Early adolescents' perceptions of conflict experience with teachers in a physical activity setting

Although conflict is an area that all people need to learn to navigate, underserved youth are at a greater risk for experiencing social, emotional, and psychological hardships than youth in wealthy communities. Modeling and teaching positive conflict negotiation during physical activity lessons could be especially beneficial for these youth. Recently, researchers have recognized the importance of obtaining a youth perspective to make programming more relevant in the lives of their young participants. This study examined early adolescents' perceptions of the conflict experience with teachers in a physical activity setting. The research questions that guided this study were the following: (a) What is the experience of early adolescents who have conflict with their teachers in a physical activity setting? and (b) What are early adolescents' perceptions of how that conflict is negotiated? Participants were recruited from a summer physical activity day camp program in an urban area. Criterion sampling was used to identify 8 youth (5 males, 3 females) to participate in this qualitative study. Participants were between the ages of 12 and 14. Data consisted of 14 interviews, 2 focus group sessions, and field notes. A henomenological research design and data analysis were used to create the essence of the experience.

EXPERIENCE WITH TEACHERS IN A PHYSICAL by Natalie S. Smith A thesis submitted to the faculty of The University of Utah in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Science Department of Exercise and Sport Science The University of Utah May 2008 EARLY ADOLESCENTS' PERCEPTIONS OF THE CONFLICT ACTIVITY SETTING Copyright © Natalie S. Smith 2008 All Rights Reserved © Natalie S. Smith 2008 of a thesis submitted by Natalie S. Smith This thesis has been read by each member of the following supervisory committee and by majority vote has been found to be satisfactory. UAJt w 21 l€Xfl Maria Newton Karen Paisle^ THE UNIVERSITY OF UTAH GRADUATE SCHOOL SUPERVISORY COMMITTEE APPROVAL dUng l7,JIlC 7 Maria Newton ~ 2-1, '1 an I I ~-:;:z THE APPROVAL To the Graduate Council of the University of Utah: I have read the thesis of Natalie S. Smith in its final form and have found that (1) its format, citations, and bibliographic style are consistent and acceptable; (2) its illustrative materials including figures, tables, and charts are in place; and (3) the final manuscript is satisfactory to the supervisory committee and is ready for submission to The Graduate School. <>*/* 7, 7, 7odl- f L J? LJ<0&hZ Date; ^-Boris L. Watson Chair, Supervisory Committee Approved for the Major Department Barty BTshultz ^ Approved for the Graduate Council «L-THE UNIVERSITY OF UTAH GRADUATE SCHOOL FINAL READING APPROV AL wz [J~- ~ris Chair ~~\.CQ~ __ , David S. Chapman Dean of The Graduate School the ages of 12 and 14. Data consisted of 14 interviews, 2 focus group sessions, and create the essence of the experience. ABSTRACT Although conflict is an area that all people need to learn to navigate, underserved youth are at a greater risk for experiencing social, emotional, and psychological hardships than youth in wealthy communities. Modeling and teaching positive conflict negotiation during physical activity lessons could be especially beneficial for these youth. Recently, researchers have recognized the importance of obtaining a youth perspective to make programming more relevant in the lives of their young participants. This study examined early adolescents' perceptions of the conflict experience with teachers in a physical activity setting. The research questions that guided this study were the following: (a) What is the experience of early adolescents who have conflict with their teachers in a physical activity setting? and (b) What are early adolescents' perceptions of how that conflict is negotiated? Participants were recruited from a summer physical activity day camp program in an urban area. Criterion sampling was used to identify 8 youth (5 males, 3 females) to participate in this qualitative study. Participants were between field notes. A phenomenological research design and data analysis were used to resolving classroom conflict would encourage positive youth development. In addition, teachers, parents, guardians, and administrators should work together to better understand their roles in the conflict phenomenon. v Power emerged as the major theme influencing the essence of the experience for youth. Power manifested itself in many ways and included the teachers' power over the students, the youths' limited power in the classroom, the lack of youths' power during the conflict, and the influence of higher powers on the experience. Respect emerged as a subtheme. Out-of-school programs could choose to empower youth by creating a classroom environment where student voice is encouraged. Involving youth in v To all who have waited patiently to read these pages: family, friends, mentors, and, especially, John S. TABLE ABSTRACT iv LIST OF TABLES ix CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION 1 2. REVIEW OF LITERATURE 5 Hellison's Model Out-of-School Physical Activity Intervention Conflict in Physical Education 16 Justification for Qualitative Research 3. METHOD 23 Participants 23 Paradigms Guiding the Research 26 Research Design 31 Sources of Data 33 Data Management Trustworthiness and Rigor 41 4. RESULTS 43 Data Analysis 43 Outside Evaluator 54 Data Triangulation 57 Audit Trail Ethical Considerations Essence of the Phenomenon 61 T ABLE OF CONTENTS Page ......................................... ..................................... INTRODUCTION. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. ........................... .................... . ............. 5 .... . ............ . . . .......... . METHOD. 6 20 . ....... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. ... . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40 RESULTS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. ........................ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ..................... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ............. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ......... 60 60 Page 5. FINDINGS, IMPLICATIONS AND SUGGESTIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH, AND LIMITATIONS ...................... 67 Findings ...................................... 67 Implications and Suggestions for Future Research ............. 76 Limitations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 79 APPENDIX: CONSENT AND ASSENT FORMS ................. 80 REFERENCES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 96 viii Table Page 1. Parallel Criteria for Qualitative Paradigm 29 2. Power 55 3. Lack of Power 57 4. Youths' Feelings 58 LIST OF TABLES .................. ........................................ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. ................................. One of America's premier leaders in the field of education, John Dewey, argued for educating a moral and democratic citizenry by providing students with experiences that would prepare them for the future. "The only way to prepare for social life is to engage in social life" (1897/1972, p. 62). Dewey suggested that schools were not merely responsible for the academic futures of their pupils but also for creating developmental growth experiences that would enable youth to become responsible workers, parents, and volunteers in their communities. Furthermore, Dewey argued that education should be a "co-operative enterprise" (Dewey, 1938, p. 72) in which students and teachers work together to create a Unfortunately, in the years following World War II, pressure for students to perform well on nationally administered standardized tests increased. As a result, academic achievement became the main concern of schools, and social education was put aside (Noddings, 1992). By the 1990s, concern was expressed about where youth were getting their social education (Carnegie Council on Adolescent Development, 1992). The Carnegie Council on Adolescent Development issued a report that focused on out-of-school-time use by early adolescents. Excluding infancy, the period of early adolescence (ages 10 to 15) is marked as the most CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION relevant curriculum. also the time in which youth start making their initial decisions about risky behaviors on topics such as alcohol, drugs, sex, and gang involvement (Carnegie Council on Adolescent Development). The council reported that only 60% of young adolescents' waking hours were spent in structured activities such as attending school, doing homework, eating, or working, and the remaining 40% were spent in unstructured activities. Many youth, especially those in low-income brackets, were spending much of this unstructured time alone (U. S. Bureau of the Census, 1994; U. S. Department of Education, 1990). Adults expressed concern about these findings, and youth expressed a longing to be involved in positive, supervised environments (Carnegie Council on Adolescent Development, 1992). In response, many communities began adding out-of- school programming to their funding budgets (Baker & Witt, 1996; Lewis, 2000). Physical-activity-based programs became an especially popular way to engage youth during discretionary time (Hellison & Wright, 2003). Some programmers realized that the physical activity setting, which could be emotionally charged and interactive, was an ideal place to model and teach positive social development growth (Hellison, 1995). Researchers began to measure the effects a purposeful, values-based intervention could have on youth who were in attendance of physical activity programs (Debusk & Hellison, 1989; Watson, Newton, & Kim, 2003); the results were encouraging. Many of these values-based interventions were founded on Hellison's concepts and model, which were intended to foster intense physical, mental, and emotional period of life development. This period is 60 % 2 out­of- work encourages youth empowerment and gives the unique opportunity to involve staff and youth in meeting specific community and personal needs at the ground level. One such need is for youth to learn to deal with conflict. Youth are exposed to conflict in their homes, schools, and communities as well as through the media (James & Cinelli, 2000). Although conflict is an area that all people need to learn to navigate, it has been noted that underserved youth are at a greater risk for experiencing social, emotional, and psychological hardships than children in wealthy communities (Carnegie Council on Adolescent Development, 1992; Department of Health and Human Services, 1991; McLoyd, 1990). Modeling and teaching positive conflict negotiation during physical activity lessons could be especially beneficial to youth in underserved communities, but it is also an area that has yet to be explored. Currently, much of the existing information regarding out-of-school programming comes from the perspective of teachers and administrators, but researchers have recently recognized the importance of obtaining a youth perspective when attempting to make programming more relevant in the lives of their young participants (Cothran & Ennis, 1997). Therefore, the purpose of this study was to examine early adolescents' perceptions of the conflict experience with teachers in a physical activity setting. The research questions that guided this study were as follows: personal and social responsibility in underserved youth populations. Hellison's 3 1. What is the experience of early adolescents who have conflict with their teachers in a physical activity setting? 2. What are early adolescents' perceptions of how that conflict is negotiated? 4 The purpose of this chapter is to present a review of the empirical literature contains a summary of the components of Hellison's (1995) taking personal and social responsibility model and a review of the literature for out-of-school physical activity values-based interventions as well as literature based on physical education conflict. A justification for the use of qualitative inquiry concludes this section. Hellison's Model A values-based program seeks to influence attitudes, feelings, behaviors, that developing and encouraging positive growth in these areas were more likely to happen if adults facilitated purposeful interventions. After years of working with underserved youth in physical activity settings, Hellison created a model intended to facilitate positive behavior and empower youth to take control of their personal and social development. The model, taking personal and social responsibility, consists of two components. The first component is geared towards changing youth who, while using the model, begin to identify their behaviors and set goals based on a six-level construct. Some practical components of these six levels are as CHAPTER 2 REVIEW OF LITERATURE and theoretical frameworks used to conduct the present study. This chapter and other components important to social development. Hellison (1995) realized Zero-Making Owe-Respecting Two-Participation Three-Self-direction; Four-Caring Five-Taking The second component of the taking personal and social responsibility model guides teachers and youth leaders by creating an environment that fosters responsibility in youth. This guide includes awareness talks and reflection time that enable youth to identify their own participation levels, providing youth with the opportunity to participate at higher levels based on purposeful lesson planning, allowing youth to make individual decisions, holding group meetings to assess the lesson, and providing counseling time to youth (Hellison, 1995; Parker & Hellison, 2001). The basic components of the taking personal and social responsibility model have been utilized or examined in many physical activity intervention studies, with & Watson et al., 2003). Out-of-School Physical Activity Intervention Using the taking personal and social responsibility model, Debusk and Hellison (1989) conducted one of the first studies to examine the influence of a physical-activity-based behavior change model on youth during out-of-school hours. follows: Level Zero-Making excuses and blaming others Level One-Respecting the rights and feelings of others; self-control; the right to peaceful conflict resolution [emphasis added]; the right to be included Level Two-Participation and effort; trying new things Level Three-Self-direction; on-task independent; personal plan; balancing current and future needs Level Four-Caring about and helping others; compassion; without rewards; contributing member of the community and beyond Level Five-Taking these positive qualities outside the gym. (Hellison, pp. 13-14) 6 promising results (Buchanan, 2001; Debusk Hellison, 1989; Schilling, 2001; 10 fourth-grade boys. The youth participated in a 6-week program; they met during their lunch hour 3 times a week. Participants were selected based on past problems with school authorities and their potential for further problems in school. The taking personal and social responsibility model's levels and teacher strategies were heavily incorporated into the physical activity intervention. Data sources were extensive and consisted of (a) preinterviews and postinterviews with the 10 participants, (b) lengthy field notes by the researcher, (c) postprogram interviews with participants' teachers and playground supervisors, (d) records of the participants' office referrals during the intervention, ( e) postprogram journals from two teaching assistants, and (f) participants' daily journal writings. Data analysis showed only minute behavioral changes in the participants. The teacher-researcher and teaching assistants believed that the intervention had a slightly positive effect on the participants' behavior, especially while they were in attendance at the special program and during their regular physical education lessons, both taught by the teacher-researcher. Unfortunately, outward behaviors did not appear to transfer significantly to areas outside of the program. Classroom teachers and playground supervisors reported only slight behavior changes in the youth. The number of office referrals also did not change (Debusk & Hellison, 1989). Although the participants' behaviors did not change significantly as a result of the intervention, some affective changes were noted. Participants reported 7 Debusk, a teacher-researcher at an elementary school, undertook a case study with t) to the program. The teaching assistants also reported that some youth demonstrated classroom ecology for positive behavior change in youth. 