highlights from the blog." Further, it is important to note that most of the participants said they either volunteered to blog or were happy to do it. For example, Phil Izzo, of the Wall Street Journal, said he "was asked by a superior, but would have volunteered." Similarly, Mathews discussed how he was asked to blog by his supervisors: "I had a weekly column on the Web site, and my editors wanted to combine it on the Web with the two weekly columns I do that appear in the paper. So 1 said sure." Desire to try new technology. All 10 participants expressed interest in blogging technology and the general movement of news online. Most expressed the desire to experiment with online news formats. Zorn, for example, said: "I volunteered in the summer of 2003 to be the Tribune's first blogger." Other participants expressed similar enthusiasm, indicating that they were anxious to learn and use new technologies. Many of the participants indicated that they spent hours of their free, personal time working on their blog. This is at least an indication that they enjoy experimenting with this new format. Loose definition of blog. The participants defined blogs loosely, and these loose definitions affected their adoption and use of this format. Because they had different definitions of blog, it follows that they used this format in different ways. In contrast, if they had all defined it in the same way, it would be more likely that they would use blogs in the same way. A few examples illustrate the point that the participants defined blogs in ,,] ] ]zzo, volunteered," 1 So] said sure." oftheir different varying ways. Here are some of the most compelling definitions provided by the participants: Deborah Bonello, of the Los Angeles Times, defined blogs as "the online technology to self-publish." Douglas Feaver, of the Washington Post, said blogs "can be almost anything as long as it's online - the occasional thoughts of an individual (I have friends who keep private blogs that are essentially diaries); it can be a free-form discussion in which several or many people are regular participants; it can be a scheduled piece that is open for viewer comments." Saul Hansell, of the New York Times, said, "Blogs are a broad and flexible publishing format, as are 'columns.' They allow news, commentary, aggregation, and most other forms of journalism. The reverse chronological format is easy to read and easy to publish. By tradition they have reader comments and are often less formal than some other writing." Harnisch said, "A blog is a frequently updated Internet site on any subject that reflects the writer's personality and interests." Mathews said, "I guess I would call it a Web site created by a person, or group, focused on some specific theme, which can be as undefined as what I do all day, and is accessible to comments from readers." Kara McGuire, of the Minneapolis Star Tribune, said, "A blog is a place where you can write about topics in a more informal way than you can in the paper. It's a place where I sometimes cover topics that might have been briefs in the paper in the past or might not have been worthy of a mention at all. It's also a place where you can interact with readers." Ben Welter, of the Minneapolis Star Tribune, defined blogs as "a regularly updated Web site focusing on a single topic or point of view, consisting of entries written by one blogger or small group of bloggers, with comments posted by readers." Zorn defined blogs as "a regularly updated series of observations, tips, tirades, and referrals, most recent first." At least four patterns emerge from these definitions. First, blogs, as defined by the participants, are flexible by design; they can be many things to many people, and their form depends on who is controlling them. Second, blogs are often individual in nature. 60 • • • • • • • • irs - flexible ·Irs Slar blogs. 61 As many participants said, this often means a personal tone of voice and sometimes personal reflection. This can also mean that the individual, not the news organization, decides the content and nature of the blog. Third, none of the participants specifically indicated the type (or subject) of content that should appear in a blog format. Despite the origins of the blog as an online personal diary, none of the participants said that blogs must be about themselves - or anything else, for that matter. They can discuss personal matters, news, features, or whatever else the author wants to include. Fourth, most participants noted reader comments and interaction as an important aspect of blogging. Few formal norms for blogs. None of the participants were given much guidance for how to maintain their blogs. Further, none of the participants used any sort of formal guidebook for blogging. This contrasts with print newspaper journalists, who are often provided with stylebooks (from the Associated Press and their individual newspapers) to guide their work. Most participants in this study made remarks to this effect. The following comments and examples illustrate how the lack of formal norms is influencing how professional journalists are adopting the blog format: The anonymous East Coast reporter said he generally must follow the newspaper's style guidelines, but was allowed to determine the voice (or style) of his blog. Feaver said his employer does not have a blog styleguide: "Nothing official, style has been arrived at through trial and error." Harnisch uses quizzes in his blog, and he explains to his readers how the quizzes work. His effort to explain the quizzes - which takes him several paragraphs to do - indicates that he is inventing a new form, with which readers are not familiar. This contrasts with print articles that generally do not require explanation for readers to understand the writer's intent. Mathews said he has "never seen a blog style guide. I do what makes sense to me and the web site [sic] producers sometimes have advice." The result is that, from post to post, the content of his blog varies greatly in terms of length, content type, - • • • • - - and content source. Sometimes, for example, it is a book review, sometimes it is a dialogue with one of his colleagues, and other times it is a guest column from someone Mathews contacted. • Zorn said he invents his own style: "I made it up as I went along, but I have tried to hew to the Tribune's, editorial style and guidelines." Limited oversight/editing. The ways journalists adopt the blog format is also influenced by the fact they are generally not provided with much oversight. In my interviews with the participants, the clearest example of this was the limited degree to which their blog was edited compared to their print columns. The anonymous East Coast reporter said his blog was only edited by one editor, whereas his print column went through several rounds of editing. Similary, Feaver said: "My blog is edited (it's a very quick review, by washingtonpost.com's interactivity editor)." Similarly, Welter said blogs provide "a lot more freedom to choose topics and write without an editor looking over your shoulder." Harnish had a few things to say on this point. First, he said the time that goes into blogging is underappreciated. "People who don't have a blog cannot conceive of how much work they are," he said. Second, he said he has a lot of freedom with his blog, but that has advantages and drawbacks: "The great thing about my blog is that there is nobody telling me that I buried the lede or need a 'nut graph.' The worst thing about it is that there's nobody to tell me when I buried the lede or when I need a 'nut graph.'" Zorn expressed a similar preference for limited editing before he publishes his blog posts. He said: "I wish that the editing system were different - more of a back-edit system in which the editors would review what I've posted after I've posted it - for speed reasons." In general, limited oversight may be related to blogs being treated as inferior to content from the print edition and other online content. Every newspaper Web site in this 62 Tribune's bIog shoulder.·' - - 63 study treated the blogs as secondary content. They did this by making the blog content less prominent on their home pages than, for example, the stories from the print edition that they posted online. The secondary nature of the blog content is also implied in the way that the newspaper Web sites presented links to find the blog content. These links were not one of the dominant navigation options; readers looking at their home pages must either scroll down the page to find a link or select one of several drop-down menus from the top of the page. Strategies Using journalism norms. When adopting the blog format, all of the participants attempted to apply standard journalism norms to this new medium, although to varying degrees. By journalism norms, I am referring to such standards as inverted pyramid, original reporting, minimizing bias, and transparency that are taught through the Associated Press guidebooks, college programs in journalism, and guidebooks at individual newspapers. Many of the participants made comments to this effect. Here are some of the most salient examples. All of these comments and others indicate how journalists are, at least in part, extending journalism norms to the blog format: • The anonymous East Coast reporter said he would not post anything to his blog that he would not print. • Bonello noted, "To me, blogging is just the technology I use - what I DO is journalism" (emphasis original). • Izzo said, "We try to apply the same standards to our blogs as we do to our print works. I would say that the tone is slightly looser on the blog, but a lot of what we do is Web-reporting and we apply the same standards we would for the paper." • Harnisch said there are a lot of similarities between print journalism and blogging: "In many ways, the blog is an extension of the paper. There's no difference in tind - 64 standards in terms of style, content, research