8 higher levels of enjoyment during the program than during their regular physical education class. They also felt more responsible for their own actions and were more likely to help others after the intervention. Participants' journals contained evidence of greater acceptance and sharing, and comparison of the preinterviews and postinterviews showed a growing understanding of Hellison's (1995) levels. In addition, classroom teachers noticed a positive change in some of the youth. Teachers reported that the participants had more insight to their feelings, talked more openly about their feelings, seemed less defensive, demonstrated a greater trust in authority, and had more self-esteem and self-confidence than they did prior more awareness of themselves and others. A low number of contact hours (18) and a weak research design, including a small sample size, created limitations in this work. There were multiple data points, each using a small number of participants or data (i.e., two classroom teachers, two teaching assistants, and two playground monitors). Despite these problems, the study did have some value. The participants appeared to improve their sense of responsibility to self and others as a result of the program. Results also indicated that the participants' relationship to the instructor and the program environment was of utmost importance to the success of the intervention. These findings suggest that, given adequate time, leaders may be able to influence 2001) values-based program for 4 or more years. The program, Project Effort, was also based on Hellison's (1995) taking personal and social responsibility model's concepts and served youth in grades 3 through 8 in a sports club setting. Project Effort was held at a local university 1 day a week, and each youth participant was matched with a university mentor. Together, mentor and youth established and worked toward school performance goals. Responsible youth participants could also become involved as apprentice teachers or youth leaders who mentored younger students in the sports club. In addition, parents and teachers were involved and trained to establish Hellison's concepts at home and at school. This qualitative study examined the perceptions of commitment that seven individuals, ages 12 to 15, had to the noncompulsory program. Interviewed youth had been involved with the program for at least 4 years, had become apprentice teachers, and were currently involved in the program. All youth were referred to the program by school staff because of their repeated problems in school. The participants were interviewed twice individually and once in a group setting about their commitment to the program, why they remained involved, and what the barriers were to involvement. Few barriers to commitment were found. However, the analysis revealed two major themes: (a) antecedents that led to or influenced commitment and (b) the nature of commitment that characterized or demonstrated dedication to the program. Among these findings, Schilling (2001) found that positive relationships with staff (i.e., having fun and being in a positive 9 Schilling (200 1) conducted a study with youth who had participated in a Project Effort, "The leader's philosophy, attitude, and modeling behavior may be may be the next step in creating more successful values-based programs. administered by the National Youth Sport Program was a day camp that catered to under served on Hellison's model for all staff members. As camp administrators had agreed that it would be used as the prominent camp philosophy, Buchanan provided sample activities to all and posted reminders of the levels and key phrases in camp facilities. Six of the 20 staff members in the day camp were selected as participants. Participants had varying educational and work experiences (2 had environment) had an important and positive influence on antecedents to commitment. Staff participation and involvement were important to youth when they spoke about the nature of commitment. Some barriers to participation were boredom and disconnect to activity. 10 Results from this study suggest that relationships and setting were extremely important to the youths' commitment to this noncompulsory physical activity program. Schilling (2001) hypothesized that in values-based programs such as more critical for the participant's program involvement than it [is] in a sport program where the focus is primarily on learning and performing sport skills" (p. 362). Identifying these positive characteristics and training leaders to embody them Buchanan (2001) examined how leaders in a 5-week summer youth sport program understood and incorporated Hellison's (1995) taking personal and social responsibility model's concepts into their classes. The summer program youth from underserved communities. Buchanan conducted a 3-hour training based . degrees in physical education, 2 were currently in a physical education undergraduate program, 1 had a high school degree, and 1 was a classroom teacher). The participants also had a variety of jobs at the camp (i.e., instructor, counselor participant, and support staff) and group management styles. 11 Buchanan (2001) acted as a participant observer and collected data by conducting ethnographic interviews and observational field notes. Findings were varied as participants used personal and professional philosophies as well as their own comfort levels when incorporating the concepts into their classroom. Overall, participants did not use the model to empower, create positive relationships with, or demonstrate caring toward the youth. Instead, the model was most often used as a discipline tool and a method for awarding behavior points. Buchanan noted that control was a real issue for participants. Lack of control labeled teachers as being poor and having control was viewed as being positive. The participants seemed unwilling to give up enough control in their classrooms for youth to take responsibility for themselves. A major concern with Buchanan's (2001) study was the inadequate amount of time (i.e., 3 hours) spent training the participants in the model. Greater exposure and guidance on how to make curricular changes were needed for the participants to understand and own the model. The participants who had greater outside exposure to the model through teacher education programs seemed to incorporate its goals more readily. The concepts presented a major paradigm shift for most of the participants who were familiar with a command style of teaching participants' affect and attitude. The camp catered to underserved youth, ages 10 to 16. One hundred thirty-five participants, ages 10 to 13, completed a 15-item Contextual Self-Responsibility Questionnaire, which was created for the study. The Contextual Self-Responsibility Questionnaire was developed with the taking personal and social responsibility model's concepts in mind, asking participants to trained in Hellison's (1995) model during the National Youth Sport Program feelings of respect for their group leader (Watson et al., 2003). Questionnaires were provided in English and Spanish. Results indicated that, overall, participants enjoyed the National Youth Sport Program, planned to return, were interested in sport, and respected their leaders. Participants recognized that Hellison's (1995) concepts were present in the program. Results also suggested that Hellison's (1995) lessons, with team competition as the ultimate goal of sport-related classes. Additional training was needed for the participants to create an empowering climate for youth. 12 Watson et al. (2003) conducted a study that examined youths' perceptions of climate in a National Youth Sport Program camp. The youth were specifically surveyed about the presence of values-based concepts (based on the taking personal and social responsibility model) at the camp and the effect of the concepts on recall specific behaviors over previous days. Although staff members were not training, many were exposed to the model as undergraduate, preservice teachers. Using Likert-type scales, participants answered questions about their levels of behavior, enjoyment, sport interest, intentions to return to the program, and aI., community. The participants were selected because of past discipline issues in attendance records to determine retention numbers. Seventy-eight youth began attending the program at 10 to 12 years of age. Attendance data were conducted over a 9-year period. Significant attendance drop-offs were seen after the 1st and 3rd years. Only 1 student remained with the program for the entire 9 years. and (b) Has the club improved you as a person or helped you with anything other than basketball? Forty-two of the 43 participants surveyed believed they had improved their basketball skills. Thirty-eight of the 43 participants believed they had improved as people, and 5 gave examples crediting the program for positive improvements outside of the gymnasium (Hellison & Wright, 2003). 13 concepts had a positive correlation with participants' enjoyment in the program, interest in sport, respect for leaders, and likelihood of returning to the program the following year (Watson et al.). In a similar study, Hellison and Wright (2003) sought possible links between the use of positive youth development strategies (taking personal and social responsibility model) and retention in physical activity programs. The study examined data from two sequential out-of-school programs in an underserved school and referred to the program by school administrators. Researchers used In addition, year-end evaluations were administered from 1993 to 2000. Two questions from 43 self-report evaluations were analyzed. The questions were as follows: (a) Has the club improved your basketball skills or play in any way? were asked to rate their ability to put the taking personal and social responsibility model into practice. These evaluations were measured on a 3-point, modified, Likert-type scale (i.e., thumbs up, thumbs sideways, and thumbs down). Participants indicated that they were more successful at using the responsibility concepts in the program than they were outside the program. Furthermore, using narrative data collected in 1997 and 1998, Hellison and Wright (2003) concluded that many students received strong developmental mentoring through the program and had a positive connection with their leader. Hellison and Wright were unable to find a definitive link between the taking personal and social responsibility model and retention, but, overall, they believed the interventions had made important contributions in the lives of the youth. Baker and Witt (1996) conducted a study of out-of-school programs that included physical activity programming but did not acknowledge Hellison's (1995) taking personal and social responsibility model. Baker and Witt conducted an evaluation that compared a variety of outcome measures of youth, grades 3 to 6, who attended an after-school program (n = 237) with those who did not attend the program (n = 65). The participating schools had low graduation rates and were in underserved communities. Participants were offered between 7 and 21 activities from which to choose, including physical activity, art, and drama, but focused heavily on academic learning. Youth were considered participants if they attended 1 to 12 (mean = 3.5) activities and nonparticipants if they attended no sessions 14 Between 1999 and 2001, 20 evaluations were collected in which participants = == 12 = sessions = 53% female. Several data sources were gathered from students (i.e., participants and nonparticipants), parents, teachers, and school and program records. Pretests and posttests were utilized to determine changes at school (i.e., attendance, tardiness, grades, and behavior); self-esteem; and behavior at home. Results indicated a positive correlation among attendance and math, science, and reading grades as well as self-esteem. More than half (63%) of the teachers rated the program as somewhat or very effective in creating positive behavior change in the participants. No differences were found in school attendance, language scores, or the Behavior Rating Profile as a result of program attendance. Given the academic focus of the program, grade improvements were more predictable than developmental changes as a result of this intervention. As this program did not include behavior change or self-esteem interventions, it is no surprise that neither the Behavior Rating Profile nor the Culture-Free Self-Esteem Inventory showed significant differences in pretesting and posttesting. This finding suggests that exposure, practice, and repetition in academic as well as nonacademic areas are needed for change to occur. The existing literature in values-based physical activity programming suggests that practicing positive developmental skills and values is important in incorporating them into daily life. Physical activity programs using the taking personal and social responsibility model's levels and teacher strategies have (mean = 0). Eighty-two percent of the participants were Hispanic and 53 % were 15 63 %) after program hours (Debusk & Hellison, 1989; Hellison & Wright, 2003). Conflict in Physical Education Although conflict literature in out-of-school physical activity programming is scarce, researchers of in-school physical education programs have written on the topic. Although there is information detailing classroom management and control techniques used to avoid conflict (O'Sullivan & Dyson, 1994; Perron & Downey, 1997), little information is available on the actual conflict experience or the power struggle that envelops classroom conflict. This section offers a review of the existing literature addressing student-teacher conflict in the school physical education setting. To determine how physical education teachers manage disruptive behavior, Vogler and Bishop (1990) conducted a survey by mail of members in the Central District's American Alliance for Health, Physical Education, Recreation, and Dance. The teachers were asked to respond to a list of 29 behavior management techniques and indicate in which situations these techniques were used (i. e., mildly, moderately, or severe disturbances). Responses were recorded on a 5- point, Likert-type scale. Seventy-six elementary, junior high, and high school teachers returned surveys that were included in the analysis. Results showed that respondents used a variety of strategies to cope with disturbances in their classrooms but that most reactions connoted brief student-teacher interactions. More engaging strategies such as modeling, role-playing, or having students witnessed positive improvements in participants' responsibility levels during and 2003) .. 16 e. , More engaging strategies such as modeling, role-playing, or having students disruptions. Scientific observation that focused on disruptive behavior may have given insight into which strategies were more effective and could have added greatly to the study. study of teachers' actions during conflict that included observation. Eighteen offered. addressed the student on a continuum of consequences, ranging from a warning to a harsh penalty. Often, the teacher's initial comment did not have the intended effect of ending the conflict and a phase of open conflict ensued. If students establish their own consequences were not as widely used. A limitation to the Vogler and Bishop (1990) study was that they relied solely on teacher recall and general impressions about how teachers handled 17 Flavier, Bertone, Hauw, and Durand (2002) undertook a more in-depth physical education teachers from six schools volunteered to participate in the study. Study sites were secondary schools in low-income neighborhoods in France. One hundred thirty-eight lessons were observed over 3 school years, resulting in 220 hours of data. In addition, lengthy interviews were held with teachers and shorter interviews were held with students involved in conflict incidents. Each conflict was considered a course of action and was analyzed using course-of-action theory. This theory includes details of the teachers' focus during the conflict, elements that are representative or signs of the teachers' actions, and what knowledge the teachers used in their actions. Each course of action was analyzed separately, and typical scenarios were offered. Flavier et al. (2002) found that conflicts were initiated by the teacher who gave an escalating consequence. For teachers, the end of conflict was indicated by the students' submission. Conflict rarely ended with a student refusing to submit to a teacher's consequence. Teachers were torn about dealing with troubled students while supervising their class. Their goals were to quickly return to teaching, fearing that leaving the class unsupervised would result in a greater loss of control. The teachers also expressed concern about loss of activity and teaching time. In their haste, teachers did not engage students in a conversation about the incident. Any chance for discussion or negotiation was lost to teacher authoritarianism. Rather than focusing on ways to eliminate student-teacher conflict, the researchers suggested that these incidents could be used as a growth and development resource for students and teachers. Training teachers to successfully navigate conflict could include guiding youth toward empowerment opportunities. One important aspect of beginning to navigate conflict is to understand a student's point of view. Understanding students was also imperative to Cothran and Ennis (1997). They noted that teachers are no longer the unquestioned authority in the classroom but have come to negotiate the setting with their students. The aspect of negotiation led Cothran and Ennis to suggest that students and teachers share power in the classroom. They collected students' and teachers' perceptions of conflict and observed how both used their power. 18 believed the initial address was unfair, they reacted negatively and then teachers successfully school students from 3 schools in a large urban district (Cothran & Ennis, 1997). Teachers were considered experienced, with 18 to 29 years of teaching, and were recommended as "strong" teachers by school administrators. The high school students were members of one of the teacher-participant's classes (Cothran & Ennis). Observations and interviews with students and teachers were collected over a 15-week period. Results indicated that students and teachers had different educational and social goals. Although students initially believed they had no power in the classroom, they did have informal power as demonstrated through their actions. Students' power manifested as compliance or noncompliance to teachers' demands or requirements. Most of the strategies were passive-aggressive. These strategies included using personal power to unite students against the teacher, causing disruptions, or using slowdown tactics to keep teachers from teaching planned lessons. Students continued this filibuster of activity until the teacher had no choice but to concede. In contrast, students who were in agreement with a teacher might reward that teacher by quickly complying with the teacher's requests (Cothran & Ennis, 1997). Teachers responded to these strategies and created lesson plans that centered on what they believed the students would do. In addition, the teachers believed they had less authority than in years past because of changes in student demographics and the loss of support from supervising administrators. Teachers 19 Participants in the study included 4 physical education teachers and 51 high IS-different discipline problems but kept order or dealt with problems on their own were considered better teachers (Cothran & Ennis, 1997). In the Cothran and Ennis (1997) study, veteran teachers were good at maintaining order but used dated frameworks that valued control over learning. The 4 teachers valued the traditional physical education model based in a middle-class, Euro-American, heterosexual, male culture (Fernandez-Balboa, 1993). Cothran and Ennis suggested creating an environment that is more culturally sensitive and considers students' values. Including student input may make it possible to create a curriculum that decreases issues of power and control in the classroom and provides relevant and engaging learning opportunities in physical education as well as in physical activity environments. Justification for Qualitative Research The existence of the informal power of youth in the classroom has emerged in the literature (Cothran & Ennis, 1997; Flavier et al., 2002); yet, little is known about their experience. Researchers have suggested that student input would be valuable in creating a curriculum suited to a student's culture and needs (Cothran & Ennis, 1997, 1998; Flavier et al.). Baker and Witt (1996) suggested collecting qualitative data to evaluate out-of-school programs. Values-based physical activity programs, which work to empower youth, should attempt to incorporate the beliefs and voices of youth as part of its paradigm. In addition, out-of-school, values-based programs may be better suited to incorporate student input into the tended to avoid conflict because those who did not bother administrators with franleworks middle­class, 20 aI., a1.). values­based curriculum. Although qualitative research is relatively new to the field of education, it qualitative anthropological studies were conducted among poor populations in Europe and the United States. The qualitative paradigm has also been utilized worldwide by social scientists studying indigenous cultures. Education researchers who believed that the quantitative approach gave the researcher too much influence over the research and wanted to incorporate more of the participants' perspective in their work adopted the qualitative paradigm in the late 1960s (Creswell, 2002) and have continued to expand the library of qualitative literature. Qualitative work is valuable when a topic is new, when a topic has few existing theories, and when a researcher wants to work in concert with participants to give voice to their experiences (Creswell, 2002). Qualitative work is helpful in capturing meaning and in studying issues in-depth and in detail (Patton, 2002). Qualitative work also allows the researcher to see natural events from the perspective of those being studied (Riemen, 1998). Qualitative work, especially the use of interviews, is a way to learn more about the experiences of rarely surveyed and underserved populations (Eyler et al., 1998; Nies, Vollman, & Cook, 1999). The open-ended aspect of the questioning allows for more detailed feedback from participants and is often a way for researchers to discover unforeseen issues (Madriz, 2001). 21 curriculum. has a deep tradition of use in other disciplines. Beginning in the late 1800s, aI., phenomenological research design and analysis were used in conducting the current study. The goal of this design was to explore how people experience their lives, how they interpret their experiences, and how a worldview is created from these experiences (Marshall & Rossman, 1999; Patton, 2002). 22 A number of research designs are contained within the qualitative field. A Sport Program also approved the collection of data during program hours. All consent or assent forms agreeing to participate (see the Appendix). This chapter describes the participants, paradigms guiding the research, research design, sources of data, data management, and trustworthiness and rigor of the study. Participants Participants for this study were recruited from a nationally affiliated summer physical activity program in an urban area. The program served elementary school, middle school, and high school youth (ages 10 to 16) from local schools. The program enrolled approximately 500 youth. Ninety percent of these youth came from families whose income brackets were at or below the poverty guidelines set by the Department of Health and Human Services. The youth were bussed from free program lunch sites to a local university to take part in four, 50-minute, physical-activity-and-health-based classes 5 times a week (Monday through Friday). Youth were grouped into similar age categories the 1st CHAPTER 3 METHOD Prior to collecting data for this study, approval was received from the University of Utah Institutional Review Board. The director of the National Youth involved instructors, leaders, participants, and the participants' parents signed affiliated emolled based while attending the program. All early adolescent youth (ages 10 to 15) were invited to participate in the study. A 5-minute presentation was given to eligible groups about the project. Approximately 120 consent and assent forms were given to eligible youth who were interested in participating. A sport drink and energy bar were offered to youth who returned all the required forms. Youth who returned the forms but indicated they did not want to participate were also offered the incentive. Twenty youth returned the permission forms, indicating they wanted to participate in the study. Group leaders and instructors (i.e., teachers) were also offered the opportunity to participate, and they were asked to sign consent forms if they were willing to be observed. Classes with consenting youth and teachers were randomly selected for observation. Two to four classrooms were observed daily. Data were collected over a 2%-week period. Criterion sampling was used to determine who would participate in the study. If consenting youth had a conflict with a teacher during an observed class period, they met the criteria for being in the study. Cothran (2001) described conflict as a difference of perspective on an issue by two or more parties. Conflict has also been defined as an "explicit manifestation of divergent interests or points of view, as well as disturbance of the usual classroom dynamic" (Flavier et al., 2002, p. 21) and as "the process which begins when one party perceives that the other has frustrated, or is about to frustrate, some concern of his [or her]" day and escorted by a group leader from class to class throughout the afternoon 24 indicated they did not want to participate were also offered the incentive. Twenty youth returned the permission forms, indicating they wanted to participate in the study. Group leaders and instructors (i.e., teachers) were also offered the willing to be observed. Classes with consenting youth and teachers were randomly collected over a 21/2-week period. conflict as a difference of perspective on an issue by two or more parties. Conflict has also been defined as an "explicit manifestation of divergent interests or points of view, as well as disturbance of the usual classroom dynamic" (Flavier et al., 2002, p. 21) and as "the process which begins when one party perceives that the other has frustrated, or is about to frustrate, some concern of his [ or her]" classroom conflict as "malbehavior" (p. 91) that can be verbal or physical in nature and can be instigated by the student towards a teacher, another student, equipment, rules, or a learning situation. Skilled teachers are experts at curbing these types of undesirable behaviors by using strategies such as proximity control, "with-it-ness," and selective ignoring to prevent or redirect unwanted behavior (Graham, 1992). These strategies allow the teacher to check the behavior without interrupting the flow of the lesson. However, some behaviors require more attention and divert the teacher's concentration from delivering the lesson. During these times, the teacher must stop teaching and deal directly with the youth. For the purpose of this study, conflict was defined as a verbal dispute or physical altercation between youth and the teacher that required the teacher to divert from delivering the lesson as planned so as to focus solely on the youth involved in the disruption. Of the 20 eligible youth, 6 were involved in conflict with their group leader or instructor during an observed class period and, thus, became participants in the study. Of the 6 youth, 5 were male and 1 was female. Although all early adolescents (ages 10 to 15) attending the program were invited to participate, all youth who met all criteria to participate were between the ages of 12 and 14. Some participants were involved in multiple observed conflicts and were interviewed more than once. On a short questionnaire, the participants were asked to self-identify which race or ethnic group they belonged to in their own words. Fourteen (Jamieson & Thomas, 1974, p. 322). Kennedy (1982) referred to in-school 25 self­identify use paradigms to guide their research. Generally, researchers choose a paradigm that matches their personal philosophy and is closely tied to their view of the world. Paradigms consist of philosophical assumptions involving ontological, epistemological, axiological, and methodological points of reference. These paradigms relate to the researchers' view of reality, their relationship to what is being studied, how their values may bias the study, and how they conduct the actual research (Creswell, 1998). Paradigms are not only an important tool used to guide researchers through their work but are also valuable to readers trying to understand or duplicate a study. The current study was guided by a constructivist paradigm. The constructivist components relevant to this setting have a relativist ontology, subjective epistemology, reflexive axiology, and naturalistic and hermeneutic methodology. Relativists expect multiple realities to exist among the participants of a study; that is, defining a reality is dependent on the life experience and maturity of the participant (Schwandt, 1994; Segal, 1986). These realities are not given as absolute knowledge but created as a collaboration by the participant and researcher (Legard, Keegan, & Ward, 2003). Relativists also allow for alternative realities, 26 interviews were conducted with the 6 participants so as to reach data saturation on the research questions. Data saturation occurs when the interview questions do not stimulate new themes or ideas from the participants (Patton, 2002). Paradigms Guiding the Research All researchers, whether engaging in qualitative or quantitative methods, 1997). For the current study, I expected that teachers, youth, participants, and I may have different views of the witnessed conflicts. During the interviews and analysis, the participants' views were accepted as their realities. Even if the "truth" of the phenomenon was discovered to be somewhere in the middle of all possible views, the fact that the youths' perspectives were realities to them was critical to the study. It was the youths' views and feelings about the situation that were most important to this study. The current study used a subjective epistemology, which holds that conclusions need to be made in collaboration with the participants as coresearchers (Denzin & Lincoln, 1994). Schultz (1964) saw subjectivism as an essential aspect in keeping true to the reality of a phenomenon; without subjectivism, it was feared that the researcher may create an incorrect translation. The current study relied on the participants as coresearchers and actively sought their input through individual interviews and focus group meetings. The term reflexivity has multiple meanings. Altheide and Johnson (1994) defined reflexivity as the impossible separation between the researcher and the "setting, context, and culture he or she is trying to understand and represent" (p. 486). The axiology of the current study was reflexive; that is, a deep entrenchment was acknowledged on the topic, but by acknowledging the "researcher as instrument" (as detailed in the Research Design section), this reflexivity is well documented and considered (Pidgeon & Henwood, 1997). 27 with different versions being combined to enhance knowledge on a topic (Stratton, natural world, and the influence of hermeneutics means that cultural context is considered (Denzin & Lincoln, 1994; Patton, 2002). Classes were observed that ran independent of the study; I did not participate in lessons. In this way, I had a minimal influence on the natural setting of the classroom. Power dynamics and cultural sensitivities were also considered while working in the field; the power relationship between the youth and myself as well as the power relationship involved in the youth-teacher dynamic were considered. The constructivist paradigm allows the researcher to take less of a power role and to give equal consideration to all sides. Lincoln (1991) termed the researcher the "passionate participant" (p. 115) in this role. Constructivists accept the importance of defending the validity of their work and use Lincoln and Guba's (1986) trustworthy and rigor criteria. The criteria are analogs to the positivist's and postpositivist's requirements of internal and external validity, reliability, and objectivity (see Table 1). Validity means that a test actually measures what it intends to measure and is not susceptible to the personal influence of the researcher (Auerbach & Silverstein, 2003). In quantitative inquiry, threats to internal validity are concerned with participant or procedural variables that may compromise the researcher's ability to draw valid conclusions from the data (Creswell, 2002). Journaling, bracketing, and having regular meetings with the committee chair and peer research groups were ways in which interval validity was checked. Generalizing results of a study to other research is the main concern 28 A naturalistic methodology assumes that the study will take place in the Quantitative paradigm Qualitative paradigm Internal validity « Credibility External validity « Transferability Reliability » Dependability Objectivity « Confirmability of external validity. Providing detailed information about components of the study such as the participants, setting, and researcher allow the reader to determine aspects of generalizability for themselves (Patton, 2002). In qualitative research, if a test is consistent in its results, it is said to have good reliability (Auerbach & Silverstein; Gay & Airasian, 2003), and objectivity is concerned with the degree of neutrality maintained by the researcher (Patton). Reliability and objectivity are checked in qualitative work through dependability and confirmability. Dependability is reached by using a systematic process (Patton). For the current study, Moustakas's (1994) modification of Van Kaam's (1959, 1966) phenomenological method of analysis was utilized. Data triangulation helps to check confirmability. Triangulation is a method of viewing a phenomenon from multiple perspectives or using multiple sources to ensure that "the variance reflected is that of the trait or treatment and not that associated with the measures" (Huberman & Miles, 1994, p. 438). The present study used field notes, participant interviews, and an outside evaluator to check confirmability. Table 1 Parallel Criteria for Qualitative Paradigm 29 confirmability. Moustakas' s Kaam' s confirmability. researchers are not permitted to move between or mix and match paradigms. However, perspectives are more flexible and may influence or be present in multiple paradigm structures. Perspectives are ideologies or beliefs that have political or social intent (Denzin & Lincoln, 1994). For example, a researcher may choose to use a cultural studies perspective that exams how people live as a result of embedded, historical structures within a critical-Marxist, constructionist, or postpositivist paradigm (Denzin & Lincoln). Social constructivist and critical theory perspectives influenced the current study. Social constructivists believe that humans create their own reality. Reality is not absolute, like a physical object, but is created by participants and the researcher using cultural and linguistic constructs (Patton, 2002). Because reality is created, multiple realities may exist within a singular phenomenon. Combining these multiple perspectives into a worldview is the goal of the constructivist researcher. The social constructivist's viewpoint lends itself to using a social justice framework. This viewpoint recognizes the unfair power balance in the teacher-youth relationship and allows a disenfranchised group, the youth, to share their view of the phenomenon and to give suggestions about how to improve it (Weiss & Greene, 1992). Power is a major factor in most human relationships, with critical theorists intending to upset the power balance by giving more power to the powerless. Critical theorists critique society and intend to raise awareness about a research 30 Paradigms are considered solid and inflexible in their definitions; world view updates for a deeply entrenched social institution (i.e., the structure of physical activity programs) by examining social interaction. This theory also examines problems that come from dominance by one group (i.e., teachers) over a less powerful one (i.e., youth) and suggests alternative actions. This active component is a significant piece of critical theory (Denzin & Lincoln, 1994). Even if the researcher is merely suggesting a new theory and not taking physical action, this move towards betterment through change is essential to the research having a positive impact on society (Patton). Finding out more about teacher-youth conflict may eventually lead to work that improves the experience for those involved. Research Design This study utilized a phenomenological research design. The goal of this design was to explore (a) how the participants being studied experience a specific situation, relationship, emotion, or construct; (b) how the participants interpret their experiences; and (c) how a worldview is created from these experiences (Denzin & Lincoln, 1994; Marshall & Rossman, 1999; Patton, 2002). Phenomenology examines everyday happenings and is used to gain a greater understanding of ordinary events (Van Manen, 1990). Phenomenology also embraces the subjective experience and seeks the understanding of phenomena through in-depth interviews with those who have lived the experience being studied (Patton). A phenomenological analysis seeks duplication in the data and uses this commonality to draw out the worldview or essence of an experience. The essence 31 topic (Patton, 2002). A critical theory ideological perspective considers needed the entire group (Patton). The essence also conveys what makes the phenomenon what it is and suggests that without those characteristics the phenomenon would not exist (Van Manen). All researchers have personal influence on their work. Their beliefs, biases, values, and paradigms drive the whole process (Janesick, 1994; Seidman, 1991), and their mere presence affects the participants in the study (Marshall & Rossman, 1999). In qualitative work, the researcher openly acknowledges this influence and identifies himself or herself as a major instrument in the study (Janesick; Marshall & Rossman; Patton, 2002). Therefore, providing relevant information about the researcher and the researcher's relationship to the study and the data is important in establishing credibility (Patton). In the following paragraphs, personal experiences and biases are shared that may have affected the study. I have spent the last 6 years working with youth in school physical education settings and in after-school and summer physical activity programs as a volunteer group leader, paid coordinator, and graduate student in a state university exercise and sport science program. A significant portion of my lesson plans and teaching strategies for these experiences incorporated Hellison's (1995) taking personal and social responsibility model. While involved in this work, I began to suspect that if modeling responsibility could be effective with youth, then modeling ways to navigate conflict could also be effective. In addition, personal experience as a student and teacher led me to agree with Flavier et al. (2002). They suggested 32 defines the experience of all the individual participants as well as the experience of a desire to return the classroom to a controlled environment as quickly as possible. I believe this approach was ineffective, as the same students were witnessed repeating their undesirable behaviors, perhaps as a result of not learning alternative problem-solving skills from the first experience. I also believe that taking the time to teach or model resolution skills could reduce problem incidents but that the teachers in the study would not model these skills. Self-reflective memos and journals were kept for the duration of the project. analysis, I began writing down feelings and suspicions on a topic. This process points" in the data, and to link ideas and help unify this enormous undertaking. discussed with the thesis committee chair and members of the peer research team. suggesting additional resources for study. Sources of Data Different data collection methods produce different types of data. For instance, recording information in the form of field notes as an observer allows the researcher to view a phenomenon as it occurs naturally rather than relying on a 33 that conflict resolution is compromised because of teachers' concerns for time and They were used as a tool to examine personal biases and opinions. During helped me to acknowledge that a bias may be at work and that evidence to refute the bias should be actively sought. Free writing was also utilized to sort out thoughts on difficult topics, to think through multiple points of view and "sticking When I struggled with topics in the memos and journals, they were These outsiders were extremely helpful in offering alternative points of view and contrived setting in which questions, participants, and atmosphere are controlled to enhance learning about the research topic (Morgan, 1998). Individual and focus group interviews produce different types of data from each other. Individual interviews allow the participant to give a personal, uninterrupted view of a topic. Focus groups allow the participants to build on each other's ideas and concepts but limit the time each individual has to speak (Morgan, 1997). Focus groups have often been used as instruments to collect initial data on little known topics. Researchers have found focus groups to be particularly helpful when working with understudied populations (Eyler et al., 1998; Nies et al., 1999). In addition to individual participant and focus group interviews, field notes were taken during the course of the study so as to compare what participants reported with what I observed. These field notes were also a way to record the phenomenon of conflict as it happened. Using multiple data sources strengthens the results of a study by allowing the researcher multiple looks at the same phenomenon (Patton, 2002). Multiple data sources are also especially beneficial to compare with one another in cases where issues of power are involved (Morgan, 1997). Therefore, data triangulation or comparing multiple data sources was important to the interpretation of the current study. Details about each data source follow. 34 participant's recollection of an event (Morgan, 1997). Interviews produce a more U sing After selecting the class to be observed, I visited the classroom, sat off to the side, and took field notes about what the teachers and eligible (consented and assented) youth did during the course of the lesson. The field notes were grouped in one of two categories: (a) observational or (b) theoretical. Observational notes detailed classroom happenings and included the who, what, when, where, and how of the lesson. These notes consisted of details on class climate, events leading up to or describing youth-teacher conflict, and the conflict itself. While recording observational notes, I also created theoretical notes based on current literature so as to attempt to explain or interpret meaning from the events (Schatzman & Strauss, 1973). Theoretical notes are often interpretations of why something took place rather than merely a description of what happened. Both observational and theoretical notes are intertwined in the field notes section. By watching and taking field notes, I was able to identify participants who qualified for interviews. Field notes were also used to clarify data in cases when the participant and I had different recollections about an interaction and to remind me about actions, conversations, and settings during the conflict experience. Interviews For the purpose of the current study, was defined as a verbal dispute or physical altercation between youth and the teacher that required the teacher to divert from delivering the lesson as planned so as to focus solely on the youth involved in the disruption. If an eligible adolescent was involved in a conflict 35 Field Notes conflict with his or her teacher during an observation period, that adolescent was invited to 36 with his or her teacher during an observation period, that adolescent was invited to participate in an individual interview following his or her class period. Prior to beginning the official interview, participants were reminded that it was a voluntary interview. It was common for me and the participants to walk to an interview area. At this time, the participants were reminded about the purpose of the research project and the interview. The participants were also reminded that they had previously agreed to participate and confirmed that they would still like to participate. I initiated a casual conversation in an attempt to put the participants at ease (Seidman, 1991). The relationship between an interviewer and a participant can be riddled with issues such as power, race, class, age, gender, and position. During the course of the current study, all of these issues had potential to influence the interview data. Being aware of the issues helped me to address them. Being genuine, displaying interest and trust, using good manners, and respecting the youth were tactics used to encourage the participants to be honest as well as to bridge the power gap (Seidman). A general interview guide was used to collect the data (Patton, 2002). The guide consisted of several questions and topics to be discussed as well as prompts that helped keep the conversation on track. This type of guide allows the researcher to use flexibility in the wording and order of the questions and to use a conversational tone with the participant. In keeping with the constructivist paradigm, open-ended questions were used so that participants could elaborate on the event and put the situation in their own words (Patton). 37 Initial questions were generated by me and reviewed by the thesis committee chair, peer research group, and an outside instructor with extensive experience in qualitative research. Selected questions were intended to elicit responses about experiences or behaviors, feelings, and opinions or values (Patton, 2002). The questions were piloted with three individuals in a middle school classroom. Following the pilot experience, slight changes were made to the vocabulary and prompts were added to better address the research questions. The final interview guide included the following questions and prompts: 1. Tell me what happened with you and your teacher today (experience and behavior). Prompts: a. What happened when you did X? b. What happened when you and your teacher were talking after X? c. What did the teacher say or do? d. What did you say or do? e. What options did you have? f. How did the teacher treat you (with respect, anger, she empowered me)? 2. How do you feel about what happened (feelings)? Prompts: 38 a. How did the teacher's comments make you feel? (When the teacher said X, how did you feel?) b. How do you feel about the outcome? 3. If you were the teacher, what would you have done ( opinions/values)? Prompts: a. What could have been different or better? 4. Is there anything else you would like to tell me about this situation (open to any response type)? These original questions changed slightly during the interview process if it was believed that the essence of the phenomenon could be reached better using a different question or prompt. The interviews were audiotaped for later detailed transcription. The initial themes that emerged from the interviews created more questions and ideas, which were checked through focus groups. Fourteen interviews were conducted so as to achieve data saturation. Data saturation occurs when data themes and ideas repeat themselves, and no new information is obtained by using the interview questions. Focus Groups After data saturation was reached from individual interviews, participants were asked to voluntarily take part in focus groups. Focus groups were an element of member checking and had the primary purpose of testing themes and ideas that had emerged during data collection. The focus groups were a way to get more Participants acted as coresearchers during this time and contributed clarity on topics such as choices given to youth by teachers, the meaning of being treated with respect, and their emotional state during the conflicts. Other themes and data meanings also emerged from the individual interviews. Two focus groups were held. Although these groups were smaller in size suggested that limits should not be set on group size; rather, the researcher should been previously interviewed about their conflicts. Five of the 8 previously "interviewed previously because they had not been involved in a conflict during an checking. I asked the nonconflict group about conflict they had observed during the programs. The goal was to determine if other resolution methods had occurred and to document feelings of youth who observed conflicts. In addition to discussing the phenomenon, these focus groups were treated as a positive growth experience for the adolescents. I treated the meeting like a business meeting and encouraged the youth to act professionally. The group 39 information on emerging topics and to check the direction of preliminary analysis. core searchers than originally intended, they were still valuable data sources. Morgan (1997) focus on group interaction. One of the groups consisted of participants who had interviewed youth attended this meeting. The second group was a "nonconflict" group. The nonconflict group consisted of 4 youth who had consented to be in the study but who had not yet been interviewed. These participants were not observed class. The nonconflict group was conducted as another method of data summer program as well as past observed or experienced conflicts in other briefly about proper meeting etiquette (e.g., how not to interrupt each other, what to do about the last pizza slice, and how to be a good listener). After the focus book, Still More Activities That Teach. The activity is an active learning experience intended to teach youth about conflict resolution and problem solving. offers two accounts of the same moment in time from two witnesses and is middle. The story and the boardroom experiences were included so as to treat the Focus groups were both videotaped and audiotaped and later transcribed. Participants were given the option not to be taped, but all agreed to allow the video also helped to record the mood of the meeting. handwritten notes to computer software. The names of all participants were 40 interviews were held in an office boardroom, snacks were served, and I spoke group interview ended, I presented the groups with a story, On the Road (Jackson, 2000). This story is part of an activity called "Here's What I Saw" from Jackson's On the Road accompanied by questions that help readers process who gives the correct account. The activity was selected because it demonstrates the value of getting all perspectives about a phenomenon while realizing the "truth" is somewhere in the participants to an entertaining time and to broaden their minds with a developmental experience. recording. Videotaping the session helped to identify which participant was responsible for comments that were indiscernible through audiotape only, and it Data Management I transcribed both the audiotape and videotape recordings and the · , anonymity. Data were analyzed by hand; no computer programs were used for analysis. Trustworthiness and Rigor Judging the quality and soundness of research is important when using both qualitative and quantitative methods. If research is credible, it can become the basis of future studies, theories, or philosophies. Although many believe that to eliminate subjectivity and context from any work is impossible, creating an evaluation system that checks them is essential in ensuring consistency among scientific work (Auerbach & Silverstein, 2003). Quantitative studies strive toward objectivity and universality, which can be mathematically "proven" using statistical concepts (Auerbach & Silverstein). In quantitative research, these concepts are termed internal validity, external validity, reliability, and objectivity. These terms are well known and denote criteria of rigor. Because the nature of qualitative work shies away from statistical use and replaces numerical data with words and stories, Lincoln and Guba (1986) created new terminology to be used for qualitative studies that suggest parallel criteria. When comparing the two, it is important to remember that these terms should not be considered as equals but rather as analogs. Using analogs, rigor is known as trustworthiness, internal validity as credibility, external validity as transferability, reliability as dependability, and objectivity as confirmability (see Table 1). changed, and identifying aspects of youth and teachers were removed to protect 41 is not susceptible to the personal influence of the researcher (Auerbach & Silverstein, 2003). In quantitative inquiry, threats to internal validity are concerned with participant or procedural variables that may compromise the researcher's ability to draw valid conclusions from the data (Creswell, 2002). In the current study, quantitative inquiry was checked by credibility that consisted of prolonged and intensive contact with participants, persistent observation of the phenomenon, data triangulation, meetings with peer research teams and committee members, actively seeking negative cases of the phenomenon, and member checks with participants (Lincoln & Guba, 1986). Generalizing the results of a study to other research is the main concern of external validity. In qualitative inquiry, details are given about the participants, settings, and study so that the reader may decide how transferable the research is to other studies (Lincoln & Guba). If a test is consistent in its results, it is said to have good reliability (Auerbach & Silverstein; Gay & Airasian, 2003), and objectivity is concerned with the degree of neutrality maintained by the researcher (Patton, 2002). Reliability and objectivity are checked in qualitative work through dependability and confirmability. In the current study, reliability and objectivity were tracked through the creation of a self-reflective journal, an audit trail, and a data audit by an outside evaluator. 42 Validity means that a test actually measures what it intends to measure and self-concludes with the essence of the phenomenon. I tried to convey my deep interest in their lives and what they had to say. At the the conflict or that actions during the conflict were approved or disapproved. I was also careful to collect the participants' accounts of the conflict without judging or interjecting a point of view. which the incident occurred. Interviews were usually conducted in my office but sometimes in a private hallway or, if the class was outside, in a private spot CHAPTER 4 RESULTS This chapter details data analysis, including a discussion of an outside evaluator, data triangulation, an audit trail, and ethical considerations. The chapter Data Analysis Participants Six youth between the ages of 12 and 14 participated in individual interviews. Five youth were male and 1 was female. These 6 youth also participated in a focus group meeting. Over the course of the initial conversation and the interviews, participants were encouraged to speak. Through my responses, same time, I was careful not to let the youth believe that sides had been chosen in All but 1 of the interviews was conducted immediately after the class in see or hear the interview, allowing the participant to freely disclose information. The 1 participant who was not interviewed immediately after the conflict chose to participate in a class activity. This participant was interviewed approximately 30 minutes after the class period in which the conflict had occurred. addition to the 6 youth who were interviewed about classroom conflict, 3 other youth (1 male and 2 females) participated in a nonconflict focus group. Participants self-reported that their race or ethnic group was Hispanic (n - 4), White (n = 2), Mexican (n = 1), and Polynesian/White (n = 1). The participants were asked to name the language spoken most at home; 3 wrote Spanish, 2 wrote English, 2 wrote Spanish and English, and 1 wrote English and Samoan. Phenomenological Analysis (c) clustering and thematizing the invariant constituents, (d) final identification of the invariant constituents and themes by application, (e) creating an individual textural description, (f) constructing an individual structural description, (g) constructing a textural-structural description for each participant, and (h) writing the composite description: the essence of the phenomenon (Moustakas). 44 nearby. Measures were taken to ensure that other classmates or teachers did not In = = = = Moustakas's (1994) modification of Van Kaam's (1959, 1966) method of phenomenological analysis was used to analyze the data. The analysis consisted of eight steps: (a) listing and preliminary grouping, (b) reduction and elimination, The individual interviews were reviewed and expressions not relevant to the experience were actively sought. These irrelevant expressions such as "Can I get a different snack?" (Bob 1) were deleted from the dataset. Reduction and Elimination Each remaining relevant expression was examined again. The experience was eliminated if it was not vital to understanding the experience or if it could not be abstracted and labeled. An example of an expression that was eliminated is a quote used for clarification of an interview question: "If I was the teacher?" (Randy). Unclear and repetitive statements were clarified or deleted. The remaining expressions were considered invariant constituents and were essential to understanding the experience. Clustering and Thematizing the Invariant Constituents Each invariant constituent was printed separately on a piece of paper and reviewed by itself. All invariant constituents were spread out on a large floor for viewing and then grouped together based on similarities. The similar invariant constituents were then studied for emerging themes (see the following sections). Themes were checked against the participants' interviews to ensure they were common to the experiences of all participants. If the themes were common, they were considered core themes. If the themes were not common to all participants, they were put aside to be used later. These uncommon themes were reviewed later 45 Listing and Preliminary Grouping The common, grouped invariant constituents became the core themes of the experience. The core themes emerged, in part, because of the research questions that guided this study and because of the way the interview questions were crafted to answer the research questions. The questions were meant to convey the experience of the youth and to tell the story of what happened to them during the conflict period. In addition, the questions attempted to capture youths' feelings about the negotiation and to give them a voice in how they would have preferred the interaction to play out. The following section describes the core themes and gives examples from the data (i.e., quotes from the youths' interviews) to help illustrate those themes. These six core themes consisted of (a) teacher initiation, (b) youth response, (c) teacher follow-up, (d) youth description of own involvement during phenomenon, (e) youths' feelings about the phenomenon, and (f) opinions or values of the youth. Teacher initiation. Teacher initiation signified the beginning of the conflict experience and was usually a short command given by the teacher. As defined for the current study, conflict was initiated when the teacher diverted his or her attention from delivering the lesson plan to focus solely on an individual involved in the disruption. Following are quotes from the youth describing what their teacher said to them to let them know that their behavior was undesirable, thereby initiating the conflict experience: "Roll up your pants all the way" (Amanda). "Do 46 as I actively sought negative examples to check the core themes against. t) Core Themes 1)? Youth response. The youths' reaction to the teacher's initial comment was to react either negatively or positively. The youth chose to comply immediately with the teacher's request or attempted to engage the teacher in a conversation about the request. "I said 'okay'" (Bob 1). "I just listen to what they say" (Amanda). "I said, 'why'" (Junior 1; met by another command from the teacher). Teacher follow-up. The teacher's response was dependent on the youth's quickly returned to teaching the lesson. When the youth was noncompliant, another command often included a threat for the youth either to comply or be excluded finished serving and we split into groups" (Mario DiVinci; returned to teaching). Response to noncompliant youth. "She's all, like, if you don't open your legs, that's the last time you come [here]" (Ben 1). "She said if you don't behave, youth admitted that they were not following the teacher's instructions at the time of their conflict. They realized that their actions initiated the conflict. "I was looking you want to go sit down or throw the ball right" (Bob I)? "Can you look this way" (Randy)? "He told me to go put the hat down" (Junior 1). 47 reaction. If the youth was compliant and followed the first command, the teacher command followed in which the consequences were escalated. The escalating from the activity. Examples of teacher follow-up responses are described in the following sections. Response to compliant youth. "She kind of laughed . . . and then we you can sit down" (Bob 1). Youths' description of own involvement during phenomenon. Most of the I phenomenon varied widely. When describing how they felt during and about the conflict, most youths felt embarrassed, mad, or bad about the interaction. However, others felt useful, although they contributed to the greater good by serving as an example to other students or that they were funny and somehow provided much-needed entertainment. Still, some were fearful that the conflict would escalate and higher powers would be involved. Examples of these feelings are described in the following sections. . . . . . . 1)? sometimes. . . . it wasn't all that embarrassing. I'm pretty used to it. . . . Usually, everybody thinks I'm funny. . . . It causes a big distraction" (Mario DiVinci). the wrong way" (Randy). "1 was messing around, talking a lot, and kept on moving" (Bob 3). Youths' feelings about the phenomenon. Youths' feelings about the 48 Embarrassed, mad, or bad. "I felt, like, pretty much, like, talking back or getting mad or angry, but I just did what he told me to do" (Junior 2). "Like, I was not doing something right. ... Kind of, like, embarrassed" (Amanda). "Not that bad. A little bit, ... you know how people don't like to get forced into doing stuff" (Ben I)? Useful. "Good because, like, since he's been having a lot of classes and, like, people have been, like, bad and stuff, he gets mad and he has to yell sometimes .... Like, before, like, people were already, like, being bad and it could probably make them, like, get their attention or something" (Ben 2). "Well, ... funny .... trouble. . . . if she was going to call my grandma or something" (Mario DiVinci). "I actually have to do everything she [the teacher] says, . . . because if they call my mom, I'd get in trouble though. I don't want to get in trouble" (Ben 1). "Scared. . . . He'd get really, really mad. Like, write one of those things up, . . . [then] I think you get suspended or something. . . . You wouldn't be able to come to [the] NYSP [National Youth Sport Program]" (Bob 3). Opinions or values of the youth. In an attempt to give youth a voice in finding better ways to deal with teacher-youth conflict, they were asked how to improve the situation or what they would do if they were the teacher. The youth suggested changes for their own and for their teachers' behaviors. These youth blamed themselves for the conflict and suggested ways to avoid it all together or suggested ways for the teacher to use class time more efficiently. Another youth complained that the teacher did not follow the correct protocols for warnings and suggested how it could be done more fairly. One youth suggested that he wanted to be able to choose his participation level and not be penalized for sitting out. Another youth wanted the teacher to find out more about what was going on in a classroom before blindly punishing all class members. In the following paragraphs are examples from the data. The last two examples demonstrate the youths' interest in having more voice and input in their classrooms. Behavior changes and self-blame. "If I wasn't so hyper. . . . I just made [the situation] worse" (Bob 1). "Yeah, I could've been better" (Mario DiVinci). "I 49 Fearful of outsider involvement. "I don't ever get in big trouble .... Like, ... Scared .... ... something .... ... . . . [because going to him] wastes more time" (Randy)? does it again, like messes with it, I would've told him to put it away" (Junior 1). Options to participate. "Like, I'd probably ask them, like, what they want to play or if they don't want to play to sit out or something. Or not talk at all but, like, sit down and not bother other people or the ones that are playing that" (Ben Each invariant constituent and its core theme were listed and compared with youth did not recall what the teacher did during follow-up, but field notes indicated that the teacher returned to teaching as quickly as possible, as described in the The instructor begins instruction and stops to direct attention to the students. The 50 wouldn't go to him, but I would just say, 'Would you please look this way?' .. Following protocols. "I would've first warned him about the hat, and if he 1). Find out more information. "Well, first he should've just, like, asked the people that were sitting out, like, asked them, 'Are you guys out?' Then all they'd have to say is just 'Yes.' And then just continue with the game instead of, like, okay, stop the game and you people go with me and go running [laps]" (Junior 2). Final Identification of the Invariant Constituents and Themes by Application the transcript of the participant associated with the invariant constituent to determine if it was clear and still held its original meaning. In cases where interview data did not address a theme, field notes were checked. In many cases, following example: Class starts and the class is seated in front of the instructor. brings a bag of chips to the trash can and stuffs a handful in his mouth before throwing it out. The instructor talks to the group leader in private for a minute while the class waits. The student returns. The instructor lines up the class into groups, reviews the groups, and then attention moves. Creating an Individual Textural Description A textural description was written for each participant using the final invariant constituents and themes. The goal of this step was to create a texture for each experience. Descriptive words that enlisted elements of the five senses were utilized. During this step, parts of the experience may have been described as heavy, salty, slick, shaky, light, sour, or bitter. Although the thesis chair and peer group committee members reviewed all major analysis steps, I requested special chair. The committee chair and members reviewed the descriptions and provided description section: "The initial contact is quick, a flash, one command from the teacher." "[Bob 1] is empty, even hungry for attention." "Bob 3 feel[s] small, 'shy or something like that. . . .'" "He is pushing his teacher and pulling back at times." "The teacher is open, loose." instructor says, "You are eating. Do we have to stop and wait?" The student 51 attention be given to this section by peer group committee members and the thesis helpful, positive feedback. The following examples are from the individual textural ... '" A structural description was created for each participant using the individual textural description and imaginative variation. The goal of imaginative variation is to consider possibilities of how a situation may have come about. It asks "why" a phenomenon occurs. In this step, the researcher considers the participants' (youth's and teacher's) background, training, or feelings so as to imagine the phenomenon from every angle. Heavy journaling on topics was used to consider these possibilities. After getting to know Ben and considering his situation, I wrote: Ben is powerless in many parts of his life. He feels it at home and at school. He has a great fear of authority, and he really hates being forced into doing things . . . [at first]. Ben physically resists, stating his independence, . . . [then] he complies quickly, realizing that if he gets kicked out, he will be in a lot of trouble at home. Constructing a Textural-Strucrural Description for Each Participant The textural and structural descriptions for each participant were integrated to create a textural-structural description. During this step, the texture and feel of the situation (the what) were combined with imaginative variation or possible explanations as to why the situation occurred. This description incorporated the meaning and essence of the experience for each participant so as to create an overall emotional and physical account. Each description was also checked and modified to include invariant constituents and themes such as for Mario and Randy. 52 Constructing an Individual Structural Description ... ... Structural The teacher is "light" as she turns and gives her command to Mario: "If you can't say something nice, don't say nothing at all." Mario is a joker, looking for attention as the class clown. His comments are light and friendly and are meant to get a laugh out of his classmates and his teachers. Randy Randy feels embarrassed by the interaction, kind of "silly" or goofy for being caught not paying attention. He is also concerned with moving the attention away from himself and getting the class back on track as quickly as possible. He is concerned about wasting class time. Randy has likely witnessed his teacher's attempts to move quickly back to the lesson and considers it the right thing to do. He and the teacher do not discuss alternatives. Randy is comfortable in the role of obedient student and is familiar with the conflict routine. Writing the Composite Description: The Essence of the Phenomenon After prolonged study of the individual textural-structural descriptions, data analysis began to focus on the essence of the experience for the entire group. During analysis, power emerged as the crucial component of the phenomenon. Power included how individuals or entities had power and also where they lacked power. The youth were also asked a number of interview questions that examined their feelings about the conflict, and the data reflected a variety of emotions. I believed that understanding the youths' feelings would be important to 53 Mario 54 tables were created for power, lack of power, and youths' feelings (see Tables 2, with quotes and examples from the data, demonstrating ways in which youth, description, data, and journal notes were studied and used to create the composite worldview phenomenon. Outside Evaluator invited to serve as the outside evaluator for this project. The evaluator had previously earned a master of science degree in sport psychology and had also taught multiple ages, including early adolescents, in a physical activity setting. The evaluator analyzed the data separately and met with me to discuss emerging core themes of the experience. The evaluator and I negotiated the core themes and terms used for analysis. The evaluator then separately reviewed individual textural, individual structural, individual textural-structural, and group composite analyses. The evaluator and I later met to review each step of the analysis during which I explained the process and product of analysis and answered queries from the S4 understanding the phenomenon. As a way to further view the data while creating the composite description, 3, and 4, respectively). Table 2 (power) and Table 3 (lack of power) were filled teachers, and others either possessed or lacked power. Table 4 (youths' feelings) contains examples from the data, demonstrating good, bad, and other feelings the youth experienced during the conflict. The three tables, textural-structural or world view of the phenomenon, which is reflected in the essence of the Following the eight-step process, a doctoral student in sport psychology was Control over own actions: -Act up for attention (want to be class clown, funny guy) -Act up for revenge -In response to teacher consequences (reply, comply, resist-physically and verbally) -Attempt to liven up a boring lesson -Stop before getting in serious trouble -Passive-aggressive actions (barely complying) -Openly make fun of teacher -Hurt another student Control over words: -To question the teacher -To be heard in interview (to give accurate information or not, to goof off with interviewer) -To hurt the teacher's feelings (Junior 1) -To say nothing Speak freely about conflict in front of third party: -Empowering situation -Make lesson plans --Pick -Make consequences -Physical, -Send Use fear: --Parent/-Program -Participants -Amanda -Ben -Bob -Amanda's LA LA Table 2 Power Youth -Act -Act -In resist-physically -Attempt -Stop -Passive-aggressive -Openly - - - -To - -Empowering Teacher Control class ecology: -Make - Tell kids where to sit, stand -Pick teams - Decide who stays or is kicked out Give youth a voice/choice (play or sit), threaten write-ups Make punishments: -Physical, run laps or exclude (sit out) -Send to a higher power - Threaten a higher power, write up or throw things at students Other things that had power Higher power (fear of) those who can take away privileges that really matter, make life miserable: - Parenti guardian -Program director Peers: -Participants were very concerned with what their classmates said or did or thought. -Amanda wants to stay cool and fashionable. -Ben is mortified when his classmate chimes in on a scolding. -Bob 5 believes he will behave better around more friends because it will be more fun. Inanimate objects: -Amanda's pants (Continued) Other things that had power Create a loophole: -A 2's definition of "close to the wall," and Bob 3 using equipment to harm someone-soccer ball to face)-empowering? Inflate the conflict with words or actions -Can touch kids (roll up pants, position for Create caring environment by building relationships (candy, past experiences with kids, spending fun time with them) End the conflict-feel content with balance of power Have power to engage student (not used teacher's mellow reaction) -When Bob 4' s class is cut in half, he reflects better feelings about his teacher who spends more time engaged in fun activities with him. Being cool (relationships) Being engaged on the appropriate level (Bob 5 having more fun = behaving better) l's Table 2 Youth -A point to argue from (Amanda's pants, Ben someone-soccer face )-empowering? End the conflict: - Feel content with balance of power Teacher Decide where/with whom to spend time activity) Inflate the conflict conflict-successfully [Junior 2]) Get good teacher training (if aware of option) Ignore student behavior or underreact (Bob 4' s Enforce rules unequally (Junior 1 's hats) Class size: - = why.") At home (sometimes) and at program Control over thoughts/mind: -Bob cannot think of anything else to do -even To speak freely in front of teacher Over what happens at home, Teacher has to appeal to higher power. adolescents as written in the composite description. results. Individual interviews, focus group interviews, and field notes were collected as data. Having these multiple sources allowed me to check for accuracy and constancy among data sources (Patton, 2002). Having these multiple sources also 57 Table 3 Lack of Power Youth Teacher Own emotions ("Just sometimes I feel Own emotions embarrassed. I don't even know why. ") punishments that really matter to kids. Own thoughts - Whether to participate or not: -even if fearful of injury Other classmates (but can get in trouble for their deeds) Over class activities/planning evaluator. The evaluator suggested methods for strengthening the analysis. Finally, the evaluator agreed that I had captured the essence of the experience of the early Data Triangulation Data triangulation was also important in the interpretation of the results, Feelings -He was being nice and stuff like that Met goal: -To make teacher and classmates laugh -Help teacher blow off steam Confident with interviewer, goofing off and exaggerating worse. -Many believe "play or sit" is a good option if "It Manipulating consequences to sit out -Of -Worried about the teacher's feelings, so -Of -Of -Sometimes -Nervous No options, no voice, no chance to discuss conflict on even terms Forced into doing something "If I Table 4 Youths' Feelings Good Enjoys the interaction and attention Respected by teacher: - - - Mario, to entertain No big deal (used to it) Okay, happy with relationship, she was being nice, she gave me candy Bad Guilt, admit role, made things worse .... Forced, no choice, no real options Unresolved, not satisfied with outcome, seek revenge, retake power Embarrassed Fearful: -Of injury and home trouble (Ben) -Of being kicked out -Of escalating conflict (Junior 2, "just did what I was told") -Nervous about being noticed by other students (peers) Not listened to (Junior 2's attempt at little talk) Other feelings Have options: -Many other students not bothered Rushed to return to lesson (Randy, Amanda) was okay, it could've been worse, I could've been worse." Empathetic: -Worried dropped the issue. "I didn't say anything." -Sometimes the teacher has to yell (Ben 2). 1 have more fun, I'll behave" (Bob 5). {Other feelings Be an example so others do not misbehave Does not like yelling -Like throwing a hat -ball) to relieve pressure because it is funny "Like I was not doing something right" Treated unfairly, rules randomly enforced on family members only (Junior 1), was not even close to the wall (Ben 2) Bitter, seeking revenge turn As a teacher, -would use fear (as previously modeled) -would 1), punishment (this is the routine kids expect, the warning first) Feeling of longing, disappointment. . . . Instead, "He just told us to do what he wanted us to do." Table 4 (Continued) Good Bad Enjoys the program, although "there's teachers I Bored, unengaged (before and during conflict) don't like." Mad (questions teacher; Junior 1) - - Hurting a classmate (kicking in face with a (Amanda). Deviant, I "just tum back again." Opinions: -would -would do something if wanted done right (not rely on kids) Need fair warning Wants a warning (Junior not just straight to Wants to have discussion, wants teacher to ask them what they want to play (Ben 1), wants teacher to find out more facts (Junior 2) essence of the phenomenon. For example, in one instance, a participant denied in his individual interview that he had exhibited a certain behavior. My review of the field notes indicated that the participant did exhibit the behavior. I carefully studied the data and considered this discrepancy during the analysis. The difference of perspective about the behavior was influenced by my, the teacher's, and the participant's separate definitions of being "close to the wall" (Ben 2). I began to notice that youth could gain personal power in areas that were not clearly defined and that personal power was extremely important to youth. Audit Trail An audit trail was used, which is a record of procedures utilized during the course of the study (Marshall & Rossman, 1999). In the current study, data collection methods and analytic procedures were documented in the audit trail. Ethical Considerations The current study was approved by the University of Utah Institutional Review Board prior to data collection. All Institutional Review Board procedures were followed so as to ensure the ethical treatment of participants. Although the interviews were not designed to elicit responses that required counseling or revealed harmful behavior, I was aware that this could occur. A clear chain of action was outlined for these occurrences; in fact, 2 participants did take advantage of interview time to discuss problems at home. These issues were reported to the 60 allowed me to draw from a larger knowledge base when working to capture the when appropriate. Working with a group of adolescents who attend the same program brings with it a propensity for gossip and hurtful remarks. When focus groups met, they were reminded that all information was confidential and not to be shared with anyone outside the group. The facilitator was also sensitive not to let the participants share information that may later embarrass them. Essence of the Phenomenon would appear from the analysis of the data that the experience of conflict between the youth and their teachers is saturated with issues of power. The trying to gain back power, power of the youth in relation to their classmates, peer such as actions and words and those that cannot be controlled such as thoughts and feelings. Class conflict centers on individuals involved in the conflict, youth, and teachers, but it is also influenced by home environment and past experiences. Class conflict is the melding of past and future encounters for participants at a single moment in time. The time of conflict is a pivotal moment in which participants use their knowledge to create their future and define themselves and their space. The time of conflict is the coming together of two separate bodies and minds, each 61 program director, and efforts were made to match the participants with counselors, It experience of conflict includes the teachers' supreme power over youth, youth social structure, and power given to outside forces such as parents/guardians and program directors. Power in the physical activity setting includes a struggle for physical compliance and voice. Power encompasses things that can be controlled having their own ideas about what is right and how life in a physical activity setting should be. classroom ecology: (a) what will be taught, (b) where kids will stand, (c) how teams and groups will be formed, and (d) what will be the appropriate dress code. At the same time, these early adolescents are beginning the process of developing their self-identity. They have a life history that has begun to teach them how they want to be treated, what is fair, and whom they respect. They are starting to identify their feelings and embrace their personal goals. Youth-teacher conflict often begins in the classroom, with both sides trying to control the environment; yet, the voices of youth are eliminated from the process. Youth have opinions to share but no voice and no avenue with which to classroom. Youth express themselves mainly through physical actions. Many fear, or anger through noncompliance. When teachers present one way to conflict. Youth who express themselves are considered dissenters and are engaged in conflict if the teacher chooses to acknowledge their out-of-line behavior. At this point, conflict is marked by negotiation. This negotiation can be thought of as a dance in which the pair move apart, push and pull, give and take, and finally meet back together in a mutual agreement so that the class may continue. For example, 62 Youth enter a classroom owned by a teacher. The teacher is responsible for share them. However, they do have control over their own actions in the comply immediately with the teacher's instructions, but others express boredom, participate in class, those who comply are "good" and do not become involved in the physical adjustment as requested. It is a slight move; he says he "just moved a little bit up." His slight move is an act of defiance, but the teacher accepts it as a move and returns to teaching. The dance is a time when both have the power to escalate or de-escalate the conflict through their words or actions. The dance can end quickly in a truce ("I said okay" [Bob 1]) or can escalate when neither side is willing to give. During an escalation, the teacher has the power to dole out commands, make consequences, and threaten punishments ("She's all, like, if you don't open your legs, that's the last time you come [to the National Youth Sport Program]" [Ben 1]). The participant has the option to comply if he or she wants the conflict to end or to face the consequences. The routine of conflict is well scripted. Youth expect to have a series of warnings prior to getting in serious trouble and are surprised when teachers break from the routine ("I would've first warned him about the hat, and if he does it again, like messes with it, I would've told him to put it away" [Junior 1]). Participants did not view the teacher as a real threat but as a gatekeeper to higher powers. The teacher did not have actual power over things that mattered most to youth but did have power to appeal to a higher authority. The highest power is a parent or guardian ("I don't never get in big trouble. . . . Like, if she was going to call my grandma or something" [Mario]; "I actually have to do everything she [the teacher] says, . . . because if they call my mom, I'd get in trouble though. I don't want to get in trouble" [Ben 1]). If a conflict escalates to 63 the teacher quickly asks Ben 1 "not to lean on the wall." Arguably, Ben 1 makes trouble .... ... having access to freedom Group B: "They'd take my laptop away" [Bart]; "I get grounded" [Beez]; "You might get hit" [Smiley]). Teachers also had power over the participants' feelings. With their actions and words, teachers pushed the emotional buttons of the youth. This push set off a they did have power over their actions and reactions to the feelings. The choice of action for the youth included a decision either to challenge the teacher or back down ("I felt, like, pretty much, like, talking back or getting mad or angry, but I just did what he told me to do" [Junior 2]). Decisions were influenced by I cuz I always get in trouble for stuff I don't even do at home" [Ben 2]); patterns witnessed ("Last year they never did that. . . . I would kick me out, but they didn't" [Bob 5]); and raw emotion ("I got a little mad and like [said] 'Why?' or something" [Junior 1]). Participants dealt with a range of emotions. They felt useful and helpful to the teacher: and, like, people have been, like, bad and stuff, he gets mad and he has to yell sometimes. . . . Like, before, like, people were already, 64 this level, youth fear losing privileges that matter most such as games and toys, of movement, or being physically punished (from Focus BeezJ; charge of feelings, and although the youth did not have power over these feelings, 1 relationships with the teacher ("Maybe she was being nice. And, like, she gave me a lot of candy earlier" [Bob 4]); past experiences ("So, 1 get really mad sometimes 1 1 that .... They'd try to, like, scare you that they would kick you out, but they never did. Cuz 1 was there. They said they [I felt] good because, like, since he's been having a lot of classes sometimes .... like, being bad, and it could probably make them, like, get their attention or something. (Ben 2) They also felt entertained, okay, or unaffected by the conflict as well as embarrassed and trapped. The youth often experienced fear. The fear of escalating consequences was the most serious, but youth also feared how classmates viewed them and their place in the social structure of the group. Fear caused the youth to back down during the initial conflict and give in to the teacher. The youth were forced to agree and comply so as to keep teachers from bringing out serious consequences or higher powers ("[I was] scared. . . . He'd get really, really mad. Like, write one of those things up, . . . [then] I think you get suspended or something. . . . You wouldn't be able to come to [the] NYSP [National Youth Sport Program]" [Bob 3]). None of the youth wanted to get in serious trouble; consequently, they all backed down before reaching that consequence. However, backing down left the youth feeling robbed of personal power, and they sometimes sought revenge and took action to shift the balance of power back to them. They wanted to upset the teacher, throw things, or injure classmates to relieve their frustrations ("I was thinking of, like, kicking it [the soccer ball] and then, like, hitting somebody in the face" [Bob 3]). Participants longed to be a part of a conversation with teachers, to voice opinions, and to speak up for themselves; but they were never engaged. They struggled with a lack of skill and opportunity to express themselves. Feeling trapped (i.e., having no voice and having no venue to express themselves) forced the youth to react in passive-aggressive ways. Participants openly admitted 65 scared .... ... 1 something .... teacher in attempts to gain back some personal power (" I was trying to make fun towards the teacher allowed the youth to feel better as they shifted the balance of power back toward themselves. Maintaining this power balance was critical to youth and influenced feelings about the outcome of the situation and feelings Participants' feelings toward their teacher were also linked to efforts of teacher engagement. Although teachers never verbally engaged the youth successfully about the conflicts, they did engage them in nonverbal ways. A smile, laugh, or pleasant tone allowed the youth to feel safe, have a certain openness, and be acknowledged. When youth felt respected by the teacher in these ways, their overall description of the conflict was positive. In some instances, positive engagement allowed the youth decision to de-escalate a conflict or see the conflict as useful to a teacher who class: and, like, people have been, like, bad and stuff, he gets mad and he has to yell sometimes. . . . Like, before, like, people were already, like, being bad, and it could probably make them, like, get their attention or something. (Ben 2) 66 purposefully causing multiple disruptions during class and making fun of the of him [the teacher] by following him" [Bob 3]). This passive-aggressive behavior toward their teacher. of voice was a gateway to good feelings ("Like, [using] a calm voice, like, kind of keep it low or whatever" [Amanda]). These actions to foster feelings of empathy and understanding toward the teacher. Youth made a needed to blow off steam or use the participant to set an example for the rest of the [I felt] good because, like, since he's been having a lot of classes sometimes .... The purpose of this study was to examine early adolescents' perceptions of the conflict experience with teachers in a physical activity setting. The two questions that guided this study were as follows: (a) What is the experience of early adolescents who have conflict with their teachers in a physical activity setting? and (b) What are early adolescents' perceptions of how that conflict is negotiated? Chapter 4 detailed the results of the study and culminated in the essence of the conflict phenomenon as experienced by the youth. The essence of the conflict phenomenon wove together the two research questions. This chapter addresses the two research questions and compares the results with the existing literature. This chapter also provides a discussion with regard to the implications and suggestions for future research as well as the limitations of these findings. phenomenon: (a) experiences of the youth who had conflict in the physical activity setting and (b) their perceptions of the conflict negotiation. Although I attempted to address the research questions separately, it was evident that the two questions CHAPTER 5 FINDINGS, IMPLICATIONS AND SUGGESTIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH, AND LIMITATIONS Findings The research questions attempted to tease out two aspects of the experience, and the experience always included a negotiation period. Thus, to explain the experience and the negotiation separately, I defined the time in which the teacher and youth were talking to each other and trying to agree on an outcome to the conflict as the period of negotiation (The Oxford ESL Dictionary, 2004). The experience was made up of all other components of the interaction, including the participants' actions and classroom environment. Negotiation was determined to be the verbal portion of the phenomenon, and the remaining nonverbal elements comprised the experience. The themes that emerged from this work were consistent across nonverbal and verbal experiences. Power emerged as the major theme influencing this work. Power manifested itself in many ways and included (a) the teacher's power over the students, (b) the youths' limited power in the classroom environment, (c) the lack of youths' power during the conflict, and (d) the power that outside factors had over the experience. Under the main theme of power, respect emerged as a subtheme. These themes are discussed in the following sections. Power and Experience: Nonverbal Both interviews and observations for this study demonstrated the role that power plays in the experience of early adolescents who have conflicts with their teachers in physical activity settings. In fact, much of the relationship between power and experience may be explained by an examination of the overall classroom environment observed. The standard classroom environment was 68 overlapped in many ways. Negotiation was a large part of the overall conflict room until they were dismissed. The absolute power given to teachers created a setting in which youth struggled with not having a formal voice or opportunity for input. Ben 1 said his teacher "didn't give me any options, she just said I had to do it. . . ." This lack of choice and voice led some youth to resort to physical action and passive-aggressive retaliation so as to display their points of view. After trying to discuss a problem with a teacher and quickly being told to "turn around," Junior 1 admitted, "We were like kinda playing around. . . . We were like following him and joking around." In this way, noncompliance and acting out were used as a way to express disapproval. When talking about why they did not comply, youth often mentioned their dislike for the activity or environment. "It [plie], like, wasn't that much fun cuz he had you do that thingy when you go down-the [plie]" (Randy). "I didn't want to participate cuz I wanted to go home and play Game Boy, . . . cuz it's fun" (Bob 2). Efforts to change the pace or direction of the class were also mentioned as reasons not to comply with teachers' directions. Youth wanted to influence their own enjoyment levels. "Usually, everybody thinks I'm funny. . . . It causes a big distraction. . . . I just do it for fun" (Mario DiVinci). Some did not feel comfortable with the selected activity. "I don't even want to play that game cuz I almost got stepped on and I was mad, so [I] did not follow directions" (Ben 1). designed to give teachers full command from the moment students entered the 69 it .... " around .... down-the funny .... . . 1 1 hat. . . ." consciously used passive-aggressive actions such as acting out or not following directions as a way to gain a voice in the classroom. These actions often led to the youth-teacher negotiation period. In fact, some students admitted committing more disruptive actions as a way to show dissatisfaction with negotiation outcomes. After one negotiation experience, Bob 3 said he "was trying to make fun of him [the teacher] by following him," which is similar to the tactic Junior 1 used. A review of the existing literature on programs for youth, both in and out of a school setting, suggested that most program environments are highly controlled by adults with little opportunity for youth expression (Buchanan, 2001; & & work encourages adult leaders to create an atmosphere in which youth take responsibility for themselves by using the taking personal and social responsibility of the taking personal and social responsibility model is to encourage youth to recognize their own behaviors and set personal goals using a six-level construct. The second goal responsibility in youth. Some of the components for creating this atmosphere include youth assessment counseling time. However, even programs that attempt to utilize the taking personal and social responsibility model's concepts struggle to make the most of the model (Buchanan). 70 Although some students seemed to be unintentionally involved in conflict with their teachers (e.g., "I accidentally dropped my hat .... " [Junior 1]), most Cothran Ennis, 1997; Vogler Bishop, 1990). However, Hellison's (1995) model. The first goal is to create an environment that fosters of lessons, an opportunity for youth to make choices, and (Buchanan, 2001; Cothran & the administration and could handle their own conflicts; therefore, teachers tended to avoid conflict by teaching only what they thought students would do (Cothran & Ennis). Yet, students interviewed in the Cothran and Ennis study believed they did not have choices. "It's like we're forced to do something we don't like" (p. 545) and had to do what the teachers wanted so as to pass the class. Cothran and Ennis noted that although students have no formal power in the in-school settings studied, they used their informal power in ways similar to the youth in the current out-of-school study. Both groups of students learned to slow the pace of class and to use nonparticipation and disruptions as passive-aggressive tools. Conversely, Cothran and Ennis noted that youth would "reward" teachers by complying with their requests when they chose activities the students liked. Students in the current study also rewarded teachers by participating without hesitation when they enjoyed an activity. Power was the major emergent theme for the negotiation phase of the phenomenon as well. Observations and interviews conducted for this study suggest that youth had little power during the conflict negotiation and that teachers actually tightened their power over the youth as they tried to regain control of the situation. Youth were not given a chance to participate in the negotiation but were managed 71 The literature also suggested that teachers who maintain control of both classrooms and out-of-school programs were more positively viewed by their peers Ennis, 1997). "Good" teachers needed less help from out -of­school Power and Negotiation: Verbal request. "She didn't give me any options, she just said I had to do it. . . . " (Ben down. . . . " take it anymore and he just told us to run five more laps. . . . " (Junior 2). Most did not even try to speak. "I just listen to what they say" (Amanda), or "Just did what I was told to do" (Junior 2). "I felt like, pretty much like talking back or getting mad or angry, but I just did what he told me to" (Junior 2). During this study, all of the youth eventually submitted to the teacher and were allowed to return A subtheme that emerged during the negotiation was the influence of higher powers. This subtheme directly affected the decision-making processes of the youth as they negotiated the conflict. Higher powers were considered anyone who could take away privileges that mattered the most to the youth. Most of these were out of program privileges controlled by parents or guardians because "at home there could be more consequences" (Mario DiVinci). Mario spoke about his conflict as being "like one of those ppphhh . . . quick situations," just a warning. He did not worry about those types of interactions unless the teacher "was going to call my grandma or something, cuz then I get grounded." Ben 1 said he had "to do everything she [the teacher] says, . . . trouble though. I during the conflict focus group discussion, Randy said that "your parents actually punish you," and Mario added that teachers "can't take something from you. . . . with threats and escalating consequences until they submitted to the teacher's 1 ... " 72 1). "She said if you don't behave, you can sit down .... " (Bob 1). "He couldn't laps .... " 1 1 to class. ... 1 ... because if they call my mom, I'd get in 1 don't want to get in trouble." When asked to explain this further you .... agreed. Bart said his parents would "take my laptop away," Beez said she would "get grounded," and Smiley said she might even "get hit" if someone from the program called home about a problem. The program director was also seen as a higher power who had access to parents or guardians at home. Whereas most conflicts with teachers were just warnings, a visit with the program director was seen as a more serious infraction. Bob 4 noted that the teacher told him he was "going to have to go tell [the program director] that [he] kicked the soccer ball over [the wall]." Junior 1 recalled that when the teacher was talking to him, he knew "he wasn't joking" and it was "like he was gonna send me to [the program director] or something." Reviewed literature suggested that conflict negotiation between youth and teachers in this study were similar to negotiations in school settings. Both youth in the current study and students in previous studies experienced brief interactions problem-solving effort (Flavier et al., 2002; Vogler & Bishop, 1990). Flavier et al. noted that teachers in their school physical education class acted in an authoritarian manner. When students did not submit to their request, teachers in the Flavier et al. study followed up with escalating consequences in the same way that the physical activity leaders in the present study did. Teachers in the current study and the Flavier et al. study also rarely failed to persuade students to submit to their power. Flavier et al. also hinted at the influence of higher powers as an important They can't really like do anything." Participants in the nonconflict focus group 73 with teachers and were unlikely to be engaged by the teacher in a lengthy problem­solving 74 the teacher because yell. . . . scares me more than any punishment" (Flavier et al., p. 31). Power and Respect relating to both the experience and the negotiation, was respect. Feelings of respect were intertwined with emotional feelings about the overall phenomenon. Youths' feelings about the experience varied. Some, like Bob felt embarrassed about the conflict and added feeling "like I was silly" (Randy) or and Bob 1 said, "I just made [things] worse." Others felt upset. "You know how Junior him. . . . I like, hitting somebody in the face [with the soccer ball]." Conversely, Ben 2 since he's [the teacher], been having a lot of classes and, like, people have been, like, bad and stuff, he gets mad and he has to yell sometimes." In each instance, feelings seemed to be related to overall feelings of respect or the level of caring the teacher exhibited for the youth. Teachers demonstrated respect in verbal and nonverbal ways. Amanda explained how teachers can be 74 consideration to students in the school setting. One student admitted submitting to "if I get expelled, my dad's going to really yell .... That A major subtheme of power that was prevalent throughout the entire work, 1, felt "okay" about the conflict and said he was treated "with respect [even though] she was angry." Many 1 "kind of bad" (Amanda). Some felt guilty. Mario said, "I could've been better," people don't like to get forced into doing stuff" (Ben 1), or they were angry like 1, "I just felt like taking off his hat and throwing it near the bench," and Bob 3, "I felt like kicking him .... 1 was thinking of, like, kicking it and then, displayed empathy towards the teacher, explaining that he felt "good because, like, whatever." Bob 2 did not believe the teacher was respectful "cuz she was yelling." However, Bob 3 believed his teacher "was being nice. And, like, she gave me a lot of candy earlier." Youth interviewed for both conflict and nonconflict focus groups were well versed in the conflict experience and knew its patterns either from witnessing or being involved in previous conflict at home or school. They knew how many warnings an offender should receive, how a teacher would escalate consequences, and how far they could push a conflict before they got into real trouble. Part of feeling respected was related to the teachers following this conflict script or dance. When steps were skipped, youth, like Mario speaking in his focus group, felt cheated. "Like, she didn't give him a warning; she just said that he couldn't come back until today." Following the script seemed to be part of a shared power of knowing what to expect during conflict. Previous literature on out-of-school programs suggested that youths' relationships to leaders and the setup of the classroom environment influence youths' overall program enjoyment and commitment to attending noncompulsory programs (Debusk & Hellison, 1989; Schilling, 2001). It has also been noted that adolescents, particularly those in urban settings, need to feel respected (Watson et al., 2003). Watson et al. examined Hellison's (1995) values-based constructs in an out-of-school program and found a positive correlation between campers who followed the taking personal and social responsibility model's concepts and respect 75 "nice and stuff like that" by using "a calm voice, like, kind of keep it low or out -for leaders. The more closely campers followed the concepts, the more likely they were to respect their leaders. However, the literature reviewed did not discuss how the individual students felt about respect in their classrooms. It could be assumed that respect has a lot to do with youths' feelings about teachers and the environment, but it was not examined specifically. Implications and Suggestions for Future Research In accordance with the phenomenological paradigm and critical theory perspective used for this study, this section draws on the findings to suggest implications and practical applications for practitioners. This section also suggests areas in which further research would be beneficial. Changing Classroom Ecology Each of the themes that emerged in this study centered on power. For youth, power often manifested as a lack of voice and opportunity. Previous in-school studies suggest that teachers have not been willing to give up enough control in their classrooms so as to empower youth (Buchanan, 2001; Cothran & Ennis, 1997). This dynamic of trying to control student behavior creates an environment in which teachers are responsible for students rather than students being responsible for themselves (Buchanan). Practitioners could work to change this dynamic by creating a new classroom ecology. Out-of-school programs could choose to empower youth by 76 for leaders. The more closely campers followed the concepts, the more likely they were to respect their leaders. However, the literature reviewed did not discuss how the individual students felt about respect in their classrooms. It could be assumed that respect has a lot to do with youths' feelings about teachers and the environment, but it was not examined specifically. in­school programming. Given the option, youth may choose activities that are more relevant to their lives such as hosting a dance party after attending weeks of dance lessons. Controlled options in the classroom such as offering youth choices of equipment to complete a task, allowing them to decide among a variety of activities to gain a specific skill, or even giving them passes to opt out provide youth with the opportunity to have the power and voice they seek. Dealing With Conflict Although a high teacher-to-student ratio is helpful when addressing classroom conflict, it is not always practical given program funding. Teachers can, to act as leader during the conflict experience. Higher Powers Teachers interviewed for the Cothran and Ennis (1997) study believed that "good" teachers are viewed as those who do not have any discipline problems, 77 creating a more open environment, one uniquely crafted for each community. By creating youth advisory boards, practitioners could offer youth more say in overall anlong of activities on occasion may however, involve youth in decisions about how classroom conflict can be resolved. Creative solutions include allowing youth to set classroom rules and to decide how these rules will be enforced or allowing youth to employ a spokesperson or lawyer who can argue a dispute calmly on their behalf. In addition, rather than feeling rushed in the moment, teachers could decide to address a problem more fully with the youth during an activity break. Having options in place will allow the teacher teachers valued classroom control ove